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Academic literature on the topic 'Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 22 February 2023
Last updated: 23 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations"

1

White, N. D. "Commentary on the Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations (The Brahimi Report)." Journal of Conflict and Security Law 6, no. 1 (2001): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/6.1.127.

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2

Rhodes, Sybil Delaine, and Gabriel Guerrero. "HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE PROTECTION OF CIVILIANS IN UN PEACE OPERATIONS." Revista Política y Estrategia, no. 140 (January 13, 2023): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26797/rpye.vi140.1000.

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As human rights norms increased in importance in the international system, the Protection of Civilians (POC) doctrine became the center of gravity in modern Peace Operations (PO), generating new organizational and structural demands on the United Nations (UN), on other international organizations, and on countries that contribute with troops and police (T/PCC). Can POC be understood as a “graft” onto a broader human rights norm? Has POC doctrine become institutionalized? Has the POC norm “cascaded?” Finally, how can we best observe the POC “cascade” and evaluate its effects on the success of peace missions? This article attempts to answer these questions from the perspective of norm evolution or norm life cycle theory, in dialogue with existing more institutionalist and technical as well as political conversations about the successes and failures of peace missions. Our method is a medium-N study of the evolution of PO mandates and reform processes since 1945. We focus on nine missions and three key reform documents (, (the Brahimi report of 2000, the High Independent Panel Peace Operations [HIPPO] report of 2015 and the Action for Peacekeeping [A4P] Initiative of 2019) and find that POC has followed a path consistent with the “life cycle” approach of international norms. To fully determine the extent to which POC has “cascaded” as an independent norm, we argue that it is essential to pay close attention to the boundaries between the strategic, operational, and tactical levels of peace operations. In particular, actors at the operational level play the crucial role of decodifying POC for forces who implement tactics on the ground.
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3

Nikitin, A. "United Nations Peace Operations: Reconsidering the Principles, Reforming the Practice." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-16-26.

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The article describes and debates main points and recommendations of the Report-2015 of the Independent High Level Group on the UN Peace Operations. The author analyses doctrinal innovations and practical guidelines suggested by the Group and debates consequences of the recommended “politicizing” of the UN operations (assuring the leading role for the UN in any political peace process supported by UN peacekeepers, and avoiding operations where the UN role is limited to passive disengagement of conflict sides). Necessity for and limits of reconsidering traditional principles of peacekeeping, such as impartiality, consent of conflict parties, and use of force for self-defence are questioned. Trends in UN operations are compared with trends in operations related to conflicts in the Post-Soviet space (South Ossetia/Georgia, Abkhazia/Georgia, Tajikistan, Transnistria/Moldova, etc.). The author advocates timeliness for an extended interpretation of the “defence of the mandate” formula instead of the classical “self-defence of the contingent”. It is suggested to practically erase the dividing line between operations of the “peacekeeping” type under the UN DPKO, and “political missions” under the UN Political Department. The arsenal of the UN instruments for conflict resolution must be widened from non-intrusive observation missions, conflict prevention and mediation, through support of ceasefire agreements and implementation of peace accords, down to coercive peace enforcement, offensive elements, and UN Charter Chapter VII-based collective operations against aggressive regimes and states. Poorly defined functions and insufficiently clarified use of force limits for the SC-mandated “UN Intervention Brigade” in Democratic Republic of Congo lead to unnecessary involvement of the UN into coercive actions. The experience of the UN “infrastructural hubs” establishing, like the one in Entebbe (Uganda) used for supplying eight African UN operations, is described. New technology for peacekeeping, like the use of unpiloted flying drones, opens new opportunities, but creates legal and practical problems. A distinction of functions between “blue helmets” (specially trained multinational UN contingents) and “green helmets” (regular national armies used by states in foreign conflicts) is recommended, including avoidance of counter-terrorism tasks and strong coercive tasks for the UN peacekeepers. Parallel and interfaced “partnerships” between the limited UN operations and more forceful national/coalition operations in the same areas are suggested instead.
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4

MANUSAMA, KENNETH M. "The High Level Panel Report on Threats, Challenges and Change and the Future Role of the United Nations Security Council." Leiden Journal of International Law 18, no. 3 (2005): 605–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650500289x.

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The UN High Level Panel Report, published in December, takes a comprehensive approach and is very frank in analysing the threats to international peace and security and their rootcauses. Its analysis and recommendations range from economic and social challenges to the use of force. This article discusses in particular the role and tasks that the High Level Panel envisages for the Security Council in light of the threats and challenges it identified. With the events of 11 September 2001 as the pivotal moment in history, the Panel nevertheless does not recommend or insist on fundamental changes of international legal paradigms, including in the (collective) use of force. The Panel's focus on reform of Security Council composition instead of the system that it operates neglects the problems with the latter and the impossibility of achieving the former.
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5

Spieker, Heike. "Changing "Peacekeeping" in the New Millennium? ― The Recommendations of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations of August 2000." Journal of International Peacekeeping 6, no. 4-6 (2000): 144–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187541100x00175.

