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Shirima, Dr Ludovick Leon. "Ethiopia: Ugly Mathematical Unit Cost Fiscal Equalization Formula; Beautiful Findings." International Journal of Business and Management Research 9, no. 1 (2021): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37391/ijbmr.090109.
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Purpose: Grant allocation formulas used to allocate fiscal resources among different tiers of government have proved to be useful in many countries around the world. This article provides a unit cost approach equalization formula that was used in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) to transfer resources from the regions to the woredas (districts) in 2007. Study methodology: The study approach involved gathering and reviewing of pioneering literature; identifying six representative sectors; field visits to collect and collate data; and data analysis. Findings: The developed model was highly equalizing. The FDRE adopted the study recommendations and the regional governments used the formula, or a modified version thereof, to transfers resources to woredas. Research limitations: It was not easy to access the required data. Furthermore, the representative sectors may not holistically reflect the actual budgetary needs of the Local Governments (LGs) due to their heterogeneous tax bases and expenditure needs. This can be addressed with future research to further refine the model presented and granularity of data used. Practical implications: The study developed and specified a mathematical unit cost equalization model, which was applied to Tigray region in FDRE. The model’s ability to equalize was tested and evaluated econometrically. Social implications: The paper identified six representative sectors that have high synergies in terms of poverty eradication via improved social service delivery. These sectors attracted large budgetary allocations.
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Milkessa, Midega. "The politics of language and representative bureaucracy in Ethiopia: the case of Federal Government." Journal of Public Administration and Policy Research 7, no. 1 (2015): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/jpapr2014.0289.
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Triulzi, Alessandro. "Adwa: from monument to document." Modern Italy 8, no. 1 (2003): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353294032000074106.
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SummaryTo the Italian historian the Battle of Adwa in March 1896 has offered a field of interpretation which has been heavily marked by the events that occurred between (and within) the two countries—Ethiopia and Italy—before and after the battle. Adwa has been variously depicted by Italian historiography of the liberal period as a major military defeat, a political mistake by Crispi's expansionist government and the result of deep contrasts within the newly born state over the ‘colonial burden'. Fascist historiography painted Adwa as proof of liberal decay and political inefficiency. Adwa's name could be avenged only in the battlefield, which was done during Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia in 1935-36. From the Ethiopian point of view, Adwa's image changes no less. Until recently, the Battle of Adwa was painted as the landmark for Ethiopian unification and independence during the colonial era. Menelik's momentous victory at Adwa crowned his bid for power in the national arena, while his successful ability to stave off external colonial pressure appeared to cancel, or rather conceal, the internal policy of expansion and consolidation of his country's rule in the region. Today's insistence on Adwa as an African victory appears to be the dominant historiographical representation. The different interpretations all contain elements of truth, yet all, if frozen into historiographical truths, become embarrassing to the historian who needs documents, rather than monuments, as tools of analysis. To many historians both in Italy and Ethiopia, Adwa's respective symbolism of victory/defeat has been transformed into an icon, an historiographical monument, unassailable and immovable. The centenary of Adwa allows us to reconsider historical events of a shared past as critical documents and biased representations reflecting their own culture and time. This article attempts to deconstruct the historiographical monument of Adwa in Italian society so as to transmit such a heavily coded event to the critical examination of future historians in both Italy and Ethiopia.
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Gemeda, Bedane S., Birhanu G. Abebe, Andrzej Paczoski, Yi Xie, and Giuseppe T. Cirella. "What Motivates Speculators to Speculate?" Entropy 22, no. 1 (2019): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/e22010059.
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Land speculation that occurs on the urban border can be very problematic to the healthy development of cities—critical to economic growth. Speculative land investors, concerned with profits from trading in landed property, can especially affect developing countries where regulation is often poorly controlled and overly bureaucratic. An investigation into the factors motivating land speculators operating in the urban fringe of the city of Shashemene, Ethiopia is examined. The paper, in addition to contributing to the literature, is the second-known attempt and extension of the authors’ pilot research to study the behavior of land speculators in the urban fringe of a growing Ethiopian city. A theoretical framework and conceptual breakdown are put together with historical reference to early land speculation examples. Two questionnaires were separately administered with a representative random sample of 159 members from the local land developer association (i.e., investors) and 24 senior officials from the study area. A principal component analysis categorized the most significant dynamics in controlling land speculation procurements. Results indicated motivational reasoning as the prime cause for speculative activities. Evidence indicated that land speculation is a critical dynamic for self-worth especially with business-oriented persons. Entropy, the disorder of the communicative data, suggests a possible rethinking of the way government should intervene in the urban property market. As such, developmental smart cities in Ethiopia must thoroughly consider the dynamisms of speculative activities and its effects on local housing as it moves forward–in the 2020s.
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Ayalew, Negesse Asnake. "Special Investigative Techniques For Human Trafficking Investigation In Ethiopia." International Journal of social Sciences and Economic Review 2, no. 1 (2020): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36923/ijsser.v2i1.50.
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Purpose of the study: The police have the responsibility of balancing the protection of the public from harm with respecting the human right of the suspect during the prevention and investigation of crimes. However; it is difficult to strike absolute balances since it is determined based on government police is due process or crime control model especially the case of special investigation techniques, which are the covert means of investigation of serious crime and criminals based on the principles of legality, necessity, proportionality, and adequate safeguard. The purpose of this doctrinal article is to evaluate the role of special crime investigation techniques for drug trafficking in Ethiopia.
