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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Rentier state'
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1
Cardin, Philippe. "Rentierism and the rentier state : a comparative examination." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69550.
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This thesis proposes to challenge the assumption that a particular mode of politics known as rentierism is common to all rentier states. We assert that the successful emergence of rentierism is dependent on specific factors in the pre-rentier state period. To support our claim we examine and analyze three modern day rentier states; Iran, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela. These case studies allow us to demonstrate that the pattern we call rentierism is not common to all rentier states the mode of politics in both Venezuela and Iran differs significantly from that of Saudi Arabia, the literature's embodiment of rentierism. Moreover, analysis and comparison of the pre-rentier state period for all three cases allows us to propose specific pre-rentier state factors which, we suggest, are essential for the successful emergence of rentierism.
2
Farfán-Mares, Gabriel. "Non-embedded autonomy : the political economy of Mexico’s rentier state, 1970–2010." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/247/.
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Due to its competitive political system and strong non-oil export capacity, Mexico is not considered an oil Rentier State. Yet, the consistent and intensive use of crude oil has fundamentally altered the trajectory of its political economy. State institutions, which had consistently relied on oil rents to finance their operations, tend to preserve social stability and political consensus rather than promote development. The central bureaucracy’s need to control oil rent strengthens and reinforces the role of budgetary institutions within politics and administration. Budget institutions provide the government with an inordinate degree of discretion to allocate the budget, a capacity that supports the State’s political legitimation and helps to overcome economic turmoil. Paradoxically, oil produces a policy curse that reinforces the State’s socio-political embeddedness at the expense of its economic leverage. Thus, undermining the incentives for public officials to tax and deliver expenditure quality, thereby deepening the State’s detachment from normal economic behaviour. Oil rent maximization serves to increase the size and cost of public employment and the magnitude of transfers and subsidies at the expense of gross fixed public investment, the maturation of a merit-based bureaucracy, and the Legislature’s role in controlling the Executive. In addition, rents short-term logic is inimical to the country’s long-term strategic planning because they do not provide public and sectoral policies with a sound financial basis. Rentier behaviour is enforced within the State apparatus by a structure of incentives where budgeteers and elected officials are largely exempted, given budgetary secrecy and discretion, to make enforceable and accountable commitments. In order to provide for valid causal inferences and increase explanatory leverage, research findings are supported by a comprehensive use of quantitative and qualitative primary sources (period 1970-2010) as well as pertinent comparative observations from other oil endowed States. Finally, by considering Mexico an outlier, this research refines some of the theoretical and methodological insights of the available literature on rentier States.
3
Pourghadiri, Bahram Esfahani. "Inequality and the rentier state : vertical and horizontal inequality patterns in Iran." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2012. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/17359/.
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4
Haji-Yousefi, Amir M. (Amir Mohammad) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "The political economy of development in a rentier state: Iran 1962-78." Ottawa, 1995.
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5
Sune, Engin. "Defining The Different: A Critical Analysis Of The Rentier, Failed And Rogue State Theories." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614468/index.pdf.
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This thesis focuses on three state theories that aim to define the structures of the Third World states by the West. The terms of the &lsquorentier&rsquo
, &lsquo
failed&rsquo
and &lsquo
rogue&rsquo
states are critically examined in an attempt to understand how they define the difference, how they negate the different, and how they legitimize certain policies towards the different. By concentrating on the liberal theorizing that analyzes the state on the basis of the claimed civil society-state divide, and from an orientalist perspective, this study aims to demonstrate that these state theories refuse the possibility of transformation of those states by their own internal dynamics. It is argued that with the help of such discourses, rather than being simple theoretical constructs these state theories have become functional means to legitimize certain historical practices.
6
Reaves, Ashley P. "Modernization and Rentier State Theories at the Subnational Level| An Analysis of Democratization in the Mexican States." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1606828.
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Analyzing the factors involved in subnational democratization and the continuity of subnational undemocratic regimes existing under national democratic systems is an essential step in understanding and improving the quality of subnational democracy. While scholars have recently given increased attention to subnational democratization, research remains limited by the lack of systematic attempts to explain the survival of subnational undemocratic regimes through large-n analyses. Based on a subnational application of national-level modernization and rentier state theories, this thesis contributes to the current literature by providing a conceptualization and measurement of democracy in all Mexican states and by examining the relationships between subnational democratization, economic development, and fiscal autonomy. Hypotheses are tested using panel data from 1989-2011, with electoral data from gubernatorial races. The results show no statistically significant relationship between subnational democratization and economic development or between subnational democratization and fiscal autonomy in the Mexican states.
7
Alnafisi, Saleh. "Critical perspectives on the evolution of a rentier constitutional state : Kuwait, 1950-1962." Thesis, Durham University, 2013. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6358/.
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The political economies of the oil rich GCC countries are generally contextualized within the framework of rentier state theory. The picture the theory portrays is that of an autonomous state with abundant revenues generated from oil which are in turn distributed to the larger population to gain political legitimacy within prevailing non-democratic cultures. Albeit having a democratically elected parliament with a vibrant political environment for a comparatively long time, rentierism is also applied to the political economy of Kuwait. This study, hence, aims to explore the development of Kuwait into a rentier constitutional state beyond the generally accepted notions put forward by rentier state theory. Its focus is to understand the perceptions and ideas behind the economic and political policy decisions in the context of the oil boom of the 1950s and early 1960s. Economically, therefore, the main aim is to explore and critically analyze why distributive policies, which constitute a main feature characterizing the country’s economy, were initiated in the post-oil era. The study also critically analyzes the diverse influences oil had on the concurrent rise in political activity and direction towards democratization, crowned by the framing of the constitution in 1962. In examining these developments, the study stresses the importance of looking not only at internal factors, but also at foreign and international influences that are brought about by oil booms. In the case of Kuwait, these include the primary role Britain played, in light of its oil interests, in the country’s internal affairs, and the ways in which oil sparked, for a small and newly rich Arab state, international dynamics that shaped the thinking of policymakers as to the importance of undertaking certain crucial reforms. An examination of the relevant archival record makes it is clear that the framework provided by rentier state theory is insufficient in capturing the complex factors that influence the economic and political decisions of policymakers in countries experiencing oil booms. The findings, therefore, challenge rentier state theory’s core assumptions, such as its stress on ‘political utility’ as the main, if not sole, driver of socioeconomic policy, and the ‘materialistic approach’ in which political activity is contextualized. The study shows that much of the socioeconomic policies that created what is referred to as a ‘distributive state’ stemmed from much deeper influences than those postulated by the theory, such as certain perceptions of tradition and culture; views of citizen ‘rights’ and social justice in a specific historical context; and influences of social currents overtaking the region at the time. Furthermore, the study demonstrates how, in the period concerned, contrary to the position of the rentier state literature, oil played a significant role in the democratization of Kuwait, transforming it from a primitive patriarchal autocracy to a modern ‘rentier constitutional state’. The latter embodies, as the study argues, the concept of a rentier state combined with a constitutional form of government in which citizens are directly involved in the economic and political decision-making process. The study concludes that Eurocentric theoretical frameworks as expressed in rentier state theory may not always be sufficient in explaining the complex realities of countries such as Kuwait. There is a need, therefore, for a new approach that engages directly with the internal and external dynamics of individual countries in order to understand their respective political economies beyond assumptions imported largely from foreign experiences.
