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1

Freer, Courtney. "RENTIER ISLAMISM IN THE ABSENCE OF ELECTIONS: THE POLITICAL ROLE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD AFFILIATES IN QATAR AND THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 3 (July 26, 2017): 479–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000344.

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AbstractDrawing on contemporary history and empirical research, this article revises traditional rentier state theory, which fails to account for the existence of Islamist movements in states accruing substantial outside wealth. Rentier state theory expects that citizens of such states will form opposition blocs only when their stake in rent income is threatened. Examining the development of Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in two archetypal rentier states, or super-rentiers, in the Gulf—Qatar and the United Arab Emirates—this article shows that ideology rather than rent motivated the formation of independent Islamist movements. This research helps to break the causal link established by rentier state theory between oil rents and lack of politically relevant Islamist organizations. We find that the presence of oil rents, instead of rendering Islamist complaint politically irrelevant, shapes the ways in which Islamist movements seek to influence government policies.
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Rubin, Barnett R. "Political Elites in Afghanistan: Rentier State Building, Rentier State Wrecking." International Journal of Middle East Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1992): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800001434.

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The study of revolutions now deals as much with states and structures as it does with revolutionaries and their ideologies, in contrast to an older school, which sought their origins in the accumulation of individual grievances. This latter approach inspired many studies of revolutionary “counter-elites,” comparing them in particular to the ruling elites. The new importance placed on structural factors for the genesis and success or failure of revolutions does not render these older studies irrelevant, but it should change the way we understand their results.Revolutionaries,Theda Skocpol argued, are above all would-be state builders, and their origins show as much. In France, Russia, and China they “precipitated out of the ranks of relatively highly educated groups oriented to state activities or employments …[a]and from among those who were somewhat marginal to the established classes and governing elites under the Old Regimes.” ' Studies of many other countries have also found that revolutionary leaders combine an unusually high level of education with a modest social status that blocks their ascent to power under the prevailing regime.2 Revolutionaries are also more likely to have a cosmopolitan or international orientation that inclines them to be critical of their own societies. This orientation at least partly derives from the high incidence of foreign education and travel among them. Higher education and foreign travel provide revolutionaries with links to "fields of power" in the state and the international system.3
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3

Moritz, Jessie. "Reformers and the Rentier State: Re-Evaluating the Co-Optation Mechanism in Rentier State Theory." Journal of Arabian Studies 8, sup1 (December 6, 2018): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21534764.2018.1546933.

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4

Abdullah, Kanaan Hamagharib, and Radwan Abubakr. "The Impact of Rentier Economy on political system." Journal of University of Human Development 3, no. 3 (August 31, 2017): 595. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v3n3y2017.pp595-614.

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This study investigates the rentier economy and its impact on the political system. This study claims that the adoption of renter economy which leads to the emergence of political system which is not able to allow the accountability in any way. The inductive approach was employed to investigate the research argument. The research found that the state which relies on exporting natural resource to cover the public expenses tend to does not allow the accountability in government departments. In hence, the renter economy does not allow the political system to become democracy.
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Kaya, Abdullah, Evren Tok, Muammer Koc, Toufic Mezher, and I.-Tsung Tsai. "Economic Diversification Potential in the Rentier States Towards for a Sustainable Development: A Theoretical Model." Sustainability 11, no. 3 (February 11, 2019): 911. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11030911.

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This paper develops a theoretical model to analyze whether a rentier state can diversify its economy away from the rent revenue and hence sustain the economic development and preserve the status-quo. Considering the decarbonization process of the global economy and rapidly fall in economic value of hydrocarbons in the face of the supply glut, rentier states depending on oil and gas revenues urgently need to diversify their economies to avoid social backlash and political upheaval. There are three intertwining factors that determine an effective economic diversification away from the rent revenue: The profitability of non-rentier sectors, the size of the domestic economy to induce a “Big Push” for industrialization to non-rentier sectors, and the level of economic inclusivity. For an optimal level of economic diversification in a rentier state: (1) Non-rentier sectors should be attractive to private agents without the entry barriers; (2) domestic economy should be large enough to induce investment into non-rentier sectors; (3) the ruler(s) should have sufficient tolerance (inclusivity) for private agents investing into non-rentier sectors. Our findings indicate that a rentier state can achieve an optimal level of economic diversification provided that the conditions above are met even without any political change.
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Hertog, Steffen. "SHAPING THE SAUDI STATE: HUMAN AGENCY'S SHIFTING ROLE IN RENTIER-STATE FORMATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 4 (October 30, 2007): 563a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807071371.