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6

Boulden, J. "The Reform Process of United Nations Peace Operations. Debriefing and Lessons, Report of the 2001 Singapore Conference." Journal of Refugee Studies 15, no. 4 (2002): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/15.4.428.

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7

Lyons, Scott W. "New Robust Peacekeeping." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.12.

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Peacekeeping, conceptually, was designed to be traditionally defensive in nature with a neutral, unarmed, multinational force maintaining or monitoring peace. The first major example of a United Nations peacekeeping force dates to the initial Arab-Israeli conflict with the UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNSTO), established in May 1948. The peacekeepers were there to observe and maintain the ceasefire and assist in any terms of the armistice agreements following the initial fighting with the partition of the British Mandate in Palestine and the later declaration of the State of Israel. The Security Council Resolution “Instruct[ed] the United Nations Mediator in Palestine, in concert with the Truce Commission, to supervise the observance of the above provisions, and decide[d] that they shall be provided with a sufficient number of military observers.” UNTSO was followed by a variation, the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan, which was to observe and report violations of the ceasefire along the contested border. Both of these original UN peacekeeping operations are still in existence after seventy years. This original concept of peacekeeping was based upon the United Nation's principle that the organization would act to prevent conflict between states following the atrocities committed during World War II through its neutrality. However, the term “peacekeeping” is not found anywhere within the United Nations Charter. It is instead inferred under both Chapter VI and Chapter VII powers to resolve disputes.
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8

Chandra, Vineet. "Ending Corporate Anonymity: Beneficial Ownership, Sanctions Evasion, and What the United Nations Should Do About It." Michigan Journal of International Law, no. 42.1 (2021): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.36642/mjil.42.1.ending.

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In the vast majority of jurisdictions around the world, there is a generous array of corporate forms available to persons and companies looking to do business. These entities come with varying degrees of regulation regarding how much information about the businesses’ principal owners must be disclosed at the time of registration and how much of that information is subsequently available to the public. There is little policy harmonization around the world on this matter. Dictators and despots have long taken advantage of this unintended identity shield to evade sanctions which target them; in July of 2019, the Center for Advanced Defense Studies (C4ADS) published a comprehensive, investigative report into North Korea’s supply chain for luxury vehicles outlawed by U.N.S.C resolution 1718. C4ADS found eighty-two previously unreported shipments of 803 luxury vehicles – including two armored Mercedes limousines Kim Jong-Un was later pictured in – between 2015 and 2017 alone. At least twenty-four corporate entities, mostly based in China and Russia, participated in the process of covertly moving the cars to North Korea as guarantors, consignors, or consignees. Hugh Griffiths, Senior Researcher and Head of Countering Illicit Trafficking-Mechanism Assessment Program at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute and coordinator for the U.N. panel convened to monitor North Korean sanctions compliance, summed up the significance of the problem succinctly. “If you can smuggle luxury limos into North Korea, which is done by shipping container,” he says, “that means you can smuggle in smaller components – dual-use items for ballistic and nuclear programs.” Deficient beneficial ownership protections around the world are not just the esoteric consequence of complicated legal systems; they present a significant threat to international peace and security as a vehicle for terrorism financing, sanctions evasion, and other forms of criminal activity. In six parts, this paper considers the development of beneficial ownership regulation since the 1990s, describes current efforts to harmonize jurisdiction-specific approaches, suggests more intensive involvement by the United Nations, establishes the legal basis for the use of the U.N. Security Council’s legislative powers on this issue, and argues that the United Nations is the international organization best-suited to drive towards universal, international compliance with the modern regulatory consensus.
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Papadileris, Sophie. "Protection of Peacekeepers Resorting to Armed Force – A Current Dilemma." Volume 61 · 2018 61, no. 1 (2019): 403–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.61.1.403.