8
Prokop, Michaela Alexandra Kerstin. "Political economy of fiscal crisis in a rentier state : case study of Saudia Arabia." Thesis, Durham University, 1999. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1473/.
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9
Al-Dekhayel, Abdullkarim Hamoud. "The state and political legitimation in an oil-rentier economy : Kuwait as a case study." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.276502.
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10
Atalay, Yasemin. "Understanding The Role Of Renewable Energy In A Rentier State: The Example Of United Arab Emirates." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613289/index.pdf.
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The overall purpose of this thesis can be put as the search for the prospects of the establishment of a renewable energy paradigm in a conventional example of an oil-rich state. The sample actor of the oil paradigm is chosen as the United Arab Emirates, as it represents the overall character of the Arab Gulf region, as well as being an appropriate example of what is termed as the &lsquorentier state&rsquo
. Within this framework, firstly it is aimed to shed light on the negative impacts of the oil paradigm in terms of economic problems, social imbalances, and environmental consequences. Secondly, it is sought to answer the question of what has been done for the incorporation of a renewable energy policies into various aspects of Emirati governance, ever since the country&rsquo
s independence in 1971. Thirdly, the causal relationship between the country&rsquo
s renewable energy policies and certain positive outcomes will be highlighted. This thesis would be informative to show whether United Arab Emirates could be a model for other rentier states of the region and beyond, towards the embracing of renewable energy paradigm in the face of depleting oil resources.
11
Nosova, Anastasia. "The merchant elite and parliamentary politics in Kuwait : the dynamics of business political participation in a rentier state." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3445/.
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When applied to the Gulf region in general and Kuwait more specifically, the rentier state theory stipulates that the political relations between state and business are determined by the rent. Thus, business essentially ceases to represent a strong political force and withdraws from the formal political field in exchange for wealth provided by the state. However, the evidence from Kuwait’s recent history suggests that there is great variation between the patterns of political engagement in Kuwait’s merchant families. Some families have been continuously active in the country’s parliamentary politics and political field more broadly; their political action has not always been pro-government and, in general, the merchant community in Kuwait still possesses powerful means to negotiate government distribution patterns and to influence political decisionmaking. Thus, the main research question posed in the Thesis is the following: why do we observe merchants’ active political engagement in Kuwait counter to the prediction of the rentier state theory, and what can explain the variation of merchants’ political activity? The Thesis will analyse and compare Kuwait business politics along the dichotomies of passive versus active engagement and voice versus loyalty towards the government. Through this analysis I will define the factors which explain why some merchant families engage in parliamentary politics, while others do not, and why at times the merchant community allies with the opposition, and at others with the government. I will further examine what impact this political engagement by business has on the country’s economic reform policies. The analysis will establish that, although rent matters, the political action of business in Kuwait and its variation is defined by the country’s semi-parliamentary political system, while factors such as rent-seeking, ascriptive features, relations with the ruling powers and the changing nature of the country’s political field are essential intervening variables.
12
Elsenhans, Hartmut. "Rentierstaat Algerien : Realität vs. konstruierte Wirklichkeit." Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6046/.
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Vor 50 Jahren löste sich Algerien nach langem Kampf endgültig aus dem französischen Kolonialreich. Die anschließend durchgeführten Wirtschaftsreformen konnten das Land aber nicht befrieden, weil sie keine effektive Nutzung der Rente verwirklichten. Bis heute ist die Wirtschaft des Landes wenig diversifiziert und stark von Erdöleinnahmen abhängig. Ist eine exportorientierte Industrialisierung als Lösung der Probleme denkbar?
13
Shoaga, Olabisi. "La responsabilité sociale des entreprises au Nigéria depuis la crise des Ogonis : de la réalité au discours." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0069/document.
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La Responsabilité Sociale des Entreprises (RSE) contemporaine au Nigériaest née de la crise des Ogonis dans les années 1990. Shell et d’autres compagniespétrolières, opérant dans le Delta du Niger, ont essayé de préserver leur réputation à lasuite de la crise, en se présentant comme des acteurs socialement sensibles. Depuis lors,la RSE est devenue une pratique et une politique courante dans les principaux secteurs del’activité économique nationale. Sa mise en oeuvre se traduit principalement par descontributions au développement local à travers la mise à disposition des infrastructuressocio-économiques de base. D'autres dimensions de la RSE ont été largement ignorées etrestent inappliquées. Pourtant, les entreprises, notamment les compagnies pétrolièresmultinationales, en reconnaissent d'autres aspects. Cette recherche examine donc lesraisons de cette disparité entre la conceptualisation et la mise en oeuvre de RSE dans lepays. Elle suggère que la RSE au Nigéria n’est pas seulement conditionnée par le cadrenormatif international et le contexte institutionnel local, mais aussi par les objectifs desacteurs impliquésThe Ogoni crisis of the 1990s marked the debut of contemporary CorporateSocial Responsibility (CSR) in Nigeria. Shell and other oil companies operating in the NigerDelta tried to salvage their tarnished reputation in the wake of the crisis by presentingthemselves as socially responsive actors. Since then there has been a remarkableexpansion in CSR activities in the all key economic sectors of the country. These haveprincipally focused on contributing to local development through the provision of basicsocioeconomic infrastructures. Other dimensions of CSR have been largely ignored andremain unapplied. Yet enterprises, especially multinational oil companies, acknowledge thatthere are other aspects. This study examines the reasons for this disparity between theconceptualisation and the implementation of CSR in the country. This study suggests thatthe CSR is not only determined by contextual/institutional factors (local and international)but also by the objectives of actors involved
14
Baroudi, Noujoud. "Une étude du capitalisme libanais : un mode de coordination destructive ?" Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2007/document.