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The article offers a revisionist account of how the modern Saudi state emerged in the 1950s and 1960s. Differing with structuralist “rentier-state” accounts, I contend that individual agency has been very important in shaping the Saudi bureaucracy as oil money gave unique, although temporary, autonomy to princely elites to organize the state around their personal interests. Emerging institutions functioned as power tokens, leading to a fragmented administrative setup in which ministries serve as “fiefdoms” and bureaucratic capacities vary strongly from one institution to another. Through state growth and the “locking in” of distributional commitments, the autonomy of princely elites to redesign the state has strongly declined over time, meaning that many early institutional decisions have permanently impacted the shape and capacities of today's Saudi state. Vis-agrave;-vis rentier theory, I demonstrate that regime autonomy is not constant over time and that the quality of institutions is historically contingent and not determined by oil, which merely enlarges the menu of institutional choices available to rentier-state elites.
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7

Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates. "Post-rentier Economic Challenges." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 73, no. 2 (June 2017): 210–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928417700800.

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The rentier states of the Middle East face a combination of political and economic challenges as they seek to reduce their reliance on volatile oil and gas revenues and diversify their economies. This article examines how the political economy of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states remains heavily dependent on the hydrocarbon sector and analyses the policy responses to the fall in world oil prices since 2014. Sections in the article examine the definitional aspect of rentier state theory, nature of the redistributive welfare state that developed in the 1970s in each Gulf State, and the political aspect of economic measures that seek to reform aspects of the distinctive political economy that has underpinned socio-political and economic stability for the past five decades.
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8

Garon, Lise. "Crise économique et consensus en État rentier : le cas de l'Algérie socialiste (Note)." Études internationales 25, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703278ar.

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Like other oil-producing Arab countries, socialist Algeria has followed a specific line of development : that of the rentier State. Its economy has been characterized by dependence on oil revenues which account for 98 % of all export earnings. Among the elites and the population, this income has served to maintain a consensus around the government's power. What happens, however, when the rentier State loses this consensus ? The case of socialist Algeria suggests that the rentier State would then be forced to use up its income, thereby bringing about its disappearance. This unprecedented case may by repeated in other states. Algeria's experience may thus provide us with lessons for understanding the rentier State and the « democratic transition ».
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Gyene, Pál István. "“Rentier states” or the relationship between regime stability and exercising power in post-Soviet Central Asia." Society and Economy 38, no. 2 (June 2016): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2016.38.2.3.

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The paper intends to give an insight into the relations of the economic and political systems of the Central Asian republics using the theoretical framework of the “rentier economy” and “rentier state” approach. The main findings of the paper are that two (Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan) of the five states examined are commodity export dependent “full-scale” rentier states. The two political systems are of a stable neo-patrimonial regime character, while the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan, poor in natural resources but dependent on external rents, may be described as “semi-rentier” states or “rentier economies”. They are politically more instable, but have an altogether authoritarian, oligarchical “clan-based” character. Uzbekistan with its closed economy, showing tendencies of economic autarchy, is also a potentially politically unstable clan-based regime. Thus, in the Central Asian context, the rentier state or rentier economy character affects the political stability of the actual regimes rather than having a direct impact on whether power is exercised in an autocratic or democratic way.
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10

Gengler, Justin J., Bethany Shockley, and Michael C. Ewers. "Refinancing the Rentier State: Welfare, Inequality, and Citizen Preferences toward Fiscal Reform in the Gulf Oil Monarchies." Comparative Politics 53, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 283–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x15903211136400.