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The protection of peacekeepers and their classification in the categories of international humanitarian law has been a matter of controversy for years. To give peacekeepers some protection, the Safety Convention was established in 1994 and specific protection regulations were included in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court in 1998. Nevertheless, neither attacks on peacekeepers nor their (active) involvement in military conflicts have decreased. Therefore, a highly topical dilemma currently occupies the legal department of the United Nations. There are various tasks of peacekeeping operations that are difficult to reconcile. On the one hand, peacekeeping is traditionally achieved through a simple presence in which peacekeepers are not involved in combat operations and are protected as civilians. On the other hand, where peace enforcement involves military coercive means, it may be difficult not to regard the personnel as combatants. The boundaries between these types of mission are fluid. Due to increasingly robust peacekeeping mandates, the question of protection and its legal limits, with regard to possible participation in hostilities, is more acute than ever. Keywords: Peacekeeping Operations, Protection, Safety Convention, Article 8 ICC Statute, Direct Participation in Hostilities, Aggressive Mandate, Self-Defence, Cruz Report
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10

Eckhard, Frederic. "Whose Responsibility to Protect?" Global Responsibility to Protect 3, no. 1 (2011): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598411x549495.

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AbstractThe 2009 challenge in the United Nations General Assembly to the Responsibility to Protect was a warning call. This landmark piece of human rights legislation makes a lot of governments nervous; some of them would want to wipe R2P off the books. It might be worthwhile therefore to review how it came about and ask what its importance is to you. R2P had many “fathers”, but one important one was UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Seared by the UN experience in Bosnia, the genocide in Rwanda and the persecution of the Kosovars by Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic, Annan asked the International Peace Academy to look into the basis in international law for humanitarian intervention. They couldn't find one. Canadian Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy then stepped in and set up a commission that did in a report called e Responsibility to Protect. Annan carefully laid the groundwork for international acceptance of the principle. He created a high-level panel to study security threats in the 21 st century and named former Australian Foreign Minister Gareth Evans to it. Evans co-chaired the Canadian panel. Annan's panel endorsed R2P. With that crucial backing, he put R2P to the General Assembly, which, against all odds, voted in favor of it in 2005, making R2P international law. Humanitarian intervention is in fact a threat to national sovereignty. But so are most international treaties. Governments trade on their sovereignty when it is in their interest to do so. On R2P they did so again. Why should it matter to you? Just remember the Holocaust.
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Books on the topic "Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations"

1

Fiji. Peace Keeping Review Committee. Review of Fiji's peace keeping operations: Report of the Review Committee, 16 September, 1993. Govt. Printer, 1993.

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2

Office, General Accounting. Peace operations: Cost of DOD operations in Somalia : report to congressional committees. The Office, 1994.

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Office, General Accounting. Peace operations: Cost of DOD operations in Somalia : report to Congressional committees. The Office, 1994.

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4

Berdal, Mats R. A more secure world: our shared responsibility: Report of the UN Secretary-General's High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change : assessments of the report. Canadian Institute of International Affairs, 2005.

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de, Rham-Azimi Nassrine, Chang Li Lin, United Nations Institute for Training and Research., Institute of Policy Studies (Singapore), Nihon Kokusai Mondai Kenkyūjo, and UNITAR-IPS-JIIA Conference (5th : 2001 : Singapore), eds. The reform process of United Nations peace operations: Debriefing and lessons : report of the 2001 Singapore Conference. Kluwer Law International, 2001.

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United States Institute of Peace, ed. Police functions in peace operations: Report from a workshop organized by the United States Institute of Peace. The Institute, 1997.

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United Nations. Dept. of Public Information, ed. A more secure world: Our shared responsibility : report of the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges, and Change. United Nations, 2004.

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University, United Nations. The United Nations peace-keeping operations: Recent experiences and future prospects : report of the Tokyo Symposium, 3 to 4 September 1991, Tokyo, Japan. United Nations University, 1992.

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Office, General Accounting. Peace operations: Withdrawal of U.S. troops from Somalia : report to Congressional requesters. U.S. General Accounting Office, 1994.

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Office, General Accounting. Peace operations: Information on U.S. and U.N. activities : briefing report to Congressional committees. The Office, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations"

1

Wani, Ibrahim J. "United Nations Peacekeeping, Human Rights, and the Protection of Civilians." In The State of Peacebuilding in Africa. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46636-7_6.

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Abstract Drawing on lessons from United Nations (UN) led peacekeeping operations in Africa, this chapter discusses the background and evolution of peacekeeping engagement on issues related to human rights, refugees, and internal displacement; the array of norms and institutions that have developed to formalize the mandate in the UN peacekeeping framework; and the experiences, lessons, and challenges in its implementation. Due to escalating challenges around protecting civilians and human rights violations, the chapter argues that UN peacekeeping must move beyond rhetoric. A genuine commitment to implement the recommendations of the United Nations High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations (HIPPO) is a necessary first step. Enhanced mechanisms to compel host states to protect human rights within their borders and more regional engagement on thwarting “spoilers” are among several key follow-on measures.
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"Report of the Panel on United Nationas Peace Operations." In Reforming the United Nations. Brill | Nijhoff, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004482012_015.