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Un « mode de coordination » est un concept qui définit l’interaction entre les rapports sociaux et l’économie. Celle-ci, qui ne peut pas être séparée du politique, se développe grâce au fonctionnement des différentes formes institutionnelles. Plusieurs modes de coordination ont été identifiés par la littérature, à savoir, le « mode de coordination par le marché », le « mode de coordination éthique » et le « mode de coordination bureaucratique ». Vahabi (2010) a introduit un nouveau type de coordination qu’il a nommé : « mode de coordination destructive ». Celui-ci privilège la violence et les moyens coercitifs dans les relations sociales et assure une allocation appropriative des ressources. Vahabi présente la République iranienne comme un exemple-type du « mode de coordination destructive » étant donné son capitalisme rentier et la corruption de son système politique dans la gestion des ressources. Nous nous intéressons, dans ce travail de recherche, à étudier dans quelle mesure le cas du Liban peut être analysé à la lumière de ce mode de coordination destructiveA « mode of coordination » is a concept that define the interaction between social relations and economy. The latter, which cannot be separated from politics, develops through the functioning of different institutional forms. Several methods of coordination have been identified in the literature, namely, the « market mode of coordination », the « ethics mode of coordination » and the « bureaucratic mode coordination mode ». Vahabi (2010) introduced a new type of coordination that he called it: the "destructive mode of coordination." This mode privilege violence and coercive means in social relations and provides an appropriate allocation of resources. Vahabi present Iranian Republic as a typical example of "destructive mode of coordination" because of the nature of its capitalism and corruption of its political system in the management of resources. We are interested in this research, to examine to what extent the case of Lebanon can be analyzed as a destructive mode of coordination
15
Shaw, Dallas Eugene Jr. "Harsh and Philanthropic War: U.S. Success and Failure in Third Party Counterinsurgency." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/89927.
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Before 1950, the United States intervened in large scale counterinsurgencies twice as often and intervened almost exactly as long as interventions after 1950. Yet, U.S. supported states developed before 1950 tended to survive an average thirty years after U.S. withdrawal. In contrast, U.S. supported states after 1950 have tended to survive only three years. The central question of this examination is why did U.S. military counterinsurgency (COIN) interventions before 1950 produce host-nation governments and host nation security forces that tended to endure ten times longer than interventions after 1950?
My central argument is that when the U.S. military deeply embeds within and inhabits host-nation institutions (institution inhabiting strategies) then, state longevity improves in the course of counterinsurgency (COIN) interventions. Inversely, when the U.S. military employs strategies of lower embeddedness (institution influencing strategies) then, state longevity decreases in the course of counterinsurgency (COIN) interventions. I compare cases of intervention in tabula rasa or erased governance in the Philippines 1898-1913 and Iraq 2003-2010. The former employed high degrees of embeddedness in both governance and security development and the latter low degrees in both. I also compare cases of intervention in existing governance in Nicaragua 1912-1933 and Vietnam 1964-1972. The former employed a high degree of embeddedness in host-nation security force development and a low degree in host-nation government development while and the latter employed low degrees in both. My research finds a correlation between degree of embeddedness in developing security and governance and state longevity after withdrawal of U.S. forces.
The implications for this study are salient today. Where state fragility has progressed to the point where intervention by conventional military force is required to arrest it, institution influencing strategies like Advise and Assist are insufficient. And while trusteeship forms of relation have been largely dismissed since decolonization, the apparent efficaciousness of neo-trusteeships and shared sovereignty relationships in places like Kosovo, East Timor, and Sierra Leone hold out the promise of more effectual strategies for state building in counterinsurgency interventions.PHD
16
Petenko, Vladimir. "Den första petropolitiska lagen : en statistisk analys av ett högre råoljepris och demokratisk utveckling hos ett antal petropolitiska stater." Thesis, Mid Sweden University, Department of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-191.
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Syftet med undersökningen var att med hjälp av lämpliga statistiska metoder testa det så kallade ”Första petropolitiska lagen” med vilket menas en negativ korrelation mellan priset på råolja och graden av friheten hos petropolitiska länder. Med stöd av ett lämplig teoretisk referensram och diskussion över de kausala mekanismerna, har en hypotes över sambandet tagits fram. Trettio tre petropolitiska stater har identifierats vilket omfattar hela populationen. Demokratiska friheter och priset på råolja har definierats och omvandlats till en kvantifierbar form och sedan testats statistiskt. Samtliga variabler har kodats i form av tidsserieobservationer och en paneldata har konstruerats innehållande totalt 939 årliga observationer för de trettio tre petropolitiska länder. Den aggregerade sambandet över hela populationen har testats med en OLE regressionsanalys med så kallad ”first-order” autokorrelation med panelspecifika standardavvikelser. Den första petropolitiska lagen har även testats individuellt för varje petropolitisk land som ingick i urvalet. Erhållen resultat från aggregerat regressionsanalys tyder på att det föreligger ett svagt, med 95 % statistiskt signifikant, positiv samband mellan den beroende och den oberoende variabeln. När sambandet testades enskilt för varje land, har endast 16 av 33 länder fått signifikanta korrelationsnivåer. Fem av länder visade en negativ samband medan elva länder visade en positiv samband mellan beroende och oberoende variabler. Hypotesen har därmed kunnat falsifieras. Förklaringsgraden, samt autokorrelationsproblem tyder dock på att en mer omfattande analys krävs för att kunna säkerställa erhållna resultat.
The purpose of this study was to, with proper statistical methods, investigate so called ”The First Law of Petropolitics”. The First Law of Petropolitics postulates that there exists a negative correlation between price of oil and pace of freedom in the oil-rich petrolist states. A hypothesis has been formulated based on appropriate theoretical references and a discussion about its causal mechanisms. Thirty three petropolist states have been identified which comprises the whole population. The pace of freedom and the price of oil has been defined and transformed into a quantifiable measure and tested statistically. Variables were coded into a time-series panel-data form which included 939 annual observations for those thirty three petrolist states. The aggregated correlation between dependent and independent variables has been tested with an OLE regression analysis with so called “first-order autocorrelation with panel-specific standard errors”. The first law of petropolitics also has been individually tested for each petrolist state. The results from the aggregate regression suggest that there exists a weak, with 95 % statistically significant, positive correlation between a dependent and an independent variables. When each petrolist state has been regressed individually the results showed that only 16 of 33 states had significant levels of correlation. Five of those states had a negative correlation, while other eleven states had a positive correlation. The hypothesis has therefore been falsified. The low R2 –value obtained in both tests and autocorrelation problems suggest that a further investigation of the First Law of Petropolitics is necessary in order to secure the obtained results.
