Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Reparation Commission'

Univ., FB Philos. und Geschichtswiss., Diss. u.d.T.: Jähnicke, Burkhard: Die Geschichte der deutsch-amerikanischen Mixed Claims Commission, 1922 - 1939--Hamburg, 2000.
Literaturverz. S. 310 - 359.

La question de la justice dans les sociétés en transition est systématiquement soulevée après un conflit ou une période répressive ou autoritaire. En effet, les violations flagrantes du droit international des droits de l’homme et les violations graves du droit international humanitaire perpétrées sous les précédents régimes ne sauraient laisser aux institutions politiques nouvelles le choix de l’inaction face au passé. Les commissions vérité et réconciliation constituent un des mécanismes de la justice transitionnelle qui place la victime au cœur de ses préoccupations notamment parce que l’incrimination du bourreau n’est pas le seul objectif de la justice et que, comme le remarquait Hannah Arendt, il faut bien constater qu’il y a « des crimes qu’on ne peut ni punir, ni pardonner ». Parfois présentées comme une solution alternative à la justice pénale, ces commissions ont pour objectif d’établir les méfaits des anciens régimes. Le possible choix entre les commissions vérité et la justice répressive interne ou internationale est écarté dans cette étude qui entend accorder une place importante à la complémentarité des commissions vérité et réconciliation avec les autres mécanismes de la justice transitionnelle, notamment les poursuites judiciaires contre les auteurs des crimes de droit international les plus graves et les réparations pour les victimes. De fait, le but de cette étude n’est pas d’analyser de manière isolée ces commissions mais de constater que les normes internationales et la situation propre à chaque pays en transition limitent les options disponibles du traitement du passé. La recherche est fondée sur la méthode d'étude de cas de plusieurs pays dans une démarche comparative afin d’en tirer des conclusions aboutissant à démontrer la légitimité des commissions vérité et réconciliation en période de transition ainsi que leur fonctionnement
The issue of justice in societies in transition is systematically raised after a conflict, a repressive period or an authoritarian period. Gross violations of international human rights law and grave breaches of international humanitarian law perpetrated under previous regimes cannot let the choice of inaction concerning the past to the new political institutions.Truth and reconciliation commissions constitute one of the mechanisms of transitional justice, which place the victim at the middle of its concerns especially because the criminalization of perpetrators is not the only goal of justice and, as noted by Hannah Arendt, “men are unable to forgive what they cannot punish and are unable to punish what turns out to be unforgivable”. Sometimes presented as an alternative mean to criminal justice, these commissions aim to establish the misdeeds committed by former regimes. The possible choice between truth commissions and international or internal criminal Justice is avoided in this study, which aims to highlight the important role of the complementarity of truth and reconciliation commissions with other transitional justice mechanisms, notably legal prosecutions against the perpetrators of crimes against international law and reparations for victims. In this regard, the aim of this study is not to analyze these commissions in an isolated manner, but to notice that international standards as well as situations in each country restrict the options available for dealing with the past. This research is based on a comparative approach presenting a case study on different countries for demonstrate the legitimacy of truth and reconciliation commissions and their functioning in period of transition

Malgré ce que l’on a pu croire, le régime commun pourrait présenter un grand intérêt pour le droit international de l’environnement sous réserve de la prise en compte de certaines considérations environnementales. Il s’agit d’une part, du déclenchement de la responsabilité et, d’autre part, de la réparation. Si, en raison de certaines insuffisances normatives environnementales, l’engagement de la responsabilité pourrait soulever des difficultés, le fondement du régime commun, à savoir le fait illicite, facilite la prévention des dommages environnementaux. Quant à l’invocation de la responsabilité, une évolution concernant les droits des États agissant pour un intérêt collectif pourrait empêcher que de nombreux espaces et espèces échappent à la sphère de la responsabilité des États. Concernant les modalités de la réparation, l’importance d’une réparation en nature ou par équivalent en nature impose une adaptation à l’appréciation ou à la mise en œuvre de la restitution et de l’indemnisation. En revanche, la présente thèse propose une nouvelle forme de satisfaction : la compensation écologique
Despite some authors’ scepticism, the international environmental law can find certain solutions in the law of state responsibility. However, the success of finding such solutions depends on the introduction of a number of environmental considerations to as conditions of state responsibility, its invocation and reparation. Regarding the first, although the state responsibility, which is based on breach of obligations, may lack normative environmental aspect, its preventive role vis-a-vis the environmental harm should not be underestimated. As to the invocation, the positive law has to acknowledge the right of an injured state acting for the collective interest in order to include spaces and species beyond the state’s sovereignty to the law of state responsibility. Regarding the forms of reparation, restitution and compensation must be adapted taking into consideration the importance of environmental restoration towards baseline conditions. However, satisfaction needs to transform into a multiform and flexible form of reparation. For this purpose the present study suggests the biodiversity offset mechanism as a form of satisfaction

