Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Representative assemblies'

Esta Dissertação de Mestrado pretende a partir de uma análise sobre a representatividade quantitativa e qualitativa dos mandatos das deputadas estaduais negras brasileiras, pensar as relações entre poder, gênero e raça em uma sociedade patriarcal. Para tanto, utilizaremos como amostra quatro mandatos de deputadas negras das Assembleias Legislativas dos estados da Bahia e São Paulo, durante o período de 2011 a 2014. O objetivo desta Dissertação é primeiro demonstrar que o cenário da democracia parlamentar brasileira mantém traços similares de gênero e raça que não coincidem com a real diversidade étnica/racial e de gênero que compõe a sociedade brasileira e em segundo, constatar que os mandatos das deputadas estaduais negras influenciam e resultam na implementação de mais políticas transversais que buscam a promoção da igualdade racial e de gênero e de combate ao racismo e ao sexismo<br>This Master\'s Dissertation intends to reflect upon the relationship between power, gender and race in a patriarchal society from an analysis of the quantitative and qualitative representativeness of the terms of the black female deputies from Brazilian states. To this end, we will use as a sample four terms of black female deputies of the Legislative Assemblies of the states of Bahia and São Paulo during the period from 2011 to 2014. The purpose of this dissertation is to first demonstrate that the setting of the Brazilian parliamentary democracy holds traits of gender race that are similar but that do not match the real ethnic/racial and gender diversity that makes up the Brazilian society, and secondly, to verify that the mandates of black female state deputies influence and result in the implementation of more crosscutting policies that seek to promote racial and gender equality and to fight racism and sexism

Condorcet (septembre 1743-mars 1794), mathématicien et académicien, est entré en politique bien avant la Révolution. Installé à Paris dès 1762, il commence par se consacrer principalement aux mathématiques, jusqu'à son entrée en 1769 à l'Académie des sciences, au moment même où le gouvernement applique des réformes inspirées de la physiocratie (liberté du commerce des grains, réforme municipale de Laverdy) entre 1764 et 1769. Deux périodes caractérisent l'activité politique de Condorcet avant la Révolution.Turgot, nommé contrôleur général des finances en août 1774 par Louis XVI, en fait un de ses conseillers, avec Dupont de Nemours et Morellet, et le nomme inspecteur des monnaies. Il n'a alors de cesse, durant tout le ministère de Turgot (août 1774-mai 1776) de soutenir les réformes entreprises par Turgot (liberté du commerce intérieur des grains, abolition de la corvée) avec des écrits largement inspirés de la doctrine physiocratique, sans jamais s'en revendiquer ouvertement. Après la chute de Turgot, il reprend part aux débats politique liés à la création d'assemblées représentatives à partir du ministère de Calonne (1783-1787). C'est alors qu'il défend, dans tous ses écrits de la période jusqu'à la Révolution, les assemblées provinciales qu'il reprend largement du projet de municipalités de Dupont de Nemours (1775), marquant son opposition nette à la convocation des États généraux. Ne pouvant les empêcher, en même temps qu'il propose une Déclaration des droits, il essaie finalement de s'y faire élire député de la noblesse, sans succès<br>Condorcet (september 1743-march 1794), mathematician and academician, entered politics well before the french Revolution. Installed in Paris from 1762, he begins by focusing mainly on mathematics, until his entry into 1769 at the Academy of Science, at the very time when the government is implementing reforms inspired by the Physiocraty (freedom of trade in grains, municipal reform of Laverdy) between 1764 and 1769. Two periods characterize the political activity of Condorcet before the french Revolution.Turgot, appointed controller general of Finance in August 1774 by Louis XVI, calls him as one of his advisors, with Dupont de Nemours and Morellet, and appoints him as currency inspector. Then, he did not cease, throughout the ministry of Turgot (august 1774-may 1776), to support the reforms undertaken by Turgot (freedom of the internal trade of grains, abolition of the chore), in writings largely inspired by the Physiocratic doctrine, without ever openly claiming it.After the fall of Turgot, he takes part in the political debates related to the creation of representative assemblies, from the Ministry of Calonne (1783-1787). It was then that he defended, in all his writings from the period up to the Revolution, the provincial assemblies that he largely reiterates the project of municipalities of Dupont de Nemours (1775), marking his clear opposition to the call for the Estates General. Unable to prevent them, at the same time as he proposes a bill of rights, he finally tries to get elected deputy of the nobility, without success

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.<br>Soon after independence in 1964 the Malawi government made an attempt to decentralise some of its activities through the creation of district development committees. However, in practice local-level institutions were not fully operational as the one-party system of government (led by the Malawi Congress Party) tended to manipulate the autonomy and operations of these institutions. Accordingly, there was no manifestation of local participation and representation. The period of one-party rule in Malawi came to an end in 1994 with the introduction of multi-party democracy. The new government revitalised the idea of decentralised governance by passing the Local Government Act of 1998, which saw the establishment of local assemblies. Thus officially Malawi has a very supportive system in relation to citizen participation and representation through decentralised local institutions. However, in practice, there is no clear evidence that this is actually being realised. Consequently, this study was undertaken to examine the role of party politics on local participation and representation. The study was conducted in three district local assemblies of Malawi ...

Le parlement europeen, assemblee supranationale elue au suffrage universel direct, qui participe a l'exercice de la "souverainete" de l'union et se determine par la deliberation de deputes issus de quinze etats, constitue un defi pour l'analyse politique. Il appelle a une interrogation fondamentale : "que fait-il lorsqu'il delibere ?". Au plan theorique, l'absence de remise en cause de la logique institutionnelle "non-politique" de 1957, exige une reflexion sur la notion meme de deliberation et son application a un cadre non etatique. La question doit ensuite etre envisagee sous l'angle de la participation du parlement a l'exercice des competences de l'union ; on constate qu'a travers sa deliberation, il exerce des pouvoirs normatifs importants et qu'il s'est arroge un fort pouvoir tribunicien. La question doit enfin etre traitee au plan pratique, par une etude des contraintes - liees notamment a la question de la representation -, des acteurs, des lieux et des procedures de la deliberation. Elle se caracterise par la pluralite des comportements, des logiques et des interets des elus, et par la complexite des equilibres qui la commandent. Ce foisonnement affecte sa lisibilite mais permet aux deputes de s'adapter a la nature des textes et des situations, et de reduire les tensions entre interets particuliers, locaux, regionaux, nationaux et europeens. Cette pluralite est en outre moderee grace a la "rationalisation" de la deliberation, par la codification des procedures, la restriction des pouvoirs individuels, la recherche du consensus et le recours a l'expertise et aux consultations. Malgre cela, la deliberation, comprise comme un acces pratique collectif a la raison commune par des rationalisations partielles et selectives, et non comme un marchandage contraint, est possible. Si le politique est en partie evacue, c'est volontairement, pour permettre aux deputes d'investir des champs de competences dont ils sont evinces en tant que representants du politique.