17
Abba, Gana Souleymane. "Economie des guerres civiles : analyse économique des conflits armés intra-étatiques en Afrique Occidentale." Thesis, Artois, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010ARTO0103.
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Les guerres civiles en Afrique sont multiples, désastreuses et multicausales. Cependant les analyses privilégient fréquemment les causes identitaires liées à l‟ethnique ou à des faits historiques. Il est proposé ici, une analyse différente par une approche économique. Si au sens de l‟économie classique ou néoclassique, les ressources naturelles sont une dotation constituant un avantage absolu ou comparatif, en Afrique, elles contribuent à alimenter les guerres intra-étatiques pénalisant ainsi tout effort de développement. L‟exploitation d‟uranium au Niger, loin de permettre une performance économique grâce aux revenus qu‟elle génère, représente a contrario une double source de « malédiction » : Conforme au « syndrome hollandais » accompagné de la médiocrité économique qui le caractérise mais constitue également un enjeu autour duquel se fonde la rébellion arméeThe civil wars in Africa are multiple, disastrous and multicausal. However analyses privilege frequently the identical causes connected to the ethnic or to the historic facts. It is proposed here, a different analysis by an economic approach. If in the sense of the classic or neo-classic economy, natural resources are an endowment constituting an absolute or comparative advantage, in Africa, they contribute to feed the intra-state wars punishing any effort of development. The exploitation of uranium in Niger, far from allowing an economic performance thanks to the income which it generates, represents a double source of "curse": in compliance with the "dutch disease" accompanied with the economic mediocrity which characterizes it but also constitutes a stake in which bases the armed rebellion
18
Akyuz, Zeynep Ceren. "Evolution Of Oil Politics In Iraq From The 20th Century Onwards." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613778/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the Iraqi politics of oil in the period from 20 th century onwards. Within this regard, while &ldquorentier state&rdquo
conception is generally put under consideration to understand the state&rsquo
s centrality in political, economic and social spheres of oil &ndash
producing countries, contrary to this conventional approach,this thesis argues that the key to all achievements and all failures of Iraqi state is related to the status of oil in Iraq&rsquo
s engagement with the superpowers and the attractiveness of Iraqi oil for other external actors like international non-state actors and multinational companies. In the first instance, the engagement of Britain and later on, the inclusion of the U.S to the national, regional and international affairs of Iraq are discussed within the boundaries of the aforementioned argument. The role of oil in the creation of the state, in its relations with neighbour countries and in relations conducted with the super powers of the international system is analyzed. Within this context, in the aftermath of the September 11, the U.S&rsquo
s intense desires for regime change in Iraq is analyzed to reveal that the main motivation behind the invasion of Iraq in 2003 is related with the country&rsquo
s vast oil resources. In the similar vein, the developments in the post- invasion period are analyzed to indicate the prevailing prominent role of oil. Eventually, this thesis states that even though changes and continuities occur in the course of time and accordingly divergences and convergences exist in the implementations of the Iraqi state, the issue of guaranteeing the flow of oil at reasonable price has remained in the focal point of the external interventions to Iraq.
19
Ikeatuegwu, Chidubem Andrew. "Academic entrepreneurship in petroleum rentier states." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2016. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/academic-entrepreneurship-in-petroleum-rentier-states(7ab88a52-06ff-439f-9d9a-7f6c41753353).html.
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This thesis discusses Academic Entrepreneurship within a prism of the Triple Helix model of innovation. It unravels how the socio-economic and political institutional logics of petroleum rentier states influence commercialization of findings of academic research in oil-rich regions. The thesis argues for a sociological approach to the study of entrepreneurship. Conceptualizing Academic Entrepreneurship as a social game, and the three members of the Triple Helix as players, it unravels the mechanisms of the relations within the Triple Helix as it plays out in oil-rich rentier regions. It focuses on the resource-rich West-African state of Nigeria as case. Using data from multiple sources, it unearths the various plays and combats; conflicts and tensions, struggles and negotiations, disagreements and agreements, between the three members of the Triple Helix. The central theme of the thesis is that the structural powers that condition academic entrepreneurship are governed by interdependencies between agency and context-specific socio-politico-economic institutional logics. This is in line with, yet goes beyond the prevalent claim that institutions impose rules that constitute constraints and enablers of agency. The thesis argues that agential actions are not mere rules-compliance, rather are outcomes of strategic and pragmatic calculations, emergent from agents' internalized externalities, and contingent upon agential held convictions about what works best within given institutional dynamics. Grounded on Bourdieu's sociology, and underpinned by Critical Realist philosophy, this thesis develops and offers a new conceptual framework applicable in entrepreneurship, organizational, and regional development research. Its findings highlight points of divergence of the key players in innovation and entrepreneurship, and offers policy-makers insights into what works, what doesn’t work and what may never work regarding entrepreneurship and innovation policy. It brings to the fore, the criticality of context-specific institutional considerations in entrepreneurship and innovation policy-making.
20
Johansson, Karl, and Albin Karlsson. "Saudiarabien och Iran: Från rentierstat till senrentierstat eller predatorstat? : En komparativ fallstudie över oljeintäkternas effekter på den ekonomiska, sociala och politiska utvecklingen." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-176812.
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For decades, the two biggest oil producers in the Middle East have been Saudi Arabia and Iran, two autocratic states that are also rivals in the region. With time, oil revenues have lowered and public discontent has risen. Through the use of a qualitative, comparative case study, this Bachelor’s Thesis aims to examine how the economic, social and political development in these countries has been affected by the oil revenues. From the theoretical viewpoints of Rentier State Theory and Assabiyya, the study concludes that oil revenues, as a considerable source of national income, has created undiversified economies in both Saudi Arabia and Iran. This has caused demands for economic, social and political change, leading to different responses from the respective states. Saudi Arabia has begun to diversify its economy to create several sources of income. The country has also initiated to loosen up its strict religious social codes in the public sphere. This is in contrast to Iran, where the government faces significant financial deficits and has started to exploit its population to compensate for the strained public economy. Additionally, no indication of political reforms towards a more democratic system of governance is seen in any of the two states.