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Against the backdrop of fiscal reform efforts in Middle East oil producers, this article proposes a general framework for understanding how citizens relate to welfare benefits in the rentier state and then tests some observable implications using original survey data from the quintessential rentier state of Qatar. Using two novel choice experiments, we ask Qataris to choose between competing forms of economic subsidies and state spending, producing a clear and reliable ordering of welfare priorities. Expectations derived from the experiments about the individual-level determinants of rentier reform preferences are then tested using data from a follow-up survey. Findings demonstrate the importance of non-excludable public goods, rather than private patronage, for upholding the rentier bargain.
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Hertog, Steffen. "Defying the Resource Curse: Explaining Successful State-Owned Enterprises in Rentier States." World Politics 62, no. 2 (March 23, 2010): 261–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000055.

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The article explains how several Gulf rentier monarchies have managed to create highly profitable and well-managed state-owned enterprises (SOEs), confounding expectations of both general SOE inefficiency and the particularly poor quality of rentier public sectors. It argues that a combination of two factors explains the outcome: the absence of a populist-mobilizational history and substantive regime autonomy in economic policy-making. The author concludes that it is necessary to rethink the commonly accepted generalizations both about rentier states and, arguably, about public sectors in the developing world.
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12

Mitchell, Jocelyn Sage, and Justin J. Gengler. "What Money Can’t Buy: Wealth, Inequality, and Economic Satisfaction in the Rentier State." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 1 (May 30, 2018): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918776128.

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How do perceived inequalities in allocation impact citizen satisfaction with state-distributed benefits in rentier societies? Resource-rich rentier regimes are widely theorized to maintain the economic and political satisfaction of subjects through wealth distribution. Yet, while qualitative research in the rentier states of the Arabian Peninsula has identified unequal distribution as a source of discontent, the relative importance of objective versus subjective factors in shaping satisfaction at the individual level has never been systematically evaluated. Here we assess the impacts of inequality on the nexus between wealth and satisfaction among citizens of the richest rentier regime in the world: the state of Qatar. Using original, nationally representative survey data, we test the effects of two separate mechanisms of unequal distribution previously identified in the literature: group-based discrimination, and variation in individual access owing to informal influence. Results show that perceptions of both group- and individual-based inequality dampen satisfaction with state-distributed benefits, irrespective of objective socioeconomic well-being. The findings demonstrate that even in the most affluent of rentier states, economic satisfaction derives not only from absolute quantities of benefits but also from subjective impressions of fairness in the distribution process.
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13

CORREA, ROMAR. "MANAGER, WORKER, RENTIER AND GOVERNMENT: MARKOV AND NON-MARKOVIAN PLAY." International Game Theory Review 08, no. 03 (September 2006): 429–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219198906001004.

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We decompose the representative agent into her manager, worker and rentier selves. The criterion is the information set of each of the 'incarnations' at every stage of a repeated game. The rentier's information set includes anticipating information while the information set of the other agents is feedback. The equilibrium that results is, therefore, not subgame perfect. Enter the government that produces a good that complements the existing good. It is financed by the issue of money that substitutes for the asset. The enlargement of the state space of the game induces cooperation between the agents.
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14

Ghukasyan, Gurgen Levonovich. "The state and the “rentier economy” in oil exporting countries." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 6, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2019-6-3-177-192.

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In the new foreign economic conditions that have arisen as a result of a significant deformation of the cyclical dynamics of the world oil market, the views on the model of the socalled “rentier state” and “rentier economy” that apply to oil exporting countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and also to the states of the post-Soviet space, including the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, are of certain interest. For these states, in the face of declining oil export revenues, the question of changing the “rentier model” of development is relevant. At the same time, the recommendations of foreign authors are not acceptable in many aspects, but their analysis allows us to approach problems of overcoming the “raw nature” of the economy more comprehensively.
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15

Levien, Michael. "Coercive Rentier Networks." Sociology of Development 7, no. 2 (2021): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.159.

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In India today, the term “land mafia” is widely applied to those engaged in land-related corruption. What is unclear is the sociological phenomenon to which the term “mafia” refers, and what it indicates about capitalism in contemporary India. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the state of Rajasthan, combined with analysis of court decisions and newspaper articles, I argue that land mafia discourse identifies informal land-grabbing practices that have become extremely widespread across India. These practices are undertaken not necessarily by criminal organizations but by diffuse coercive rentier networks that cross the public–private divide. These networks have been strengthened by the liberalization of India’s economy, and particularly its real estate market, and their entrenchment poses a major obstacle to “good governance” reforms. India’s land mafias thus expose important weaknesses in the dominant approaches to corruption and suggest the need to take seriously the synergies between capitalism, coercion, and corruption.
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16

Shehab, Elmekdad. "On the Limits of Rentier State Theory: An epistemological Insight." Asian Social Science 17, no. 8 (July 31, 2021): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v17n8p30.