La maquette numérique d'un produit occupe une position centrale dans le processus de développement de produit. Elle est utilisée comme représentation de référence des produits, en définissant la forme géométrique de chaque composant, ainsi que les représentations simplifiées des liaisons entre composants. Toutefois, les observations montrent que ce modèle géométrique n'est qu'une représentation simplifiée du produit réel. De plus, et grâce à son rôle clé, la maquette numérique est de plus en plus utilisée pour structurer les informations non-géométriques qui sont ensuite utilisées dans diverses étapes du processus de développement de produits. Une demande importante est d'accéder aux informations fonctionnelles à différents niveaux de la représentation géométrique d'un assemblage. Ces informations fonctionnelles s'avèrent essentielles pour préparer des analyses éléments finis. Dans ce travail, nous proposons une méthode automatisée afin d'enrichir le modèle géométrique extrait d'une maquette numérique avec les informations fonctionnelles nécessaires pour la préparation d'un modèle de simulation par éléments finis. Les pratiques industrielles et les représentations géométriques simplifiées sont prises en compte lors de l'interprétation d'un modèle purement géométrique qui constitue le point de départ de la méthode proposée<br>The digital mock-up (DMU) of a product has taken a central position in the product development process (PDP). It provides the geometric reference of the product assembly, as it defines the shape of each individual component, as well as the way components are put together. However, observations show that this geometric model is no more than a conventional representation of what the real product is. Additionally, and because of its pivotal role, the DMU is more and more required to provide information beyond mere geometry to be used in different stages of the PDP. An increasingly urging demand is functional information at different levels of the geometric representation of the assembly. This information is shown to be essential in phases such as geometric pre-processing for finite element analysis (FEA) purposes. In this work, an automated method is put forward that enriches a geometric model, which is the product DMU, with function information needed for FEA preparations. To this end, the initial geometry is restructured at different levels according to functional annotation needs. Prevailing industrial practices and representation conventions are taken into account in order to functionally interpret the pure geometric model that provides a start point to the proposed method

Durant les 20 dernières années, la recherche en visualisation d’informations (InfoVis) a permis l’émergence de nouvelles techniques et méthodes qui permettent d’assister l’analyse de données intensives pour la science, l’industrie, et les gouvernements. Cependant, la plupart de ces travaux de recherches furent orientés sur des données statiques pour des utilisateurs experts.Dernièrement, des évolutions technologique et sociétales ont eu pour effet de rendre les données de plus en plus dynamiques et accessibles pour une population plus diverse. Par exemple des flux de données tels que les emails, les mises à jours de statuts sur les réseaux sociaux, les flux RSS, les systèmes de gestion de versions, et bien d’autres. Ces nouveaux types de données sont utilisés par une population qui n’est pas forcément entraînée ou éduquée à utiliser des visualisations de données. La plupart de ces personnes sont des utilisateurs occasionnels, d’autres utilisent très souvent ces données dans leurs travaux. Dans les deux cas, il est probable que ces personnes n’aient pas reçu de formation formelle en visualisation de données.Ces changements technologiques et sociétaux ont généré une multitude de nouveaux défis, car la plupart des techniques de visualisations sont conçues pour des experts et des bases de données statiques. Peu d’études ont été conduites pour explorer ces défis. Dans ce rapport de thèse, j’adresse la question suivante : « Peut-­on permettre à des utilisateurs non­-experts de créer leur propre visualisation et de contribuer à l’analyse de flux de données ? »La première étape pour répondre à cette question est d’évaluer si des personnes non formées à la visualisation d’informations ou aux « data sciences » peuvent effectuer des tâches d’analyse de données dynamiques utiles, en utilisant un système de visualisation adapté pour supporter cette tâche. Dans la première partie de cette dissertation, je présente différents scénarios et systèmes, qui permettent à des utilisateurs non­-experts (de 20 à 300 ou 2000 à 700 000 personnes) d’utiliser la visualisation d’informations pour analyser des données dynamiques.Un autre problème important est le manque de principes génériques de design pour l’encodage visuel de visualisations d’informations dynamiques. Dans cette dissertation, je conçois, définis, et explore un espace de design pour représenter des donnés dynamiques pour des utilisateurs non­-experts. Cette espace de design est structuré par des jetons graphiques représentant des éléments de données qui permettent de construire dans le temps différentes visualisations, tant classiques que nouvelles.Dans cette thèse, je propose un nouveau paradigme de conception (design) pour faciliter la réalisation de visualisation d’informations par les utilisateurs non­-experts. Ce paradigme est inspiré par des théories établies en psychologie du développement, tout autant que par des pratiques passées et présentes de création de visualisation à partir d’objets tangibles. Je décris tout d’abord les composants et processus de bases qui structurent ce paradigme. Ensuite, j’utiliserai cette description pour étudier *si et comment* des utilisateur non­-experts sont capables de créer, discuter, et mettre à jour leurs propres visualisations. Cette étude nous permettra de réviser notre modèle précédent et de fournir une première exploration des phénomènes relatifs à la création d’encodages visuels par des utilisateurs non­-experts sans logiciel. En résumé, cette thèse contribue à la compréhension des visualisations dynamiques pour des utilisateurs non­-experts<br>During the past two decades, information visualisation (InfoVis) research has created new techniques and methods to support data- intensive analyses in science, industry and government. These have enabled a wide range of analyses tasks to be executed, with tasks varying in terms of the type and volume of data involved. However, the majority of this research has focused on static datasets, and the analysis and visualisation tasks tend to be carried out by trained expert users. In more recent years, social changes and technological advances have meant that data have become more and more dynamic, and are consumed by a wider audience. Examples of such dynamic data streams include e-mails, status updates, RSS 1 feeds, versioning systems, social networks and others. These new types of data are used by populations that are not specifically trained in information visualization. Some of these people might consist of casual users, while others might consist of people deeply involved with the data, but in both cases, they would not have received formal training in information visualization. For simplicity, throughout this dissertation, I refer to the people (casual users, novices, data experts) who have not been trained in information visualisation as non-experts.These social and technological changes have given rise to multiple challenges because most existing visualisation models and techniques are intended for experts, and assume static datasets. Few studies have been conducted that explore these challenges. In this dissertation, with my collaborators, I address the question: Can we empower non-experts in their use of visualisation by enabling them to contribute to data stream analysis as well as to create their own visualizations?The first step to answering this question is to determine whether people who are not trained in information visualisation and the data sciences can conduct useful dynamic analysis tasks using a visualisation system that is adapted to support their tasks. In the first part of this dissertation I focus on several scenarios and systems where different sized crowds of InfoVis non-experts users (20 to 300 and 2 000 to 700 000 people) use dynamic information visualisation to analyse dynamic data.Another important issue is the lack of generic design principles for the visual encoding of dynamic visualization. In this dissertation I design, define and explore a design space to represent dynamic data for non-experts. This design space is structured by visual tokens representing data items that provide the constructive material for the assembly over time of different visualizations, from classic represen- tations to new ones. To date, research on visual encoding has been focused on static datasets for specific tasks, leaving generic dynamic approaches unexplored and unexploited.In this thesis, I propose construction as a design paradigm for non-experts to author simple and dynamic visualizations. This paradigm is inspired by well-established developmental psychological theory as well as past and existing practices of visualisation authoring with tangible elements. I describe the simple conceptual components and processes underlying this paradigm, making it easier for the human computer interaction community to study and support this process for a wide range of visualizations. Finally, I use this paradigm and tangible tokens to study if and how non-experts are able to create, discuss and update their own visualizations. This study allows us to refine our previous model and provide a first exploration into how non-experts perform a visual mapping without software. In summary, this thesis contributes to the understanding of dynamic visualisation for non-expert users