21
Hamade, Mona. "Women and Emiratisation in the UAE workforce." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2016. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/288678.
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The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) which was adopted in 1979, and the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action have generated global and regional momentum in the advance of equal gender opportunities. This research explores the increased presence of women in higher education and their subsequent entry into the workforce in the United Arab Emirates. The government has attempted to reduce its citizens' dependency on public sector employment and promote opportunities in the private sector. Governmental efforts have included improving the education system, granting women access to education and introducing funding schemes to encourage employment initiatives. Yet, despite these efforts, unemployment across the UAE remains at a high level, with public sector favoured by Emirati nationals. The country's drive to nationalise the labour force reflects the necessity of utilising the capabilities of Emirati nationals, both men and women, to diversify the rentier state economy. Emiratisation is a national government strategy in the United Arab Emirates that aims to reduce the country's reliance on expatriate labour and increase the participation of nationals in the labour market, both in the public and private sectors. The research for this thesis begins by exploring the inadequacy of classical rentier state theory and examining Mathew Gray's theory of late rentierism within the context of the United Arab Emirates. It further builds on the late rentierism model with a particular focus on the role of women, education and youth participation. The methodological approach used in this research is primarily qualitative, including interviews with final year university students, and professionals in the banking sector of both sexes. These groups were chosen to highlight the practical implications of governmental Emiratisation policies aiming to increase job opportunities across the United Arab Emirates. To date, very little research has been conducted on the issues of gender, work life balance policies and new workforce trends in the UAE.
22
Ozsut, Melda. "Rentier States and Conflict: New Concepts, Different Perspectives." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1157529/.
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Since the 1970s, a curious phenomenon has emerged, suggesting that resource rich countries are "cursed" by their resources. Over the last couple of decades, researchers have argued that rentier countries are more likely to have educational underachievement, the Dutch disease, corruption, slower democratization, and conflict. Although current research has proven helpful and productive, some aspects still remain contested in both theoretical and empirical terms. This dissertation aims to fill certain lacunae in this literature. My dissertation examines how ordinary citizens turn into dissidents and then to rebels in rentier states. I build and test an innovative theoretical argument, which focuses on individuals' daily lives, and explains how policies by rentier governments discourage merit-based employment. This, in turn, yields a high level of grievance among segments of the population. I also develop a comprehensive theory that combines macro-level and micro-level explanations of conflict onset in rentier states. Finally, I analyze an important, but previously neglected aspect of civil wars in rentier states: conflict outcomes. I suggest that the existence of abundant natural resources would have a significant impact on conflict outcomes. Accordingly, government victory would be more likely, and negotiated settlement would be less likely in rentier countries compared to non-rentier countries.
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Nascimento, Alexandre Sabino do. "Do Fixo ao Fluxo: Expressões da Acumulação Rentista-patrimonial Ampliada na Produção do Espaço da Metrópole de Recife." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/16719.
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Grandes empresas e grupos econômicos, dentro do atual processo de reprodução ampliada do capital e de seu regime de acumulação com dominância da valorização financeira, requerem, cada vez mais, grandes negócios (megaprojetos, megaeventos), e esses só são viáveis em parceria com o Estado. Esta relação, com o tempo, torna-se mais complexa e envolve uma série de inovações em arranjos político-institucionais e espaciais. Assim, questionou-se se grandes obras ligadas à reestruturação do espaço metropolitano implementadas na Região Metropolitana do Recife - RMR podiam ser consideradas expressões de uma acumulação rentista-patrimonial ampliada entre o Estado e diferentes frações do capital, amplificando a unidade contraditória entre fixos e fluxos própria da reprodução do capital contemporâneo. Para responder a essa, questão buscou-se demonstrar as ações do Estado e o seu papel na concentração e centralização do capital nas mãos de oligarquias econômicas, neste caso, grupos econômicos nacionais ligados à produção do espaço (construção civil) e ao capital financeiro, e em assegurar importantes condições econômicas e extraeconômicas para a acumulação, com o uso dos fundos públicos, créditos subsidiados, incentivos fiscais, terras entre outros. Identificou-se que setores como o da construção civil ganham com o crescimento da economia nacional que leva à busca por investimentos em capital fixo, que também ocorre em períodos de crises econômicas do sistema capitalista. Optou-se por uma pesquisa do tipo qualitativa, explicativa, documental e bibliográfica. Fundamenta-se aqui na compreensão de que urbanização, modernização, política econômica e o planejamento são realidades sociais, e que toda realidade social é espacial e historicamente determinada. Na organização da exposição da tese, optou-se por seguir o método regressivo-progressivo de H. Lefebvre. Entende-se, nesta pesquisa, que os grandes negócios da produção do espaço têm como principais beneficiados as grandes empreiteiras “As Campeãs Nacionais”. Analisaram-se os grandes projetos: Cidade da Copa/Arena Itaipava; Rota dos Coqueiros e Cidade Saneada como representativos de uma “nova” articulação entre o público e o privado dentro do processo chamado por nós de acumulação rentista-patrimonial ampliada entre Estado e capital. Assim, o estudo focou-se na reestruturação econômica e espacial da RMR ligadas a esses projetos e concluiu que este processo é produto da concorrência global capitalista agora movida por um amplo processo de financeirização da economia mundial, fruto de um ajuste espaço temporal do sistema e sua ligação com a produção do espaço, e também representa uma coalizão de interesses entre frações do capital nacionais e locais representantes de grupos econômicos ligados ao setor da construção civil, via arranjos político-institucionais e espaciais como concessões e parcerias público-privadas, financiamentos de longo prazo e participações no capital social de um número seleto de empresas do setor da construção pesada ligadas a grandes holdings nacionais, agentes esses capazes de manipular o fundo público via poder político e econômico, dentro de um contexto de imbricação de escalas geográficas.