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For decades, The rentier state theory has provided the most popular explanations for the sociopolitical dynamics in the Arab Gulf states, however, due to the rapid transformations in the Gulf societies in recent years, the theory went under severe critiques especially after its failure to predict the emergence of a new Gulf social contract after the oil crisis of 2014. This essay has tried to shed the light on one of the missing dimensions of these critiques by arguing that this failure might have occurred because the rentier state theory adhered to an obsolete epistemological paradigm of modernity that was incapable of dealing with such a complex social phenomenon from the beginning. Also, seeking epistemic healing, the essay highlighted the most recent shift in the philosophy of science toward a complexity paradigm and referred to its potentials to exceed the limits of the rentier paradigm.
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17

Chun Hongchan. "자원 대국 러시아의 미래:강대국 혹은 지대국가(rentier state)?" 중소연구 33, no. 3 (November 2009): 193–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.21196/aprc.33.3.200911.007.

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18

Ab Talib, Mohamed Syazwan, and Siti Norida Wahab. "Halal logistics in a rentier state: an observation." Modern Supply Chain Research and Applications 3, no. 2 (April 29, 2021): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mscra-04-2020-0005.

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PurposeBrunei Darussalam, a rentier state, aims to be one of the leading nations in the global halal industry, and logistics play a key role in realising the goal. However, even though logistics is a vital aspect of the halal supply chain, little is known about the halal logistics scene in Brunei. Therefore, this paper aims to discuss and uncover the various strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats surrounding the country's halal logistics sector.Design/methodology/approachThe paper employs a subjective environmental scanning approach and a SWOT analysis technique through the author's observation of Brunei's halal logistics ecosystem from both intrinsic and extrinsic lenses.FindingsThe paper argues that substantial institutional support is an apparent strength, but the lack of halal logistics experts is a distinct weakness. Meanwhile, the growing use of technology presents an opportunity for the industry, but formidable regional competition poses a significant threat.Research limitations/implicationsDespite the paper's qualitative approach, insights from it could offer a better understanding of halal logistics in Brunei and serve a platform for future research endeavours.Originality/valueBeing a rentier state that depends on a non-renewable source, this paper offers an alternative strategy to diversify the economy and venture into the halal economy.
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Guzowski, Andrzej. "Rentier state as an obstacle to development in the Middle East." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 21 (October 1, 2013): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.21.3.

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Many Middle Eastern countries, especially the ones in Arabian Peninsula, are well-known for being rich with oil and gas. While it could be considered a blessing by many, it is becoming more and more apparent that the abundance of natural resources in the region is a double-edged sword and a form of a natural resource trap. Many countries have become so-called “rentier states”, funding their operations and their very structures by renting their resources to external actors. While it may seem like a profitable political move at first, said overreliance conserved the structure of economies in the Middle Eastern, never forcing the countries to develop effectively, thus making most of the produced goods, other than oil and gas, uncompetitive on the international market. Long term, it may prove disastrous for the Middle East as eventually the resources are going to get exhausted and said countries will be left with nothing but an economic structure unadjusted to the 21stcentury.
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Mohamed, Enaam Abdullah. "The impact of political reform on the stability of the state of Kuwait since 2010." Journal of Humanities and Applied Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (October 3, 2019): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhass-06-2019-0001.