VIEIRA, Márcia Paula Chaves. Poder Legislativo no Ceará: geografia do voto e ação política na Assembleia Legislativa. 2012. 169f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2012.<br>Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-29T11:45:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-MPCVIEIRA.pdf: 7639621 bytes, checksum: 03dab42c7dfd09c24a16572de0f9fb84 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-29T12:48:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-MPCVIEIRA.pdf: 7639621 bytes, checksum: 03dab42c7dfd09c24a16572de0f9fb84 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-29T12:48:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-MPCVIEIRA.pdf: 7639621 bytes, checksum: 03dab42c7dfd09c24a16572de0f9fb84 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012<br>The research aims to observe whether the political actions of the representatives at the Legislative Assembly of the State of Ceará were directed to the municipalities in which they obtained most of their vote and how was their relationship with their political parties. Politicians fulfill their term of office in order to be granted a new mandate in the next election. This mandate might be a renewed one at the Legislative Assembly or a new mandate at another political office. The political geography of the Assembly elections was analyzed to understand the relationship between vote distribution and the type o parliamentary activity. A typology of vote distribution was elaborated leading to the conclusion that there are informal territorial constituencies and that most politicians guide their actions towards these constituencies.<br>A pesquisa tem o objetivo de observar, no plano estadual cearense, se a ação política dos deputados estaduais da Assembleia Legislativa era direcionada aos municípios nos quais obtiveram votos e como se dava a relação deles com o partido. Em ambos os casos, o político parlamentar cumpriria seu mandato tendo em vista se reeleger na eleição seguinte, seja ao mesmo cargo no legislativo, seja a outro cargo político. Para viabilizar a pesquisa foi necessário, como perspectiva metodológica, perceber a importância do espaço geográfico, ou seja, importância analítica da geografia política para compreender quais as demandas sugeridas aos nossos representantes através das estratégias adotadas pelos candidatos na Assembleia Legislativa e, assim, perceber como a representação e a representatividade política são exercidas na ação legislativa estadual. Elaborei, ao final, tipologias para interpretar a distribuição de votos dos deputados estaduais. No resultado, temos a formação de circunscrições informais e a presença de bases eleitorais territoriais que conduzem a ação política de grande parte dos deputados pesquisados.

A tese tem por objeto a articulação político-institucional de mecanismos de controle dos atos ministeriais - os pedidos de informações e solicitações de esclarecimentos e a responsabilidade penal com efeitos políticos dos ministros e secretários de Estado -, durante a Primeira Legislatura (1826-1829), com o objetivo de consolidar o sistema de governo monárquico hereditário constitucional representativo proclamado pela Carta de 1824, de modo a estabelecer limites às amplas atribuições conferidas pelo texto constitucional ao imperador, e tornar seu papel possível e viável, tendo em vista as aspirações dos diversos segmentos econômico-sociais das províncias representados na Assembleia Geral Legislativa. A partir da reflexão sobre a relação existente entre constituição e responsabilidade, na teoria política e nas experiências legislativo-constitucionais inglesa, norte-americana, francesa e portuguesa, de modo a possibilitar a compreensão do significado do conceito de responsabilidade na década de 1820, debruça-se sobre a estratégia articulada pelos membros do Corpo Legislativo, em especial os deputados da oposição, para atingir seus objetivos e as conquistas político-institucionais obtidas no decorrer das quatro primeiras sessões anuais legislativas. Com a presente tese, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da forma como estabeleceu na prática político-institucional o diálogo entre os membros dos Poderes Legislativo, Executivo e Moderador, o qual teve no conceito de responsabilidade um de seus principais componentes.<br>This thesis aims to analyse the political articulation of measures of control over the ministers\' decisions - parliamentary proceedings to obtain informations about ministerials\' decisions, and to promote ministers\' accountability - during the First Legislature (1826-1829) with the aim to consolidate the representative constitutional hereditary monarchy system proclaimed by the Charter of 1824, in order to establish limits to the royal prerrogatives established by the constitutional text and to construct a possible and feasible role to the emperor, in view aspirations of the various economic and social sectors of the provinces represented in the General Assembly. From the reflection on the relationship between constitution and accountability in political theory and in the legal and constitutional experiments made in England, in North America, in France and in Portugal to enable the understanding of the meaning of the concept of responsive and accountable government in the 1820s, this thesis shows how the Chambers\' members - especially the opposition\'s members - had achieved their purposes, as well the political and institutional achievements had accomplished during the four first legislative annual sessions. With this thesis is intended to contribute to the understanding about how has established, in the political and institutional practice, a dialogue between the members of the Legislative, Executive and Moderator Powers to which the concept of responsive and accountable government had a central role.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico<br>A pesquisa tem o objetivo de observar, no plano estadual cearense, se a aÃÃo polÃtica dos deputados estaduais da Assembleia Legislativa era direcionada aos municÃpios nos quais obtiveram votos e como se dava a relaÃÃo deles com o partido. Em ambos os casos, o polÃtico parlamentar cumpriria seu mandato tendo em vista se reeleger na eleiÃÃo seguinte, seja ao mesmo cargo no legislativo, seja a outro cargo polÃtico. Para viabilizar a pesquisa foi necessÃrio, como perspectiva metodolÃgica, perceber a importÃncia do espaÃo geogrÃfico, ou seja, importÃncia analÃtica da geografia polÃtica para compreender quais as demandas sugeridas aos nossos representantes atravÃs das estratÃgias adotadas pelos candidatos na Assembleia Legislativa e, assim, perceber como a representaÃÃo e a representatividade polÃtica sÃo exercidas na aÃÃo legislativa estadual. Elaborei, ao final, tipologias para interpretar a distribuiÃÃo de votos dos deputados estaduais. No resultado, temos a formaÃÃo de circunscriÃÃes informais e a presenÃa de bases eleitorais territoriais que conduzem a aÃÃo polÃtica de grande parte dos deputados pesquisados.<br>The research aims to observe whether the political actions of the representatives at the Legislative Assembly of the State of Cearà were directed to the municipalities in which they obtained most of their vote and how was their relationship with their political parties. Politicians fulfill their term of office in order to be granted a new mandate in the next election. This mandate might be a renewed one at the Legislative Assembly or a new mandate at another political office. The political geography of the Assembly elections was analyzed to understand the relationship between vote distribution and the type o parliamentary activity. A typology of vote distribution was elaborated leading to the conclusion that there are informal territorial constituencies and that most politicians guide their actions towards these constituencies.