Major companies and economic groups, within the current expanded reproduction process of the capital and its accumulation regime with dominance of financial valuation, require, increasingly, major business (mega projects, mega-events), and those can only be feasible in partnership with the State. This relationship, over time, becomes more complex and includes a number of innovations in political-institutional and spatial arrangements. Thus, the question has been raised as to whether great works connected to the restructuring process of the metropolitan space implemented in the Metropolitan Region of Recife – MRR could be considered as expressions of an expanded patrimonial rentier accumulation among the State and different fractions of the capital, amplifying the contradictory unity between ‘’fix and flows’’ peculiar of the reproduction of the contemporary capital. To solve this question efforts have been made to demonstrate the actions of the State and its role regarding the concentration and centralization of the capital in the hands of economic oligarchies, in this case, national economic groups connected to space production (building construction) and to the financial capital, and to assure important economic and extra-economic conditions for accumulation, using public funds, subsidized credit, tax incentives, lands and others. It has been identified that sectors such as building construction gain from the growth of the national economy, leading to the search for investments in fixed capital, which also occurs in times of economic crises of the capitalist system. It has been chosen a qualitative, explanatory, documentary and bibliographic type of research. It is based here on the understanding that urbanization, modernization, economic policy and planning are social realities, and that all social reality is spatially and historically determined. In the organization of the thesis exhibition it was chosen to follow the regressive-progressive method of H. Lefebvre. It is understood in this research that the big businesses of production of the space have as main beneficiaries the great contractors "The National Champions". The major projects have been analyzed: The Cup City/Itaipava Arena; Rota dos Coqueiros e Cidade Saneada as representative of a ‘’new’’ articulation between public and private within the process which we call expanded patrimonial rentier accumulation between State and capital. Thus, the study focused on the economic and spatial restructuring of the MRR linked to those projects and concluded that this process is the result of global capitalist competition now driven by a broad process of financialization of the world economy, result of an space-time adjustment of the system and its link with the production of the space, and also represents a coalition of interests among national and local fractions of the capital which represent economic groups connected to the construction industry, via political-institutional and spatial arrangements such as concessions and public-private partnerships, long-term debt and shares in the social capital of a select number of companies from the heavy construction sector linked to great national holdings, being those agents able to manipulate the public fund via political and economic influence, in an overlay context of geographic scales.
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Freer, Courtney. "Rentier Islamism : Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:134ca923-a204-40bf-80be-4e21352e680b.
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This study, using contemporary history and empirical research, updates traditional rentier state theory, which largely fails to account for the existence of opposition movements, by demonstrating the political capital held by Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This study thus also fills a critical gap in existing literature on political Islam by examining previously unstudied movements in the smaller Gulf states that do not require Brotherhood organisations to provide services, to form social networks, or to contest elections (aside from in Kuwait). Through a divergent case study, we demonstrate the degree to which and the means through which the Ikhwan shapes domestic politics in the some of the world’s wealthiest oil states, the super-rentiers. This research helps to break the causal link established by rentier state theory between oil rents and lack of politically relevant Islamist organizations. As will be shown, Muslim Brotherhood organizations in the Gulf are politically influential entities. It is important to note, however, that these groups shape cultural and social ideas as readily as political notions. The division between these sectors is often blurred in the atmosphere of the socially conservative super-rentiers, as politics is often displaced to the social sphere in restricted political systems. We therefore elucidate a new model for understanding how Muslim Brotherhood movements influence government policies, in addition to cultural and social policies, in the wealthiest rentier states of the Gulf, which we call rentier Islamism.
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Starkey, William Scott. "Automobile leasing in the United States : why do consumers lease cars? /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7439.
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Murray, Margaret S. "A discrete choice model of housing selection by low-income urban renters." Diss., This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-05042006-164515/.
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Cimpová, Jitka. "Soudobý vývoj států Perského zálivu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197274.
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This thesis analyses Persian Gulf states foreign policies development and a position of the region in international relations using a collective case study. At the theoretical level the thesis works on the elements of (neo) realism, (neo) liberalism and social constructivism. The analysis is focused on security context and examines both challenges to internal security (regime and government, Shia expansion, the so called Arab spring, media) and external security (the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Syrian conflict, terrorism, globalization and oil market developments). In the regional security complex of the Gulf are involved interests of the three main world powers, U.S.A., Russia and China. Regional cooperation in the GCC organization and mutual relations of the Gulf States are important, too. Based on the findings it is possible to assert that the development of the region is dynamic and depends on the oil rents.
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Arent, Stefan. "Challenges of Reforming the Welfare State." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-155127.
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In the first part of this doctoral thesis we analyse changes in old-age income risk in Germany using micro-simulation model due to changes in employment patterns and institutional reforms. We focus on the statutory pension scheme and we analyse the old-age income risk of individuals as well as of households with respect to the skill level. Our findings help to clarify the risk of post-retirement poverty for specific household constellations We find that the risk of old-age poverty will increase for almost all new pensioners in 2020-2022 compared to new pensioners in 2004-2006. Due to the characteristics of a PAYG pension system, political decision-makers have to improve labour market participation, e.g. by support the improvement of skill level.
Moreover we take a closer look at the impact of the Hartz-Reforms on wages. We use panel data to estimate the effect of the structural break on wages and find strong evidence that the decrease in unemployment benefit lowered wages. Our findings show that the Hartz-Reform induced wage restraint and may also be partly responsible for the favourable labour market situation in Germany.
After analysing the effect of institutional reforms on old-age income and wage, we examine whether households adjust their savings behaviour to a change in their individual unemployment, income and health expectations. We use survey panel data on German household savings and expectations. The findings suggest, in contrast to the theory of textbook models, that a higher unemployment expectation significantly decreases the (short-term) saving rate. This result may be due to labour market legislation after the Hartz-Reforms.
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Marres, Otto Cornelis Reinier. "Winstdrainage door renteaftrek (beoordeling van artikel 10a Wet op de vennootschapsbelasting 1969) /." [Deventer : Amsterdam : Kluwer] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2005. http://dare.uva.nl/document/89138.
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Rios, Ludeña Eduardo. "Embedding industrial policy in oil-States : the mixed-effects of an uncoordinated State and the strategies of the Venezuelan business elites at the close of an oil boom (2012-2014)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0013/document.