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Purpose The study aims to deal with three theoretical approaches to answer the research question: Does political reform in rentier States (Kuwait as a model) lead to political stability? The first approach: Following the steps of political reform in rentier States leads eventually to political stability. The second approach: Political stability in rentier States does not necessarily lead to political reform. The third approach: In rentier States, the decisive factor in interpreting the correlation between political reform and political stability requires explaining other intermediary factors. Design/methodology/approach David Easton’s input-output model: Easton defined the political system as the interactions related to the authoritarian allocation of values in society, that is, the distribution of resources by decisions adopted by individuals, and provided a framework for analysis of the political system in which it sees an integrated circuit of a dynamic nature that starts with inputs and outputs feedback, input and output. Inputs refer to the effects of the environment on the system. Outputs are the effects of the system on the environment, which are the decisions and policies taken by the system to meet the demands. Reverse feedback is the flow of information to the system about the results of its actions, the results of its decisions and policies. Generate new inputs in the form of a demand or support, and the system’s feedback feeds a kind of movement. Findings It can be said that the future of the rentier state is particularly dangerous in the Arab countries where the problem today is the sharp drop in oil prices, which requires the need to enter into the stage of major transformations and work to bring about fundamental changes and enter into radical constitutional, economic, political and social reforms before turning them from the state rent to countries that lack political stability. Research limitations/implications The aim of this research is to present a theoretical study of political reform. The study began to consolidate the concept of political reform, which was and still is the goal of many political and social reform leaders and movements, in addition to being a major topic in political theories. Reform can be carried out by violence and by peaceful change. In any case, reform remains a humanitarian need that cannot be ignored or avoided, because the alternative is worsening and deteriorating political and social conditions. Practical implications The Arab Spring revolutions set many challenges for the Arab countries. These countries had to start political reforms. The State of Kuwait was one of the most important rentier countries that, after the Arab Spring revolutions, was concerned with ensuring that individuals and groups exercised their political rights through political participation in decision-making. It guarantees the human existence of society and protects it through the law and its legislation, and grants rights and freedoms and does not oppose it. Social implications Political reforms lead to accommodating the demands of the opposition, increasing the political participation of citizens, activating the political role of women, activating the role of civil society and increasing political mobility. Originality/value The importance of the research paper is to emphasize the term rentier state and confirm the importance of reform in rentier countries and the paper asks whether the expansion of political rights, citizenship and participation will lead to stability or instability in these countries.
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Chaudhry, Kiren Aziz. "Economic Liberalization and the Lineages of the Rentier State." Comparative Politics 27, no. 1 (October 1994): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422215.

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Hertog, Steffen. "SHAPING THE SAUDI STATE: HUMAN AGENCY'S SHIFTING ROLE IN RENTIER-STATE FORMATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 4 (October 30, 2007): 539–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807071073.

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There are two established ways of recounting the emergence of the modern Gulf oil monarchies. The social scientific explanation describes anonymous structural forces, the “resource curse” of the “rentier state,” and how these have shaped politics and markets with their inexorable logic. The other narrative, of the popular history variety, offers romantic, personalized accounts of desert shaykhs, their whims, and the sudden riches of their families (complemented, in some less benevolent accounts, by tales of monumental corruption).
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Hertog, Steffen. "SHAPING THE SAUDI STATE: HUMAN AGENCY'S SHIFTING ROLE IN RENTIER-STATE FORMATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 4 (October 30, 2007): 563b. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807071383.

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Yamada, Makio. "Can a rentier state evolve to a production state? An ‘institutional upgrading’ approach." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 47, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2020.1714867.

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Cowcher, Kate E. "Luanda Onde Está? Contemporary African Art and the Rentier State." Critical Interventions 8, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 140–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2014.939524.

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Bakshi, G. D. "Afghanistan as a rentier state model: Lessons from the collapse." Strategic Analysis 22, no. 5 (August 1998): 783–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169808458852.

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Cleary, Mark, and Wong Shuang Yann. "Diversification Problems in a Rentier State: The Case of Brunei." Pacific Viewpoint 34, no. 1 (May 1993): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/apv.341004.

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Baumann, Hannes. "The transformation of Saudi Arabia’s rentier state and ‘the international’." Globalizations 16, no. 7 (February 5, 2019): 1165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2019.1573870.

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Sim, Li-Chen. "Low-carbon energy in the Gulf: Upending the rentier state?" Energy Research & Social Science 70 (December 2020): 101752. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2020.101752.

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SMIRNOV, Valerii V. "The State is a financial rentier: A new Russian reality." Finance and Credit 28, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 466–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/fc.28.2.466.