L'article 24 de la constitution du 4 octobre 1985, énonce que le Sénat "assure la représentation des collectivités territoriales de la République". Il s'inscrit ainsi dans une longue tradition qui date de la célèbre formule gambettiste qualifiant la haute Assemblée de "grand conseil des communes de France". Cette thèse démontre : d'une part que le collège électoral sénatorial n'est pas compose de représentants des collectivités locales en tant que telles, mais qu'il tient compte de l'importance des populations. D'autre part que le Sénat tant dans son fonctionnement interne que dans ses fonctions nationales (constituante, législative, de contrôle) n'illustre pas sa mission constitutionnelle. Quant à la présence d'un grand nombre d'élus locaux parmi les sénateurs, elle n'est pas significative car on la retrouve dans des proportions semblables, malgré un mode de scrutin diffèrent, à l'Assemblée nationale. Des lors, il convient de voir à travers le Sénat, une représentation du peuple, mais qui s'exerce de manière différente par rapport à l'Assemblée : le mode de scrutin, la durée du mandat, l’âge notamment qui permettent à la fois réflexion, discernement, sagesse, font apparaitre une noblesse républicaine. Là est la vraie justification du Sénat de la République<br>According to the article number 24 of the constitution of October 4, 1958, the senate "warrants the representation of the territorial collectivities of the republic". It is thereby part of a long tradition which goes back to the famous expression of Gambetta who termed the upper assembly as a "great council of the French parishes". This thesis proves: on the one hand that the senatorial constituency is not made up of representatives of the local collectivities as such, but that it takes the size of the populations into account. And on the other hand that the senate both as regards its inner working and its national functions (namely from the constituent, legislative and control stand point) fails to fulfil its constitutional task. As for the presence of a large number of local representatives among the senators, it is not significant since it can be found as well in similar proportions at the national assembly, despite a different voting system. Therefore, one ought to regard the senate as an embodiment of the people, but which is achieved in a different manner than in the national assembly - the voting system, the length of the mandate and especially the age, which are conductive to inducing reflection, judgment, wisdom, at the same time, bring a republican nobility into prominence - there lies the true justification of the republican senate

Dissertação de Mestrado em Gestão e Políticas Públicas<br>A alegada crise da democracia representativa, associada a fortes restrições orçamentais, tem gerado internacionalmente movimentos de alteração do funcionamento do Estado e de reforma das Administrações Públicas e dos Parlamentos , desenvolvendo - se uma admin istração aberta e participada e reforçando - se o envolvimento dos cidadãos nas políticas. A partir do enquadramento teórico desta evolução, abordaram - se depois as formas de envolvimento dos cidadãos no Parlamento , analisando a disponibilização de informação , a consulta e a participaç ão. Centrando - se no objeto do estudo, partiu - se da caraterização do direito de petição e foram analisadas as práticas da AR perante o seu exercício , focando - se nas suas dimensões da organização in terna, processual e da resposta. Foi, depois, analisada a avaliação dos peticionários em relação às virtualidades e limitações que encontraram nas petições e sua tramitação . F ez - se , ainda, o estudo comparativo com outros Parlamentos europeus . Os resultados evidenciam insuficiências mai s significativas a nível da resposta (tempo e mecanismos da mesma). Assim, equacion am - se propostas de alteração das práticas em relação às petições, na linha da maior eficácia e aumento da participação dos cidadãos<br>The alleged crisis of r epresentative democracy, associated with the strong budgetary constraint s, has generated international change movements of the functioning of the State and the reform of Public Administrations and P arliaments, developing an open and participatory administration and strengthening the involvement of citizens in the policies. From the theoretical framework of this evolution, some forms of in volvement of citizens in the P arliament were taken in consideration , analyzing the provision of information, consultation and participation. Focusing on the object of study, the characterization of the right of petition was made and the Parliament's practices in relation to that right w ere analyzed , focusing on its internal organization, procedural and response dimensions. Then, the evaluation of the petitioners regarding the virtues and limitations found in the petitions an d proceedings was analyzed. There was also made a comparative study with other European parliaments. The results show most significant shortfalls in terms of response (time and its mechanisms). Thus, equate proposals amending the practice s in relation to p etitions, in line with greater efficiency and increased citizen participation.