In recent years the field of reparations for indigenous peoples has increased remarkably. Past wrongs made by states in the distant past has become more important to highlight, not only because of the memories of historical injustice, but because of how the past impacts the future, and not least, still appears as structures of discrimination remaining from the past.   As an indigenous people the Saami people living in Sweden have experiences of both historical injustices as well as todays struggle with discrimination on different levels. Mostly regarding their right to be a part of decisions concerning them and the right of culture, language, identity, land and nature resources, fundamental for them as a people. In order to change their situation and to search for redress the Saami people in Sweden have announced their need of a truth commission. The Saami people are not the first indigenous people whom search for redress through a truth commission, but is it possible to learn from others?   With this in mind, my study aim to look at practical experiences of truth commissions in Canada and New Zealand and further, examine what the Saami people in Sweden hope to achieve with a truth commission. Thereafter, I weight other indigenous peoples experiences of a truth commission with the Saami peoples expectations to find out what keys need to be considered to increase the outcome of a truth commission. Where theory, practical experience and Saami expectations connects is where the key issues can be found. Given this, my study suggests that five different key issues must be thought through and shall not be underestimated as they may have an effect on the ongoing process as well as on the results and the aftermaths. The key issues that is suggested is as follows: 1) political will, 2) the role and engagement of Civil Society, 3) the Saami´s own involvement 4) the problem of what focus the commission should have, and 5) the awareness of “tough” questions coming up.

The South African Truth Commission was different to any other commission held in the past. The Commission had to balance the scales between a painful past and a peaceful future. The task in itself was not an easy one, considering the fact that the apartheid years spanned over many decades. It certainly was not an easy task to maintain a balance between blanket amnesty and legal prosecutions. This middle of the road policy leveled much criticism from all sides, ranging form political parties to victims and their families and the general public. However, the policy on amnesty was a crucial aspect in balancing the past with that of the future. Although the TRC had achieved its objectives, it had many shortcomings ranging from its original mandate, its workings right through to the final recommendations. The scope of the Commission was far too wide considering the fact that they had to cover human rights abuses spanning over the years 1960 to 1994. The mandated period for them to complete their task was very limited if one considers the fact that this was a unique Commission and many people had to be trained to carry out tasks especially on lower levels. The Committees established by the Commission did not have clear methods of working and the coordination between them was poor. The methodology followed by the TRC was flawed but we need to take time and consider the enormity of the task at hand. It was not only a transitional phase for the people of South Africa but for the new government as well. The TRC was not a well planned process. However one has to also consider that accountability had to be done as soon as possible or it would have lost its essence. Issues had to be faced as soon as possible. The Commission also received criticism for allowing religion into its doors, mainly Christian theology. However, in some ways, one has to consider the fact that most people who were affected by apartheid were Christian and they found comfort in the practice of the Commission. The National Party had to be accountable and yes, as leaders they should have apologized for what had happened. This should have been a point of issue for the Commission and one of the areas where they had failed to act. Notwithstanding all the negative aspects of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission much positivism brought to the country as a whole, sections of society and to individuals. Nothing short of a miracle can heal a country. The terms of reconciliation, forgiving and healing became acceptable terms to many who were affected by the period of apartheid. South African history was given an opportunity to be recorded. People were given an opportunity to clear their conscious and find peace in truth. For the first time it was possible to see beyond the pain that many had suffered. As a country we would have been much poorer had the truth not been told. I believe it was truly a necessary part of our history. Copyright
Dissertation (MHCS)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Historical and Heritage Studies
unrestricted