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En partant de l’évidence de l’apparition d’un groupe de nouveaux riches promus par le socialisme bolivarien de Hugo Chávez, cette thèse met en évidence les effets contradictoires de l’État pétrolier au Venezuela en montrant qu’ils sont le résultat de la non-coordination de cette doube structure étatique. Les États pétroliers sont significatifs pour la théorie de l’État en ce que leurs actions publiques sont particulièrement soumises à des contraintes économiques. D’une part, s’ils bénéficient d’une autonomie relativement large par rapport au monde économique national, une partie des recettes publiques dépend en revanche, des ventes dans des marchés internationaux sur lesquels l’État n’a aucun pouvoir. La condition pour maintenir ces recettes en dollars est d’entretenir une politique industrielle qui lui assure des rentrées. D’autre part, puisque le monde économique national existe dans les États pétroliers et qu’il génère une fraction non négligeable de ses revenus - notamment au travers de l’impôt à la consommation et à l’importation - il doit contribuer à générer des conditions économiques qui garantissent un niveau de consommation relativement stable. Ainsi de par cette dualité de contraintes, l’État pétrolier au Venezuela a une double structure d’action qui génère des stimuli, en apparence contradictoire envers le monde économique. La structure propre de ces types d’États segmente l’espace social et contraint les stratégies des élites économiques y agissantThe evidence of the bolibourgeois (the new rich of the bolivarian revolution headed by Hugo Chávez) reveals an uncoordinated dual institutional structure generating mixed-incentives. This type of institutional structure is prevalent in oil countries and states suck in the middle-income trap. In these countries, where industrial policy is a political necessity, an uncoordinated state is usually the norm. In these states, the strategies of the business elites follow the incentives generated by this theorized institutional structure. The strategies of the business elites match the state’s – at first glance, schizophrenic, – mixed-incentives strategy. A first group of agents sells technological goods to the state through direct contracts signed in hard currency (major infrastructure deals, equipment for the energy sector, joint ventures, etc.). A second group sells a basket of regulated products and unregulated products: covering the loss of the former with the revenues of the latter. These business elites’ strategy consisted in surviving and expanding their markets shares as the tight controls swept the less performant – usually smaller – companies in their sectors. Finally, in between these two ways of using the state, a third group of economic corsairs, had a niche strategy, building their companies on the “cracks” of the Venezuelan economy. In our set, the agents from the correct social milieu filled the niches in the private sector. Those with less prestigious upbringing sold to the state. The latter fit the social description of a bolibourgeois. Finally, we show that, these institutional incentives, do not affect the economic structure homogeneously
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Beneke, Randel. "Applicability of trocchia's four non-financial motivations for motor vehicle leasing in South Africa : a comparative case-study." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/974.
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Thesis (MTech (Business Administration))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2007.The research study explored the growing phenomenon of consumption without ownership, by addressing the individual’s motivations for leasing rather than financing motor vehicles.
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Van, Staden Leani. "Technical uncertainties in and practical implications of the capitalisation of borrowing costs in South Africa / Leani van Staden." Thesis, North-West University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/4636.
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The International Accounting Standards Board (IASB) and the United States Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) have reaffirmed their commitment to accomplishing the convergence of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) and US Generally Accepted Accounting Practice (US GAAP), following their March 2010 progress report. Among the standards subject to this convergence project, is IAS 23 - Borrowing Costs. Taken at face value, the convergence of IAS 23 (IFRS) and SFAS 34 (US GAAP), and looking at convergence in general, the idea is productive and beneficial. It will lead to more comparative information as it eliminates the differences. The downside, however, could very easily be that convergence might just be taking place for the sake of convergence, and that the end result might not necessarily lead to more comparative and cost effective information. When specifically considering the convergence of the two borrowing costs standards (SFAS 34 and IAS 23), it is clear that differences remain even after their convergence, and therefore it does not promote comparability. The revision of IAS 23 might actually have been more costly and less beneficial, rather than the other way around. The first article in this dissertation claims that the mandatory capitalisation of borrowing costs is more costly than not, and that the IASB did not adequately consider the cost implications in their decision to change IAS 23, as well as that the benefits obtained from the capitalisation of borrowing costs are not that noticeable in practice. Participants in this study also seemed to agree that the application of IAS 23 is fairly difficult. Delving deeper into the technical aspects of IAS 23, a number of questions also arise relating to its application. This appears to be substantiated by the findings in the second article where instances were identified where the opinions of the participants relating to, for instance, what would be regarded as a 'substantial period of time', were divided. Differences relating to the above above
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may lead to one person capitalising borrowing costs, while another in the same situation would not. On the upside, a few instances were identified where participants were not as divided in their views. Therefore, although there appear to be some uncertainties within IAS 23, there are fewer than one would have expected.
In summary, the revised IAS 23, in other words, the mandatory capitalisation of borrowing costs on qualifying assets, was viewed by participants as being more costly and difficult to apply than not and they felt that some technical uncertainties do exist within IAS 23. Recommendations have been made in this dissertation based on the useful information obtained.Thesis (M.Com. (Accountancy))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.
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Hampton, M. P., Julia Jeyacheya, and Donna Lee. "The political economy of dive tourism: precarity at the periphery in Malaysia." 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/13121.
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NoUsing a critical political economy approach and the concept of labour precarity, the international dive tourism industry in Sabah, Malaysia and its workers’ vulnerabilities are interrogated. Fieldwork data highlights dive tourism’s socio-economic impacts and the precarity of labour within the international tourism sector and also critiques it as a development strategy for a peripheral region. The paper challenges the optimistic views of labour precarity found in the existing political economy literature. Rather than identifying labour empowerment, evidence demonstrates significant worker vulnerability, uncertainty, and contingency – especially among ethnic minorities – resulting from Malaysia’s state-led rentier economy.
British Countil PMI2 (R18)
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Omeje, Kenneth C. "Natural resource rent and stakeholder politics in Africa: towards a new conceptualisation." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/9047.
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YesThis paper critically revisits the debate on natural resource rent, curse and conflict, interrogating some of the key assumptions that have become received knowledge in extant discourses. The paper demonstrates how orthodox theories’ preoccupation with issues of resource rent and resource curse tend to be marred by slants of ahistoricity and state-centricity. Adopting a stakeholder approach to the issues of resource rent and conflict in Africa, the author argues that natural resource rents produce and attract a multiplicity of competitive stakeholders, both domestic and external, in the resource-rich states. The competition and jostling of stakeholders for access to, and appropriation of, rentier resources is too often an antagonistic process in many emerging economies that has consequences and implications for violent conflict. The paper attempts a new conceptual explanation of how natural resource rents dialectically generate stakes, stakeholders and political conflict. The paper concludes by proposing the need for the more conflict-prone African rentier states to transition to a more functional state model, the transformative state.
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Dulovcová, Iva. "Prokletí přírodních zdrojů: nerostné bohatství v Latinské Americe." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357315.