Les sociétés caribéennes de legs plantationnaire sont souvent associées à des sociétés « matrifocales » à tendance matriarcale où les femmes seraient détentrices d’un potentat féminin et les hommes dépossédés de leur autorité « naturelle ». Les femmes sont certes dotées d'une autorité féminine mais la « matrifocalité » ne nie pas des rapports de pouvoir inégaux entre les hommes et les femmes. Le champ politique en constitue un terrain d'expression privilégié. Le décalage paradoxal entre le pouvoir prêté aux femmes et leur position dans le système politique sert de point de départ à ce travail de thèse qui cherche à étudier les relations entre ordre social et représentation politique du point de vue du genre. Il analyse l'évolution de la représentation des femmes dans les assemblées politiques centrales en Guadeloupe (Conseil départemental et Conseil régional) et en Jamaïque (Chambre des représentants et Sénat) depuis 1944 au prisme des renégociations permanentes entre les contraintes structurelles des deux contextes politiques étudiés et les contraintes symboliques intériorisées par leurs acteur.rices.s porteur.se.s d'une histoire sociale particulière, ainsi que les modalités de professionnalisation politique des représentantes recouvrant une hétérogénéité de trajectoires personnelles, professionnelles et politiques. La méthode de recherche adoptée mobilise des sources archivistiques par le recueil de données de type statistique et monographique, donnant lieu à la réalisation d'une base de données sur les femmes siégeant dans les assemblées politiques et d'une typologie de leurs trajectoires, ainsi que la réalisation d’une série d'entretiens semi-directifs biographiques auprès de certaines d’entre elles afin d'approfondir l'analyse de leurs trajectoires. La perspective comparatiste entre la Guadeloupe et la Jamaïque souligne les spécificités de leurs systèmes de représentation politique en dépit de leurs similitudes socioculturelles<br>The Caribbean plantation societies are often described as “matrifocal” or even matriarchal societies in which women hold a female power which deprives their male counterparts of their “natural” authority. Women indeed possess a female power but “matrifocality” does not prevent men from holding more power than women in some domains. The study of the political arena is insightful in this regard. This thesis considers the paradoxical gap between the power women are believed to have in society and their position within the political system, and studies the relationship between the Caribbean social order and its gendered political representation. It analyzes the evolution of women’s representation in the central political assemblies of Guadeloupe (Departmental Council and Regional Council) and Jamaica (House of Representatives and Senate) since 1944, drawing on the permanent evolutions between the structural constraints of the two studied political systems and the symbolic constraints interiorized by the parliamentarians that carry a specific social history; as well as their diversified pathways to political professionalization, echoing their different personal, professional and political trajectories. The research method uses archival data, through the collection of statistical and monographic data which enabled the construction of a database of women seated in the political assemblies of Guadeloupe and Jamaica, as well as interviews conducted with some of them in order to deepen the analysis of their trajectories. The comparative study between Guadeloupe and Jamaica highlights the specificities of their political representation systems despite their similar sociocultural history

Les arrêtés des assemblées générales des sections parisiennes sont les actes politiques et juridiques à travers lesquels les citoyens de la ville de Paris s’expriment et décident. Ils peuvent aussi bien contenir des mesures destinées à être appliquée localement la plupart du temps que des pétitions adressées aux élus, ou aux autres lieux de pouvoir. Ils portent sur des domaines très variés : subsistances, instruction publique, questions militaires, assistance et secours publics… L’an I de la République française, et plus précisément la période qui s’étend du 21 septembre 1792 au 5 septembre 1793 correspond à l’élargissement de la participation citoyenne (fin du cens), à la préparation par les législateurs d’une nouvelle Constitution censée entériner ces nouveaux droits, mais elle voit également la construction de nouveaux outils institutionnels pour faire face à une situation d’urgence, aux fondements du futur Gouvernement révolutionnaire.À travers les pratiques de la production (délibération) et de la diffusion (interactions des citoyens avec les autres acteurs) des arrêtés, il s’agit de comprendre le fonctionnement des assemblées générale et quel « modèle » de la citoyenneté en ressort. En suivant le parcours de arrêtés hors de l’assemblée, notamment dans les assemblées d’élus que sont le conseil général de la Commune de Paris et la Convention nationale, il s’agit également de savoir comment la parole populaire façonne les choix politiques de la nation et entre en compte dans l'élaboration des lois. En quoi les arrêtés contribuent-ils à construire un régime d’un type nouveau, une république à la fois démocratique et représentative ?<br>The orders issued by the general assemblies of Parisian sections are politic and juridical acts used by the citizens of Paris to express themselves and take decisions. These acts can be local bylaws (applied in the area of the section), as well as petitions addressed to deputies or other authorities. They dealt with various affairs: subsistence, education, the military, public assistance, etc.The first year of French republic, especially from 21st September 1792, to 5th September 1793, see the extension of the electoral body (end of the ownership vote) and the drafting of a new constitution by the Assembly in order to consecrate these rights. New institutional devices are also designed to tackle situations of emergency in a time of war and civil unrest, and they become the foundation of the revolutionary government and the Terror.The study of the production and the diffusion of the decrees of the Parisian sections reveals how the general assemblies are organized and what type of citizenship they shape. Following the course of the decrees after their redaction in the sections, especially in the elected assemblies of the General council of the Paris Commune and the National Convention, one can see how the popular voice is taken into account in the drafting of laws and resulte in political decisions. In other words, it reveals to what extent the voice of the people influence the construction of a new government, the first democratic and representative republic

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3390.pdf: 1905318 bytes, checksum: 7f434e47d82d1f329c04b11a10605fe6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-22<br>The objective of this research was to examine, within the platform for social change that is promoted by the Revolution of 1930 until reconstitucionalização the country with the National Constituent Assembly - NCA in 1933, the themes (i) federalism, (ii) regulation work and (iii) class representation were incorporated, through the political disputes, when it was projected to be (re) formulation in the architecture of the Brazilian Nation-State. The constitutional process performed showed the presence of the state politics (through the issues and social work) and Law (in its formatting in the legal framework Law of State) would be critical to the passage of modernity in Brazil. This constitution would be the first of the historic constitutional political and legal thinking about the modern Brazilian and both had important characteristics, because it gave voice to political and social actors in the ANC (the recruitment election result was a generalization multiplied in their representations to the model classical liberal model and the class/organic, with the participation of women, capital and labor). More than institutional innovations in engineering these changes expressed the structural transformation of Brazilian society in the period. If the new actors and interests could not be concerted in the frame of the old Constitution, it became necessary to further the political agenda and a new form of negotiation. Analyses were performed by mapping three phases of political disputes culminating in the final text of the Constitution: it was to a) draft constitution sponsored by the subcommittee of the Foreign Office (official proposal of the Provisional Government), b) discussions constituents (represented by opinion of the 26) and c) the final text of the Constitution. Across these three crops appear in the disputes highlighted the themes of federalism, the regulation of labor rights and class representation, expressions of changes in the modernization process underway in the country as resources and strategies with regard to constitutional procedure.<br>O objetivo desta pesquisa era analisar, dentro da plataforma de mudança social que se promovia com a Revolução de 1930 até a reconstitucionalização do país com a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte ANC de 1933, como os temas (i) federalismo, (ii) regulamentação do trabalho e (iii) representação classista foram incorporados no momento em que se projetava a (re)formulação na arquitetura do Estado-Nação brasileiro. O processo constituinte realizado demonstrou como a política de Estado (através das questões sociais e trabalho) e o Direito (em sua formatação na estrutura legal Estado de Direito) foram fundamentais na passagem para a modernidade no Brasil. A Constituição de 1934 seria a primeira da história política constitucional e jurídica brasileira que se ajustava às novas exigências sociais do Moderno, dando voz e voto a atores políticos e sociais inéditos. Esta mudança iniciou-se já no recrutamento eleitoral ao somar à anterior experiência de representação liberal clássica (e desde o Código Eleitoral de 1932 expandindo o colégio eleitoral, inclusive na mudança substantiva do direito de voto e eleição das mulheres) com a introdução do modelo classista/orgânico que permitiu a representação direta de setores ligados ao capital e ao trabalho. Mais que inovações na engenharia institucional estas alterações expressaram a transformação estrutural da sociedade brasileira no período. Se os novos atores e interesses não conseguiam ser concertados na moldura da velha Constituição (1891), tornava-se necessário uma nova agenda política e uma nova forma de pactuação. As análises desenvolvidas nesta dissertação partem do mapeamento de três fases de disputas políticas que culminaram no texto final da Constituição: a) anteprojeto constitucional promovido pela subcomissão do Itamarati (proposta oficial do Governo provisório); b) os debates constituintes (representados pelo parecer da Comissão dos 26); e c) do texto final da Constituição. Atravessando estas três searas das disputas aparecem em destaque os temas do federalismo, da regulamentação dos direitos do trabalho e da representação classista, expressões das modificações do processo de modernização em curso no país quanto dos recursos e estratégias ao procedimento constitucional.