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Subject. This article considers the State as a financial beneficiary. Objectives. The article aims to define the parameters of the Russian State as an independent financial beneficiary. Methods. For the study, I used a systems approach using the methods of statistical, cluster, and neural network analyses. Results. The article defines the parameters of the functionality of the Russian State as a financial beneficiary and highlights its connection with the problematic position of a petrostate. Conclusions and Relevance. The parameters of the functionality of the Russian State as a financial beneficiary allow the Russian Government to adjust measures to support economic growth, focusing on the volume of international reserves and the key interest rate of the Bank of Russia. The study expands the scope of knowledge and develops the competencies of the Government of the Russian Federation to assess the opportunities of economic growth and the choice of the way of development.
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Sarmadi, Hamid, Mortaza B, Hafez A, and Sirous S. "Negative Correlation Between Economic Structure of Rentier State and Non-Democratization (Case Study: Saudi Arabia)." Humanities and Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (April 8, 2018): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/hssr.v1n1p1.

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The Saudi Arabia having patrimonial government politically system and unique nature of power structure that all political affairs set in Ale Saudi dynasty. Government system is traditional and dependent to person and persons of dynasty are absolute rulers and away from criticism and ruler willing prefer to law. Despite of authoritarian and monarchy system and non-democracy development in Saudi Arabia special now that kind of government system isn’t acceptable side of dominant discourse of global community, this country could rely on oil produce regarding to rentier state features have active representation in international communities and too in home sue achievement to legitimacy and vindication. the interests of state-building and to reinforce its legitimacy, which is hardly the act of a state free of interests. Saudi Arabia is also an archetypal example of a state that still faces influence from actors within the state and elite structures, i.e. princes, senior officials, and clerics, among others. In this article analysis rentier state effect on non-democracy development in case study of the Saudi Arabia and research claim is that in nature of relations between rentier state and non-democracy development exist negative correlation. Namely whatever government income dependent to oil export and state economic nature has been independent from peoples, will be decrease from democratic charge in political dimension. This country by oil produce and effect to world powers economies cause that be complex government structure under monarchy system and use endowment of oil rent. Now observe modern dictatorship that despite of economic and social reforms side if internal, regional and international pressures in general dimension of society, will be non-democratic politically structure.
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Schwarz, Rolf. "From Rentier State to Failed State : War and the De-Formation of the State in Iraq." A contrario 5, no. 1 (2008): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/aco.052.0102.

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Schwarz, Rolf. "Does war make states? Rentierism and the formation of states in the Middle East." European Political Science Review 3, no. 3 (April 1, 2011): 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000014.

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The famous dictum that ‘war makes states’ has received renewed interest with the experience of state failure and state collapse in many parts of the Developing World. Historical studies have shown that the activity of war-making was an essential ingredient of the process of state-making in early modern Europe. The history of state-making in the Arab Middle East shows that rentier states defy the ‘war makes states’ theory. This article compares four states from the Arab world, two having been exposed to the experience of war-making (Iraq and Jordan) and two not (the United Arab Emirates and Tunisia). The comparison of these four states shows that rentierism serves as an obstacle to the formation of legitimate and institutionalized states. However, the availability of external rents also allows state institutions and patronage channels to continue providing general welfare. Thus, rentierism produces a twin phenomenon of state weakness and life support for potentially failed states. It is only when war-making is employed in rentier states as a strategy of state-making that states fail and break.
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Al-Saadi, Sabri Zire. "Crucial challenges to global and oil-rentier economies." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 292–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910902853983.

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This article highlights the limitation of the traditional macroeconomic policies related to oil-rent crucial issues and suggests remedies for the current global financial and economic crises in view of free market efficiency principles as advocated by contemporary economic doctrines: Keynesian and Monetarism. It also reasserts the long-term alternative strategy for the liberalization of the oil-hostage rentier economies. The given analysis is based on the experience of the oil-rentier countries, as well as the fiscal and monetary policies applied in the advanced economies; especially the United States, Britain and the European Union for dealing with the current global financial crisis and economic recession. The general aim of the analysis is to establish the bases for the required confidence in market efficiency and the benefits of the globalization thrust that are not consistent with the applied remedies. It suggests that for both advanced and oil-rentier economies, heavy investment in modernizing and the expansion of the physical, social, and environmental infrastructure projects are, at this stage, essential. However, for the oil-rentier economies, more emphasis should be given to the role of the state until the objectives of the required economic diversification strategy are achieved. As the credibility and trust of the banks and financial institutions, the policy-makers, fiscal and monetary authorities and regulators are very low, it is essential to retain the confidence of business communities and consumers in the financial and economic systems by undertaking unbiased assessment of the causes, impact, and remedies of the crises for different economies.
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35

Karzai, Hamid. "JISB Interview: ‘We Don't Want to Be a Rentier State Forever’." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 12, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 442–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2018.1468050.