Transitional Justice bezeichnet staatliche Anstrengungen um vergangene Menschenrechtsverletzungen am Ende von Represionen aufzuarbeiten. Reparationszahlungen an die Opfer, die eines der Hauptinstrumente staatlicher Aufarbeitung darstellen können, blieben in der Transitional Justice-Literatur vergleichweise unerforscht. Dieses Buch versucht diese Lücke zu schließen und fragt, warum manche Staaten solche Programme eingeleitet haben, während andere junge Demokratien darauf verzichteten. Dabei setzt sie Reparationszahlungen in den Kontext anderer Transitional Justice-Maßnahmen und greift gleichzeitig zwei Haupterklärungsansätze für gerichtliche Verfahren und Wahrheitskommissionen auf. In diesem Zusammenhang ist die Frage, inwieweit Transitional Justice aus moralischer Überzeugung oder aus taktischem Kalkül der neuen Eliten eingeleitet wurde. In dem die Arbeit diese Frage am Beispiel der Zahlung von Entschädigungsleistungen diskutiert, kann sie auch Aussagen darüber machen, wie valide die bestehenden Erklärungsansätze für Transitional Justice sind. Anhand der südamerikanischen Regimewechsel in den 1980ern wird aufgezeigt, dass Reparationszahlungen oft zur Legitimation von Amnestien verwendet wurden. Wenn Täter und Opfer relativ starkes Drohpotential besaßen, versuchten Regierungen den Opfern durch Entschädigung entgegenzukommen um Amnestien für die Täter bei gleichzeitiger Anerkennung der Taten zu rechtfertigen. Entschädigungszahlungen wurden somit oft aus strategischen Erwägungen geleistet, was man bei der normativen Bewertung dieser Programme berücksichtigen sollte.
Transitional justice refers to approaches that states use to address past human rights violations at the end of violence and repression. Providing reparations to victims, which can be understood as one of the main instruments of Transitional Justice, has so far received relatively little attention in the Transitional Justice literature. This book tries to fill this gap and asks why some states chose to implement reparation programs while others did not. Putting reparations into context this book adapts explanations for the realization of trials and truth commissions and asks whether they also hold for reparations. The main question is, whether state elites chose Transitional Justice mechanisms for moral or tactical reasons. Hence, by analyzing reparations this book can also help us to reappraise the validity of popular explanations for other Transitional Justice mechanisms. Studying the democratic transitions in South America in the 1980ies this book shows that reparations were often paid to justify amnesty decisions for the perpetrators. When perpetrators and victims posed a credible threat for the incumbents, they implemented reparation programs while crimes of the past went unpunished. In most cases reparations were paid due to tactical convenience rather than moral commitment, which should be considered when we evaluate the concept of reparations.

Drawing lessons from South Africa, Chile, Peru and Colombia, the study seeks to contribute to the debate around reparations in a society where the likelihood of prosecutions against suspected perpetrators is limited.

Après la commission de violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire et dans le cadre parfois d’une transition ou d’une situation post conflictuelle difficile, les Commissions vérité ont été de plus en plus créées au sein des Etats. Parce qu’elles sont destinées à l’examen de violations de règles établies en droit international, se pose la question de leur rapport avec ce droit. Par leurs spécificités formelles et la flexibilité de leurs règles, leur utilisation du droit international et leur prise en compte des victimes, elles constituent un cadre particulièrement novateur dédié à l’examen des violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire. Cependant, instances non judiciaires et eu égard aux évolutions du droit international, elles conduisent à s’interroger sur la responsabilité pour ces violations et des obligations internationales de l’Etat à cet égard, et à exiger la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité pénale pour la commission des violations les plus graves qu’elles ont constatées
In time of transition or in post conflict situations, many truth Commissions have been increasingly created within many States to deal with a past caracterised by many human rights and international humanitarian law violations. Because they are dedicated to investigate violations of established rules of international law, the question emerge on their relationships with international law. Their formal characteristics and their flexibility, their use of international law and the focus and attention they give to the victims of these violations, make them appear to be an innovative mean allowing specific review of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. However, because there are non-judicial bodies and taking into consideration the developments of international law, they raise questions about responsibility for these violations and international obligations of the State in this regard, and lead to the requirement of prosecution and the implementation of criminal liability for the serious violations they reported