La thèse compare l’Assemblée nationale et le Bundestag en ce qui concerne l’évolution dans le temps des pratiques des affaires européennes qu’ont les députés, et de leurs discours sur le rôle des parlements dans l’UE. Elle met en lumière une évolution paradoxale : A mesure que les députés se saisissent de l’Europe, les pratiques parlementaires nationales imprègnent de plus en plus leurs discours sur la démocratie parlementaire dans l’UE. L’analyse se fait à travers une « description dense » (« thick description») fondée sur des documents, de la littérature secondaire et des entretiens avec des acteurs parlementaires, en activité aujourd’hui ou dans le passé. Les débats parlementaires sont analysés à l’aide d’une méthode qualitative-quantitative qui compare les clivages des discours dans le temps. La thèse soutient l’argument selon lequel les néo-institutionnalismes, qui prévalent actuellement dans les études européennes, ne suffisent pas pour comprendre les processus d'institutionnalisation, qui ont lieu dans les parlements nationaux, parallèlement à l'évolution de la législation européenne. En intégrant des éléments de la « practice theory », du social-constructivisme de Peter Berger et Thomas Luckmann et de l’« ancien » institutionnalisme de Max Weber, on peut comprendre les observations comme le fruit d’un changement des « motifs d’action » discursive des acteurs. A mesure que leur expérience de l’UE s’accroit, les députés évaluent la démocratie européenne de moins en moins sur la base de réflexions a priori sur le futur de l’intégration européenne, mais en fonction des pratiques qu’ils expérimentent tous les jours<br>The thesis compares EU practice and discourse on the role of parliaments in the EU across time, in the Assemblée nationale and the Bundestag. The thesis brings to light the presence of a European Integration Paradox: Members of Parliaments’ rising experience in EU participation has led to an increasing importance of domestic roles for MPs’ ‘word and deed’ in EU affairs. EU practice is analysed through ‘thick description,’ which is based on primary and secondary interview evidence with current and historical parliamentary actors as well as the study of documents and secondary literature. Assessments of discourse on the role of parliaments are conducted through a systematic deductive-inductive analysis of debates on selected EU treaty changes. This thesis argues that neo-institutionalisms currently prevalent in EU studies are inadequate for understanding the institutionalisation processes at work in national parliaments with increasing EU legislation. Integrating elements of practice theory, of the social-constructivists Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann and the ‘old’ institutionalism of Max Weber, the observations can be interpreted as change of ‘motives’ of discursive action of the actors. With rising experience of ‘doing EU’, Members of Parliament evaluate the role of parliaments in the EU less on the basis of a priori considerations but depending of their day-to-day parliamentary practice

Cette recherche traite de la réactivité des parlementaires français vis-à-vis de leur circonscription.Ce faisant, notre thèse investit l’aspect dyadique de la représentation politique qui a été largementignoré par la littérature française et offre ainsi un nouveau regard sur la variété des activités desdéputés français tant à Paris qu’en circonscription. En s’inspirant des écrits du néoinstitutionnalismedes choix rationnels, notre thèse vise à mettre en lumière les déterminantsinstitutionnels de la réactivité vis-à-vis de la circonscription ainsi que les logiques qui sous-tendentles pratiques de représentation. En surmontant le descriptivisme de beaucoup d’études à ce sujetet à l’aide de solides matériaux empiriques, nous montrons que le territoire d’élection affectegrandement le comportement des députés tant dans le contenu que sur la forme des activités. Lacirconscription et les attentes différenciées des citoyens agissent de manière systématique sur lamanière dont les députés mènent leur mandat<br>This research deals with French MPs responsiveness. This dissertation studies the dyadicrepresentation in the French Assemblée nationale which was largely neglected by scholars. It givesthus a new insight on the diversity of French MPs activities both in Paris and in their district.Following the arguments of the rational choice new institutionalism, our dissertation aims tohighlight the institutional determinants of MPs responsiveness toward their district and the logicsthat underlie their practices of representations. By overcoming the descriptiveness of many studiesand thanks to original and solid empirical data, we show that the characteristics of the districtstrongly affect both the kind and the content of MPs activities. The district and the various citizens’expectations systematically affect the way French MPs conceive their mandate

À l’aube du IXe siècle, les Carolingiens prétendent imposer à l’Occident l’unité dans la foi et le culte. Cet idéal domine les pensées des empereurs qui se conçoivent comme protecteurs, législateurs et juges, mais aussi vicaires du Christ et recteurs de l’Église. De telles ambitions stimulent l’élaboration d’un gouvernement original. Comme les conquêtes avaient composé une vaste mosaïque de populations, de cultures et d’intérêts, la concorde posait un grand défi. Pour y répondre, Charlemagne et Louis le Pieux ont fait des communications leur premier outil politique. Leur inventivité et leur efficience furent appréciables, mais elles n’ont pas suffi à leur gagner toutes les adhésions : la discorde s’est installée là où l’empereur ne parvenait pas à maintenir une relation forte avec les élites régionales. Les distances et les modalités des communications déterminaient la nature de leurs échanges, donc leurs limites et, de ce fait, le destin de l’Empire carolingien. L’enquête aborde un vaste éventail documentaire : actes, capitulaires, correspondances, monnaies... Elle s’intéresse particulièrement aux relations du pouvoir impérial avec les élites du sud-ouest de l’empire. Ses résultats dépendent d’un étayage complexe : dispositifs de représentation du pouvoir, conséquences politico-sociales des distances et des vitesses de déplacement, anthropologie de la rencontre et des relations à distance, étude des réseaux. Au-delà des considérations propres à l’histoire des VIIIe-IXe siècles, elle démontre l’intérêt d’aborder les réalités politiques prémodernes du point de vue des défis que présentent les distances géographiques, les rencontres et les communications.<br>At the start of the 9th Century, the Carolingians intended to unite Western Europe in the Christian faith and cult. This ideal was central to the emperors’ thoughts, who considered themselves protectors, legislators and judges, even claiming to be the vicars of Christ and rectors of the Church’s institutions. Such ambitions led to the development of an original form of government. Since the conquests had composed a large mosaic of populations, cultures and interests, maintaining concord became a major difficulty for the Carolingian government. In rising to this challenge, Charlemagne and Louis the Pious made communications their foremost political tool. With inventiveness and efficiency they used communications as best they could, but it was not enough to establish long lasting unity : discordances built up where they were unable to maintain strong relations with the regional élite. Distances and means of communications determined the nature and limits of the exchanges between the political center and its peripheries, thus orienting the destiny of the Empire. This study tackles a wide variety of sources, including diplomas, capitularies, correspondences, coins... Among other things, it investigates the relations of the imperial government with the southwestern part of the Empire. The results are supported by a series of inquiries touching on representations of political authority, network studies, sociopolitical consequences of geographical distance and speed of communication, anthropological complexities of encounters and long-distance relations. Beyond the history of the 8th and 9th Centuries, it illustrates the necessity of approaching pre-modern political realities through the lens of geographical distances, meetings and communications.