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36

Tarrah, Ali Al. "Kuwait: Dependency and Class in a Rentier State, Jacqueline S. Ismael." Digest of Middle East Studies 3, no. 3 (July 1994): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1994.tb01034.x.

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أقطيط, أنس. "السلطة الفلسطينية والدولة الريعية = The Palestinian Authority and the Rentier State." سياسات عربية, no. 26 (2017): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0041011.

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38

Verkoren, Willemijn, and Bertine Kamphuis. "State Building in a Rentier State: How Development Policies Fail to Promote Democracy in Afghanistan." Development and Change 44, no. 3 (May 2013): 501–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12029.

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Plaksin, S., and A. Zhoulin. "How to Modernize State Machinery: Administrative Reform and Reform of Public Service." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 2 (February 20, 2008): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2008-2-73-82.

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The article contains an analytical survey of key reforms in public administration in Russia: administrative reform and reform of public service. All reform tools are analyzed from the point of view of "technological" approach, encouragement of public institutions development and traditional for Russia way of control of heads and authorities of executive bodies. Perspectives and success of reforms are examined through four strategies: "Inertia", "Mobilization", "Rentier" and "Modernization".
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40

KHALID R. ALKHATER. "THE RENTIER PREDATORY STATE HYPOTHESIS: AN EMPIRICAL EXPLANATION OF THE RESOURCE CURSE." Journal of Economic Development 37, no. 4 (December 2012): 29–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35866/caujed.2012.37.4.002.

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41

Weyland, Kurt. "The Rise of Latin America's Two Lefts: Insights from Rentier State Theory." Comparative Politics 41, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041509x12911362971918.

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Losman, Donald L. "The Rentier State And National Oil Companies: An Economic And Political Perspective." Middle East Journal 64, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 427–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/64.3.15.

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Strand, Arne. "Afghanistan Beyond the Fog of War: Persistent Failure of a Rentier State." Forum for Development Studies 47, no. 2 (July 22, 2019): 397–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2019.1643119.

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44

Farah, T. E. "Political Culture and Development in a Rentier State: The Case of Kuwait." Journal of Asian and African Studies 24, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1989): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190968902400108.

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Mazawi, André Elias. "The Academic Profession in a Rentier State: The Professoriate In Saudi Arabia." Minerva 43, no. 3 (September 2005): 221–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11024-005-6473-5.

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46

Freer, Courtney. "State religious authorities in rentier economies and the management of independent Islamism." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 47, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 42–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2020.1714213.

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47

Rutledge, Emilie. "Oil rent, the Rentier State/Resource Curse Narrative and the GCC Countries." OPEC Energy Review 41, no. 2 (June 2017): 132–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/opec.12098.

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48

Loehr, Dirk. "The euthanasia of the rentier — A way toward a steady-state economy?" Ecological Economics 84 (December 2012): 232–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2011.11.006.

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Moore, Pete W. "Rentier fiscal crisis and regime stability: Business-state relations in the Gulf." Studies in Comparative International Development 37, no. 1 (March 2002): 34–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02686337.

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50

Farah, Tawfic E. "Political Culture and Development In a Rentier State: The Case of Kuwait." Journal of Asian and African Studies 24, no. 1-2 (1989): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685217-90007226.

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This article uses political culture to explain Kuwait's socio-economic and political development. It attributes Kuwait's political stability, its smooth transition from a subsistance economy to petroleum-induced prosperity and its ability to handle high rates of socio-economic changes to the management skills of the Kuwaiti ruling family and the commitment of the bureaucracy to the state. These two elements of political culture explain how the Kuwaiti regime has been able successfully to meet the challenges of development which would otherwise have made it a prime candidate for instability. The article concludes that Kuwait's political culture creates a bond between Kuwaiti citizens and their ruler, with the bureaucracy promoting and strengthening allegiance to the state and its development policies.
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