Objectives : This study focused, unusually, on the experience of people who gave testimony in person to the TRC many years previously. The study’s objectives were firstly to explore the personal, social and political events that participants recounted as motivating them to testify to the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), and secondly to analyse the meanings that participants gave retrospectively, about fourteen years later, to testifying before the TRC. METHOD: 30 participants were recruited, from poor socioeconomic backgrounds, in Gauteng and Western Cape provinces, South Africa. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in participants’ preferred SA languages. Data were analysed using principles of modified grounded theory. Findings: Participants from the two provinces testified through shared hopes for change but differed in the specific political and violent events that they wished to make public. Looking back, many participants expressed disillusionment with the TRC’s effectiveness. Participants were concerned by unfulfilled promises, inadequate reparations and lack of socioeconomic improvement. Memories of horrific abuses were still vivid, and most doubted that the TRC process could result in forgiveness, amnesty, reconciliation and healing. Participants felt unacknowledged, invalidated and inadequately recompensed, symbolically and monetarily. Nonetheless, participants expressed suspended hope, if not for themselves but for the future generations. ‘Misrecognition’ emerged as the overarching theme, an experience of feeling ignored and dismissed, finding promises for material recompense broken, and their contribution to the seemingly successful TRC processes not recognised. Conclusion: The TRC process neglected the abuse of the apartheid period, which has left a legacy. This study has shown that many participants continue to struggle with the legacy of a very unequal society, and further follow-up research is vital to review participants’ long-term needs. Lack of improvement in social and economic conditions has led some people in South Africa to question the effectiveness of the TRC.

This dissertation provides a critical gender analysis of the Kenyan Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission's (TJRC) recommendations for reparations. While 'gender' describes the form of analysis undertaken, this dissertation is focused on how gender has interacted with other factors to influence women and girls' experiences of violence and harm during the TJRC's post-independence mandate period (1963 to early 2008) and whether or not the TJRC's proposed reparations program offers gender-sensitive remedies. Therefore, the main question this dissertation seeks to determine is: to what extent does the TJRC's Reparations Framework a) address the types of violence and harm commonly experienced by women, b) encourage their participation in developing the framework, c) promote a change to female victims and survivors' lived realities and d) address the root causes of this violence? This question is explored through an examination of primary and secondary sources such as empirical research on violence against women in Kenya, academic theory on gender-sensitive reparations programs, reports and literature produced by civil society institutions and the TJRC's Final Report. The dissertation's analysis draws on normative theory regarding reparations from scholars such as de Greiff (2006) and Hamber (2009) among others. The civil society document, The Nairobi Declaration (2007) and the literature on gender sensitive reparations, specifically that of Rubio-Marin (2009), Manjoo (2010), Duggan and Jacobson (2009), Durbach and Chappell (2014) act as guideposts for this analysis. This literature establishes the basic elements of any gender-sensitive reparations framework, namely: participation, rehabilitation and transformation. Overall, the TJRC was dedicated to understanding women's experiences of human rights violations and recommending remedy to women acutely impacted by violence. However, due to limited funds, controversies over the suitability of its Chairman, Bethuel Kiplagat, a poor relationship with civil society and oversights of its own, the Commission faced difficulty in securing meaningful participation of women in the development of its recommendations for reparations. However, notwithstanding a few oversights, it is argued that the content of the TJRC's recommendations for reparations are gender sensitive. Given the gravity of violence and the massive numbers of victims in need of redress, the recommendations for reparations separate victims in terms of violations endured and their level of vulnerability. Overall, this eligibility criterion is responsive to the types of violence and harm commonly endured by women. The TJRC's proposed reparations include elements of acknowledgement, rehabilitation, prevention and transformation. With the Commission's recommendations to provide medical and psychosocial vouchers, pensions as well as collective reparations in the form of official acknowledgment, institutional reforms and gender violence recovery centers, the reparations program has the potential to impact both the lived experiences of victims and survivors as well as in a small way, subvert Kenya's deeply entrenched gender hierarchy. With a combination of individual and collective reparations, the TJRC's recommendations for reparations, if implemented, could play a role in combating the micro and macro impact of gendered violence in Kenyan society.