Dans un système constitutionnel fondé sur la souveraineté de la nation, le pouvoir constituant fait figure de phénomène ambivalent, difficilement analysable en termes juridiques. Par définition réfractaire à tout encadrement impératif, le pouvoir suprême au sein de l’Etat n’en doit pas moins revêtir une forme organisée pour exprimer une volonté normative. Les acteurs de la Révolution française agissent aux confins du droit, tirant profit des ressources de la philosophie politique et de l’histoire pour établir une constitution, principe fondamental du système juridique qu’ils cherchent à établir. Ils se dotent d’outils pour parvenir à leurs fins : le concept de « convention nationale » en est un, auréolé du succès des réalisations américaines. Plutôt qu’à une transposition institutionnelle, les révolutionnaires français procèdent à une adaptation. En devenant « extraordinaire », la représentation constituante qu’ils conceptualisent perd son caractère révolutionnaire pour devenir pleinement juridique. Elle offre une alternative à l’insurrection. Un tel processus présente cependant un revers. Ce pouvoir, en accédant à l’existence investi de l’exercice de la souveraineté, est dégagé de toutes contraintes juridiques autres que celles qui découlent de son organisation. Ces contraintes pèsent sur ses membres, exacerbant les tensions qui déchirent un corps collectif doté des pouvoirs les plus étendus. Les dérives sanglantes qui frappent la Convention nationale ne sont pas inéluctables ; elles découlent de l’exploitation politique des failles inhérentes au fonctionnement d’une représentation souveraine dont les membres ne doivent jouir d’aucun privilège<br>In a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege

La question contemporaine de la place et du rôle du Parlement au sein des institutions françaises interroge la nature de l’autorité traditionnellement reconnue à la représentation nationale. Cette recherche a pour objet d’analyser les origines révolutionnaires de ce paradigme du droit constitutionnel français consistant à voir dans l’assemblée des représentants de la Nation le siège d’une autorité politique trouvant sa source dans l’expression représentative de la volonté générale.La Révolution française est longtemps apparue comme le moment matriciel du droit constitutionnel et du constitutionnalisme modernes en France. Mais à la différence de ses devancières d’Angleterre et d’Amérique du Nord, celle-ci eut moins pour objet de limiter le pouvoir que d’en régénérer à la fois le fondement et l’exercice. À cet égard, elle se présente au droit constitutionnel comme une révolution de l’autorité, c’est-à-dire comme un bouleversement total des fondements de l’existence politique tendant à substituer à l’ancienne monarchie, traditionnelle et sacrale, un ordre constitutionnel moderne prenant pour base l’égale liberté des citoyens et l’autonomie naturelle de la collectivité nationale. Le grand œuvre des révolutionnaires français fut donc de redéfinir la relation de commandement à obéissance en substituant à l’autorité transcendante du monarque celle, immanente, d’une Nation appelée à vouloir pour elle-même par l’intermédiaire de ses représentants. C’est en effet par le prisme de la représentation que la Révolution a entrepris de réconcilier autorité et liberté. L’avènement de la représentation nationale, appelée à devenir, et pour longtemps, le centre de gravité de la vie politique française, trouve donc son origine dans cette volonté de refonder l’obligation d’obéissance à travers la conjonction de l’autonomie individuelle et de l’autonomie collective.Ce projet libéral et émancipateur, consistant à réaliser l’emprise de la Nation sur elle-même par le canal de la représentation, souffre pourtant d’une ambivalence congénitale tenant aux aspirations contradictoires du constitutionnalisme révolutionnaire. Celui-ci est en effet partagé entre la nécessité de justifier la subversion de l’ordre ancien, et le souci de fonder pour l’avenir un gouvernement libéral et tempéré, tendant à rationaliser et à dépersonnaliser l’autorité publique. L’institution de la représentation nationale, à la fois produit et moteur de la Révolution, cristallise alors cette tension. Les travaux de l’Assemblée constituante et de la Convention nationale révèlent en effet que les constituants révolutionnaires n’ont cessé d’osciller entre deux conceptions de la représentation et du constitutionnalisme. L’une, moderne, se fonde sur l’altérité de la Nation et de ses représentants pour placer la Constitution et la garantie des droits au-dessus de l’autorité de ces derniers. L’autre, plus ancienne, tend au contraire à en opérer la symbiose en fondant l’autorité de la représentation nationale sur un impératif existentiel : prêter vie à cette nation souveraine qui ne peut advenir à l’existence juridique que par l’expression d’une volonté commune. Le constitutionnalisme révolutionnaire reste donc au milieu du gué, bloqué entre la tradition organiciste d’Ancien Régime, dans laquelle il plonge ses racines, et l’esquisse d’un constitutionnalisme moderne tendant au contraire à dissocier l’État et la Société, l’autorité et la liberté<br>The place and the contemporary role of Parliament in French institutions lead to question the nature of the traditionally recognized authority of national representation. The objective of this research is to analyze the revolutionary origins of French constitutional principle which consists in seeing, in the assembly of representatives of the Nation, the heart of a politicial authority whose source is the representative expression of the general will. The French Revolution has long appeared as the matrix moment of modern constitutional law and constitutionalism in France. However, unlike its predecessors in England and North America, it was less intended to limit power than to regenerate both its foundation and exercise. In this respect, it presents itself to constitutional law as a revolution of authority, that is to say as a total upheaval of the foundations of political existence tending to replace the old monarchy, traditional and sacral, with a modern constitutional order based on the equal freedom of citizens and the natural autonomy of national community. The great work of the French revolutionaries was, therefore, to redefine the relation of command to obedience by substituting the transcendent authority of the monarch, by the immanent authority of a Nation, which materializes itself through its representatives. It is in fact through the lens of representation that the Revolution undertook to reconcile authority and freedom. The advent of the national rpresentation, destined for a long time to become the center of gravity of French political life, finds its origin in this desire to refound the obligation of obedience through the conjunction of individual autonomy and collective autonomy. This liberal and emancipatory project, which consists in realizing the nation’s grip on itself through representation, nevertheless suffers from a congenital ambivalence due to the contradictory aspirations of revolutionary constitutionalism. It is divided between the need to justify the subversion of the old order, and the desire to establish for the future a liberal and temperate government, tending to rationalize and depersonalize public authority. The institution of national representation, produced and generated by the Revolution, crystalized this tension. The work of the Constituent Assembly and the National Convention reveals that the revolutionary constituents have constantly oscillated between two conceptions of representation and constitutionalism. One, modern, relies on the otherness of the Nation and its representatives to place the Constitution and the guarantee of rights above the authority of the latter. On the contrary, the older one tends to symbiosis with it by basing the authority of national representation on an existential imperative: to give life to this sovereign nation which can only come to legal existence by the expression of a common will. Revolutionary constitutionalism therefore remains in the middle, stuck between the organicist tradition of the Old Regime, in which it has its roots, and the outline of a modern constitutionalism tending instead to dissociate the state and the society, as well as authority and freedom