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Carayannis, Tatiana, and Thomas G. Weiss. "Commissions and Panels." In The "Third" United Nations. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198855859.003.0004.

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The chapter analyzes the over-sized role of one visible component of the Third UN. Prominent individuals—many of whom made their government and international civil servant careers as members of the First and the Second UNs—have come to constitute essential and frequent contributors to the advance of knowledge and norms. The case studies concern peace operations (the Brahimi report of 2001 and HIPPO of 2015); the protection of human beings in war zones (the ICISS report of 2001); and for sustainable development (the Brundtland report of 1987 and the ongoing work by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, IPCC). Less successful or even counterproductive group efforts also figure in the discussion, but the main examples seek to demonstrate how and when such blue-ribbon groups make a difference.
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"Panel on United Nations Peace Operations: Resource Requirements." In Reforming the United Nations. Brill | Nijhoff, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004482012_037.

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Azimi, Nassrine, and Chang Li Lin. "Overview of the Brahimi Report." In The Reform Process of United Nations Peace Operations. Brill | Nijhoff, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004503007_006.

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Azimi, Nassrine, and Chang Li Lin. "Review of Report at Other Policy and Research Forums." In The Reform Process of United Nations Peace Operations. Brill | Nijhoff, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004503007_007.

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Azimi, Nassrine, and Chang Li Lin. "The Insider’s View: Impact of the Report on the United Nations System as a Whole." In The Reform Process of United Nations Peace Operations. Brill | Nijhoff, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004503007_011.

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"Refugees International Report on the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo MONUC: A Misunderstood Mandate." In International Peacekeeping: The Yearbook of International Peace Operations. Brill | Nijhoff, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047407195_006.

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9

Spieker, Heike. "Changing “Peacekeeping” in the New Millennium? – The Recommendations of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations of August 2000." In International Peacekeeping. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315251967-8.

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Fox, Michael H. "Global Climate Change: Real or Myth?" In Why We Need Nuclear Power. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199344574.003.0006.

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We, the teeming billions of people on earth, are changing the earth’s climate at an unprecedented rate because we are spewing out greenhouse gases and are heading to a disaster, say most climate scientists. Not so, say the skeptics. We are just experiencing normal variations in earth’s climate and we should all take a big breath, settle down, and worry about something else. Which is it? A national debate has raged for the last several decades about whether anthropogenic (man-made) sources of carbon dioxide (CO2 ) and other so-called “greenhouse gases“ (primarily methane and nitrous oxide) are causing the world to heat up. This phenomenon is usually called “global warming,” but it is more appropriate to call it “global climate change,” since it is not simply an increase in global temperatures but rather more complex changes to the overall climate. Al Gore is a prominent spokesman for the theory that humans are causing an increase in greenhouse gases leading to global climate change. His movie and book, An Inconvenient Truth, gave the message widespread awareness and resulted in a Nobel Peace Prize for him in 2008. However, the message also led to widespread criticism. On the one hand are a few scientists and a large segment of the general American public who believe that there is no connection between increased CO2 in the atmosphere and global climate change, or if there is, it is too expensive to do anything about it, anyway. On the other hand is an overwhelming consensus of climate scientists who have produced enormous numbers of research papers demonstrating that increased CO2 is changing the earth’s climate. The scientific consensus is expressed most clearly in the Fourth Assessment Report in 2007 by the United Nations–sponsored Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the fourth in a series of reports since 1990. The IPCC began as a group of scientists meeting in Geneva in November 1988 to discuss global climate issues under the auspices of the World Meteorological Organization and the United Nations Environment Program.
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Reports on the topic "Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations"

1

Caparini, Marina. Conflict, Governance and Organized Crime: Complex Challenges for UN Stabilization Operations. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/nowm6453.

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This SIPRI Report examines how organized crime is intertwined with armed conflict and hybrid governance systems in three states that currently host United Nations stabilization missions. It surveys the conflict/crime/governance nexus in the Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Mali, and how UN stabilization missions, in particular the UN Police, have engaged with the challenge of organized crime. The report argues that improving how UN stabilization interventions engage with organized crime will require a frank assessment of the significance of organized crime in systems of governance and patronage, of its role as a driver and enabler of armed conflict by non-state armed groups, and of the involvement of state-embedded actors in illicit markets. The complex links between conflict and governance actors and organized crime in the settings examined raise fundamental questions about the assumptions underlying peace operations. The report concludes with a set of recommendations on how to move to more realistic analyses and bases for peace operations.
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