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Diplomová práce - abstrakt Dulovcová Iva Abstract The main objective of this Master thesis is to test the hypothesis that economic dependence on the export of minerals allows the monopolization of power and thus reduces the possibility of democracy. The hypothesis will be tested on cases of mineral economies in Peru, Bolivia and Chile. The hypothesis is based on the resource curse theory, which assumes a negative relationship between the presence of natural resources, their export, and level of democracy. In this thesis I expanded this theory with mineral economies factor, therefore beyond purely petroleum countries. Another expansion of the theory lies with international dimension that strongly influences events in selected countries. The thesis will analyze cases of Peru, Bolivia and Chile, especially role of natural resources in these countries, but also economic results and role of democracy in selected countries. In this thesis I use qualitative and quantitative elements. Economic and political development will be analyzed on the basis of process analysis method and method of dependence on previous development. The validity of theoretical concept for these cases will be tested on the basis of the compliance method. Quantitative part of the thesis will be based on causal mechanisms designed by Ross. By...
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Tomaštík, Karel. "Vývojové trendy modelu rentiérského státu v Saudské Arábii." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-305453.
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Saudi Arabia, along with other Gulf oil monarchies, represents an original politico- economic system. Huge revenues in the form of oil rent, flowing to the Treasury since the oil boom in the early 70's, have fundamentally changed the socio-economic structure, which was in literature termed the rentier state. The origin, development and description of typical characteristics of rentier state are the main topic of this thesis. The first section discusses the theoretical foundations and approaches to the issue. The second chapter provides a historical background in order to position the study in the context of previous political, economic and ideological development. In an analysis of the formation of state structures, the work deals with the relationships between members of the ruling house of Saud, between the government and social elites, with functioning of clientelist structures and interactions within the bureaucratic apparatus. Based on the study of these relationships the thesis marks out particularities of the Saudi politico-economic system that distinguish it from the classical concept of rentier state model. The main distinctive feature is the diminished autonomous ability of state to regulate the functioning of state institutions and to encourage individual agencies to cooperate actively...
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Thompson, Paul Anthony. "An analysis of Dubai's socio-economic development strategies and performance between 1998-2008." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13261.
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This study explores the socio-economic development path of the former Trucial State of Dubai, now an economic powerhouse within the Federal State of the United Arab Emirates. This thesis emanated out of the researcher’s need to understand the development trajectory of Dubai from the perspective of a development discourse, as literature and debates on the city’s developmental trajectory have generally focused on micro-and macro-economic variables and a sectoral emphasis without considering the total and complex development matrix. The author proposes a rentier, developmental and competition (RDC) Model as a basis for understanding the state-led social and economic development of the Emirate of Dubai. Empirically, the study examines a whole raft of home-grown social and economic development policies that fall exclusively within the domain of the Dubai Strategic Plans (DSPs). Conceptually, the thesis argues that although the Dubai Inc model has successfully changed the socio-economic landscape of the Emirate, nevertheless, a soft underbelly of the model displays the exploitative nature of unbridled free market capitalism.
Methodologically, triangulation backed up the qualitative research methodology by utilising a mixed-methods approach to enhance the richness of the research. Specific data collection methods used included in-depth semi-structured interviews and non-participative observation, supported by documentation analyses of relevant documents. The research findings unambiguously demonstrated that the socio-economic transformation of Dubai, between 1998 and 2008, was a result of the aforementioned hybrid model, which this thesis uses as its theoretical framework. The conclusion drawn from the study is that there is no one path to development; the Government of Dubai is cognisant of that and has thus used the capacity of the state to transform the once impoverished and marginalised sheikhdom into a ‘commodified’ city-corporate entity.Development Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Developmental Studies)
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Pontoizeau, Edouard. "L’Azerbaïdjan : de la rente pétrolière à la corruption généralisée." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21338.
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Arent, Stefan. "Challenges of Reforming the Welfare State: Four Essays on the Impact of Institutional Reforms on Individuals in Germany." Doctoral thesis, 2013. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A28359.
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In the first part of this doctoral thesis we analyse changes in old-age income risk in Germany using micro-simulation model due to changes in employment patterns and institutional reforms. We focus on the statutory pension scheme and we analyse the old-age income risk of individuals as well as of households with respect to the skill level. Our findings help to clarify the risk of post-retirement poverty for specific household constellations We find that the risk of old-age poverty will increase for almost all new pensioners in 2020-2022 compared to new pensioners in 2004-2006. Due to the characteristics of a PAYG pension system, political decision-makers have to improve labour market participation, e.g. by support the improvement of skill level.
Moreover we take a closer look at the impact of the Hartz-Reforms on wages. We use panel data to estimate the effect of the structural break on wages and find strong evidence that the decrease in unemployment benefit lowered wages. Our findings show that the Hartz-Reform induced wage restraint and may also be partly responsible for the favourable labour market situation in Germany.
After analysing the effect of institutional reforms on old-age income and wage, we examine whether households adjust their savings behaviour to a change in their individual unemployment, income and health expectations. We use survey panel data on German household savings and expectations. The findings suggest, in contrast to the theory of textbook models, that a higher unemployment expectation significantly decreases the (short-term) saving rate. This result may be due to labour market legislation after the Hartz-Reforms.:1 Introduction 1
1.1 Summary 3
1.2 Contribution to the literature 7
1.3 References 9
2 A Fragile Pillar: Statutory Pensions and the Risk of Old-age Poverty in Germany 11
2.1 Introduction 11
2.2 The German Statutory Pension Insurance 13
2.3 Methodology 16
2.4 Results 22
2.4.1 Male pensioners 22
2.4.2 Female pensioners 25
2.4.3 Relevance of skill 27
2.5 Sensitivity Analysis 31
2.6 Conclusion 34
2.7 References 37
2.8 Appendix 40
3 Is There a Growing Risk of Old-age Poverty in Eastern Germany? 44
3.1 Introduction 44
3.2 The German Pension System 46
3.3 Demographic Setting in Eastern Germany 48
3.4 Data and Methodology 49
3.5 Single-person Households 52
3.5.1 Males 52
3.5.2 Females 55
II
3.6 Two-Person-Households 57
3.7 Widows 62
3.8 Conclusion 64
3.9 References 65
3.10 Appendix 66
4 Unemployment Compensation and Wages: Evidence from the German Hartz-Reform 68
4.1 Introduction 68
4.2 The German Hartz-Reform 69
4.3 Data 71
4.4 Methodology 73
4.5 Results 76
4.6 Conclusions 82
4.7 References 84
4.8 Data 87
4.9 Appendix 88
5 Expectations and Saving Behavior: An Empirical Analysis 93
5.1 Introduction 93
5.2 Theoretical Discussion 95
5.3 Data 97
5.4 Empirical Strategy 100
5.5 Empirical Results 104
5.6 Conclusions 114
5.7 References 117
5.8 Data 119
5.9 Appendix 120