by Susan Blumberg Liu.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 112-116).<br>ACKNOWLEDGMENTS<br>ABSTRACT<br>DECLARATION<br>CHAPTER<br>Chapter I. --- NTRODUCTION --- p.1<br>Civil Society as a Theoretical Concept<br>Relevance of Thesis<br>Organization of Thesis<br>Chapter II. --- CIVIL SOCIETY AND LATE IMPERIAL CHINA --- p.11<br>Habermas and the Public Sphere<br>Habermas as Applied to the Chinese Case<br>Recent Debate on Civil Society in Late-Qing China<br>Rankin versus Wakeman<br>Rowe versus Wakeman<br>Recent Discussion on Civil Society in Contemporary China<br>The Question of Autonomy<br>Civil Society with Chinese Characteristics<br>Gathered Comments<br>Chapter III. --- THE DYNAMICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE LATE-QING ERA --- p.44<br>The Emergence of a New Public<br>Social Class Correlation<br>The Constitutionalists<br>Women in Late-Qing China<br>The Press and Public Opinion<br>Chapter IV. --- THE MOVEMENT FOR ESTABLISHING PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES --- p.63<br>Getting Started<br>The Elections<br>Chapter V. --- THE PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES COMMENCE --- p.75<br>The Nature of the Assemblies<br>Interaction and Organization of the Assembly Members<br>Chapter VI. --- TWO CASE STUDIES FROM THE PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES --- p.83<br>The Jiangsu Assembly<br>Organization and Preparation<br>The Assembly Commences<br>Zhang Jian: Example of the New Gentry in Late-Qing China<br>The Hubei Assembly<br>Organization and Preparation<br>The Assembly Commences<br>Chapter VII. --- CONCLUSION --- p.107<br>The Fate of the Assemblies<br>Analysis of Findings<br>Lasting Implications of Civil Society in China<br>BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.112

Dans un système constitutionnel fondé sur la souveraineté de la nation, le pouvoir constituant fait figure de phénomène ambivalent, difficilement analysable en termes juridiques. Par définition réfractaire à tout encadrement impératif, le pouvoir suprême au sein de l’Etat n’en doit pas moins revêtir une forme organisée pour exprimer une volonté normative. Les acteurs de la Révolution française agissent aux confins du droit, tirant profit des ressources de la philosophie politique et de l’histoire pour établir une constitution, principe fondamental du système juridique qu’ils cherchent à établir. Ils se dotent d’outils pour parvenir à leurs fins : le concept de « convention nationale » en est un, auréolé du succès des réalisations américaines. Plutôt qu’à une transposition institutionnelle, les révolutionnaires français procèdent à une adaptation. En devenant « extraordinaire », la représentation constituante qu’ils conceptualisent perd son caractère révolutionnaire pour devenir pleinement juridique. Elle offre une alternative à l’insurrection. Un tel processus présente cependant un revers. Ce pouvoir, en accédant à l’existence investi de l’exercice de la souveraineté, est dégagé de toutes contraintes juridiques autres que celles qui découlent de son organisation. Ces contraintes pèsent sur ses membres, exacerbant les tensions qui déchirent un corps collectif doté des pouvoirs les plus étendus. Les dérives sanglantes qui frappent la Convention nationale ne sont pas inéluctables ; elles découlent de l’exploitation politique des failles inhérentes au fonctionnement d’une représentation souveraine dont les membres ne doivent jouir d’aucun privilège<br>In a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege

Esta pesquisa disserta sobre o tema da reforma do sistema eleitoral açoriano (SEA), ocorrida em 2006, e os respetivos contornos e consequências para representação política na Assembleia Legislativa da Região Autónoma dos Açores (ALRAA). O objetivo central desta pesquisa consiste em estudar, numa perspetiva descritiva e explanatória, a reforma ocorrida – que criou o círculo regional de compensação - sob o prisma da representação política focando a distribuição dos votos em mandatos, a dimensão dos círculos eleitorais, a desproporcionalidade e a representação desigual do SEA. Neste estudo ainda foram analisadas as posições dos diversos partidos e líderes dos grupos parlamentares da ALRAA. Este trabalho pretende contribuir para o estudo do sistema eleitoral açoriano, e, em particular para a compreensão da reforma realizada em 2006 que rege desde então o sistema eleitoral vigente no arquipélago dos Açores.<br>This research addresses to the theme of Azorean electoral reform (SEA), held in 2006, and the respective outlines and consequences for political representation in the Legislative Assembly of the Autonomous Region of the Azores (ALRAA). The main purpose of this research is to study a descriptive and explanatory perspective, from the reform occurred - which created the regional circle of compensation - through the prism of political representation focusing on the distribution of votes into seats, the constituencies size, disproportionality and the malapportionment of the Azorean electoral system. In this study it was also analyzed the positions of the various parties and leaders of the parliamentary groups of ALRAA. This work intends to contribute for the Azorean electoral system study and in particular to the understanding of this reform undertaken in 2006 which regulates the electoral system in the Azores archipelago.

En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions.<br>By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.