Magister Legum - LLM
This thesis advocates the expansion of the field of transitional justice to address corruption in African states emerging from conflict or authoritarianism. There is a close connection between corruption and conflict or repressive regimes in Africa. A good example is the Arab Spring of 2011, where citizens of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya protested against endemic corruption, leading to removal of despotic leaders from power. Dictators or conflicts tend to leave African states in situations where their coffers have been emptied corruptly and their citizens subjected to serious physical violence. What is more, corrupt and oppressive leaders use their ill-gotten assets to escape liability for their crimes. The evident link between the two forms of abuse makes it desirable to address them simultaneously when the dictatorship or conflict ends. Many African countries have deployed transitional justice mechanisms, such as criminal prosecutions, truth commissions, institutional reforms and reparations to address violations of civil and political rights. However, they have neglected corruption and other violations of social and economic rights, notwithstanding their crucial role in the violent past. Many countries still are haunted by the unresolved legacies of corruption and other socio-economic injustices. Recently, scholars and practitioners in the fields of transitional justice and anti-corruption have started to call for corruption and other socio-economic issues to be accommodated within transitional justice programmes. Problems encountered with the expansion of transitional justice mechanisms have not been worked out yet at the level of theory, policy and practice. This thesis subscribes to transformative justice theory as the most viable perspective from which to tackle corruption in transitional societies in Africa. Transformative justice theory is gaining increasing attention in the field of transitional justice, and it has been incorporated in the recent African Union Transitional Justice Policy. It champions locally driven mechanisms which reflect the needs of the victims and local communities, and which pursue socio-economic justice and transformation. The thesis argues that the current transitional justice mechanisms have the potential to become transformative and it will seek to answer how best each of these mechanisms may be implemented to address corruption. It is hoped that this thesis will assist in answering critical questions regarding the proximate relationship between corruption and violence, and in offering guidelines towards the total integration of an anti-corruption agenda into the field of transitional justice in Africa.

Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure)
Transitional justice mechanisms have become commonplace as a tool for recovery for societies emerging from conflict and repressive regimes. The extent to which women's rights concerning development and long-term economic advancement in the arena of transitional justice is dealt with is almost negligible. The significance of including development as a means of protecting marginalised groups such as women has been mostly disregarded in the transitional justice context. Currently, the discourse on gender justice has placed civil and political rights as well as sexual crimes against women at the centre stage. Transitional justice mechanisms have failed to give effect to long-term sustainable and substantive change in women's lives following conflict and periods of repressive rule. The core aims of transitional justice are prosecution of offenders, reconciliation and reparations for the victims of gross human rights abuses. Reparations are usually used as a medium through which restitution and compensation for the harm suffered by victims are made possible. Reparations are also deemed as an essential element for the healing and recovery of the individual victim and the society affected by egregious human rights violations.

The Royal Commission on Japanese Claims (1947-1951), known as the “Bird Commission,” investigated and offered compensation to Japanese Canadians for their losses of property during the 1940s. It is largely remembered for what it was not: that is, it was not a just resolution to the devastating material losses of the 1940s. Community histories bitterly describe the Commission as destined to failure, with narrow terms of reference that only addressed a fraction of what was taken. Similarly, other historians have portrayed the Commission as a defensive mechanism, intended by the government to limit financial compensation and to avoid the admission of greater injustice. Yet scholars have never fully investigated the internal workings of the Commission. Despite its failings, Japanese Canadians used the Bird Commission in their struggle to hold the state accountable. Hundreds of Japanese Canadians presented claims. Their testimonies are preserved in thousands of pages of archival documents. The Bird Commission was a troubling, flawed, but nonetheless important historical process. This thesis examines government documents, claimants’ case files, and oral histories to nuance previous accounts of the Bird Commission. I draw from ‘productive’ understandings of Royal Commissions to argue that the Liberal government, cognizant of how such mechanisms could influence public opinion, designed the Bird Commission to provide closure to the internment-era and to mark the start of the postwar period. Their particular definition of loss was integral to this project. As Japanese Canadians sought to expand this definition to address their losses, the proceedings became a record of contest over the meaning of property loss and the legacy of the dispossession. Navigating a web of constraints, Japanese Canadians participated in a broader debate over the meaning justice in a society that sought to distance itself from a legacy of racialized discrimination. This contest, captured in the Commission proceedings, provides a pathway into the complex history of the postwar years as Canadians grappled with the racism of Second World War, including Canada’s own race-based policies, and looked towards new approaches to pluralism.
Graduate
2018-12-22

This study evaluated the effectiveness of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (SATRC), using the theoretical and conceptual framework of the five pillars of transitional justice. Chitsike (2012) identified the five Pillars of Transitional Justice that the study uses. For that reason, Truth-Seeking and Truth-Telling, Trials and Tribunals, Reparations, Institutional Reform and Memorialisation are the Five Pillars of Transitional Justice that this study elected to use as the conceptual and theoretical framework. The Five Pillars of Transitional Justice that were delineated by Boraine (2005) are referred to for analytical purposes in the study. Methodologically, the study assumes a qualitative posture. Literature study through content analysis that uses description and exploration is deployed to make interpretation of the used literature. This study notes that each one of the pillars of transitional justice has its recommendations and limitations, and the pillars are much more enriched and enriching when applied in complementarity to each other rather than in isolation. The SATRC process also had its achievements and limitations, and its popularity was based on political impressions rather than concrete transitional justice achievements on the ground, in the view of the present study. Furthermore, it appears to the present study that more time is needed for much more reliable evaluations of the effectiveness of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to be made, some of its successes and limitations will take many years and or even decades to manifest because at the end of the day, TRCs are historical process and not events.
Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)

C'est avec beaucoup de complexité et d'ambiguïté que les opérations de la paix des Nations Unies se sont déployées sur la scène internationale au cours des dernières décennies. Si le déploiement de ces opérations reflète avant tout la matérialisation de l’un des buts fondamentaux de l’ONU, à savoir : le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationale (Article 1(1) de la Charte des Nations Unies), il n'en reste pas moins manifeste que les actions qu’elles entreprennent sur le terrain sont susceptibles de produire des effets préjudiciables pour les tiers. La question que pose le présent mémoire est donc de savoir si, et dans quelle mesure, la responsabilité de l'ONU est régie par le droit international lorsque des tiers subissent des dommages matériels et corporels du fait des troupes des opérations de paix des Nations Unies. Que prévoit le droit international ? Existe-t-il pour les victimes des voies de réparations ? S’interroger sur la responsabilité de l’ONU suppose que l’on tienne compte avant tout de sa personnalité juridique internationale, car l’existence juridique de l’Organisation universelle constitue le postulat primaire sur lequel sera fondée sa responsabilité internationale. L’avis consultatif de la Cour Internationale de Justice du 11 avril 1949 sur la Réparation des dommages subis au service des Nations Unies représente le moment précis de cette personnification de l’ONU sur la scène internationale. D’un point de vue plus substantiel, les contours de la responsabilité onusienne dans le contexte du maintien de la paix se dessineront autour d’un élément central : « le fait internationalement illicite ». Celui-ci comprend deux éléments; d’une part, un élément objectif consistant en un comportement précis (action ou omission)violant une obligation internationale; et, d’autre part, un élément subjectif attribuant à l’Organisation ce manquement au droit international. Cette ossature de la responsabilité onusienne permettra d’appréhender de façon plus précise dans quelle mesure l’Organisation pourrait être tenue responsable de ses actes ou omissions dans le contexte du maintien de la paix. Plus encore, elle nous permet de plaider pour une responsabilité intégrée tenant compte des facteurs endogènes propres à toute situation, mais aussi faisant de l’individu dans le droit international des sujets dont les intérêts sont susceptibles de protection juridique.
It is with great complexity and ambiguity that the United Nations Peace Operations took place on the international scene during the last decade. Since their deployment reflects first and foremost one of the most fundamental goal of the Unites Nations Organization, namely: to maintain international peace and security (Section 1(1) of the Charter of the United Nations), it is predictable that the actions they undertake on the field may produce harmful effects for the third parties. The question raised by this thesis aims to discover if and to what extent the UN responsibility is governed by International Law when such third parties suffer from material and personal damages at the hand of UN Peace Operations troops. What does International Law provide? Are there any means of reparation for the victims? Searching for the UN responsibility includes the supposition that the Organization possesses the international legal personality, because its legal existence represents the basic postulate on which its responsibility will be based. The Advisory Opinion of 11 April 1949 of the International Court of Justice on Reparation for Injuries Suffered in the Service of the United Nations constitutes the exact moment of the personification of the UN on the international scene. From a more substantial perspective, the outlines of the UN responsibility in the peacekeeping context are being drawn around one crucial element: « the internationally wrongful act ». This element includes two parts; on the one hand, an objective component which consists of a specific conduct (action or omission) breaching an international obligation; and, on the other hand, a subjective component attributing to the Organization the breach of this international obligation. This framework of the UN responsibility will allow a better understanding of the extent to which the responsibility of the Organization can be retained for actions or omissions committed in a peacekeeping context. More importantly, it allows us to plead for a responsibility which encompasses not only the endogenous characteristics of each situation, but also a legal protection by International Law of the interest of each individual.