 Methodology: Data were collected through document review and interview crime investigators, who were selected purposively since they have a direct relation. This is qualitative research and descriptive design. The collected data were analyzed thematically.
 Findings: The findings of this research revealed that there are some provisions of special investigation techniques in FDRE criminal justice policy, anti-human trafficking, and smuggling of migrant proclamation. However, these legal bases are not comprehensive such as the types of special investigation techniques, who conduct it, and how long the requirements to conduct these were not answered.
 Application: Therefore, the house of people representative should enact all-inclusive law on special investigation techniques for human trafficking in Ethiopia. The general attorney also should create awareness to the public about it.
 Novelty: Human trafficking investigation is challenging ous in Ethiopia, and nobody studied it. Therefore, this study may use as reference material for students’; the government may use it as input for policy and lawmakers.
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Zewudie, Addisalem Tebeje, Abebaw Addis Gelagay, and Engidaw Fentahun Enyew. "Determinants of Under-Five Child Mortality in Ethiopia: Analysis Using Ethiopian Demographic Health Survey, 2016." International Journal of Pediatrics 2020 (September 22, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2020/7471545.
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Background. Under-five mortality rate is a leading indicator of the level of child health and the overall development in countries which indicate the quality of life of a given population, as measured by life expectancy. Objectives. To identify and analyze factors that may have a significant influence on under-five mortality in Ethiopia. Methods. A national representative cross-sectional study and a quantitative study were conducted among 18,008 households selected based on 2016 EDHS data. The analysis was done using SPSS version 20 statistical software. Both bivariate and multivariable analyses were employed. In multivariable analysis, p value less than 0.05 was considered statistically significant and odds ratio with 95% CI (confidence interval) was used to assess the determinants of under-five child mortality. Results. A total of 10,641 children were included in the study with a 99.0% response rate. The U5CM for being a rural resident (AOR=1.802, 95% CI: 1.251, 2.595), not breastfeeding (AOR=2.956, 95% CI: 2.490, 3.511), having multiple birth (AOR=4.755, 95% CI: 3.440, 6.572), male gender (AOR=1.363, 95% CI: 1.153, 1.612), having first birth order (AOR=1.592, 95% CI: 1.275, 1.992), and having family size six and above (AOR=2.187, 95% CI: 1.769, 2.707). The increment of family size increases the risk of U5CM.Conclusion. Multivariate logistic analysis reflected that place of residence, mothers’ educational level, religion, current breastfeeding status, type of birth, sex of child, birth order, and family size were found to be significant predictors of under-five child mortality. So, government policy, nongovernmental organizations, and all concerned bodies should be focused on the major determinants of under-five child mortality and put in a lot more effort to reduce under-five child mortality, and health intervention policies should be revised.
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Challa, Tamrat Gebiso. "ADOPTION AND IMPACTS OF NATURAL RESOURCE CONSERVATION IN ARSI ZONE, ETHIOPIA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 9, no. 7 (2021): 234–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v9.i7.2021.4060.
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Land degradation in Ethiopia alone accounts for 8% of the global total degradation. The most serious problem concerning country’s land resources, however, is the removal of fertile topsoil by water. Population pressure which results to intensive cultivation, overgrazing deforestation and inappropriate land use practices are the most serious cause of soil erosion in Ethiopia which is more severe in the highlands areas where, 85% of the human and 77% of livestock population are living and agriculture is intensive. To reverse the situation the government of Ethiopia designed policy and programs which are holistic and landscape wide approaches. Based on the strategies, different soil and water management programs have been implemented throughout the country and different practices were introduced to farmers as well for more than ten years. The central questions of this research were, whether farmers adopt these soil and water conservation practices; and if yes, do these soil and water conservation interventions have an impact in improving crop production in value per hectare and gross annual income of participating households? If yes, how much is the impact? Based on above objectives, the research was conducted in Arsi zone and data was collected from 202 respondents in representative districts. Both adopters and counterfactual respondents were included. Educational background of households, farming experiences, size of landholding, slop of plot, degree of vulnerability of the districts and extension contact significantly and positively affect adoption probability while land fragmentation was significant and negatively influencing adoption of soil and water conservation (SWC) activity. Though it was not statistically significant, SWC adoption has positive impact on productivity, gross production and income of the household. The average treatment effect on treated (ATT) was 6358.86 ETB of total household income which could be proxy for farm level productivity and 85.35 quintal of total annual farm production.
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Habtu, Elias, Mamo Nigatu, Yemane Ayele, Mebratu Tila, and Wondu R. Demissie. "Practice of Regional Anesthesia and Its Associated Factors among Anesthesia Professionals Working in Teaching Referral Hospitals of Ethiopia; A Multi-center Study." Open Pain Journal 14, no. 1 (2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1876386302114010001.
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Background: Regional Anesthesia (RA) provides site-specific, complete pain relief, early mobilization, and rehabilitation; and it is preferred than general anesthesia due to associated risks in the later technique. It also ensures prolonged analgesia while reducing the need for systemic drugs with their side effects. Despite these advantages, the techniques have not been embraced as alternatives to general anesthesia in Ethiopia. Objective: The study aimed to assess the magnitude of regional anesthesia practice and its associated factors among Anesthesia Care Providers (ACPs) working in Ethiopian teaching referral hospitals, 2019. Materials and Methods: Multi-center-based crossectional study was conducted among all ACPs working in three institutions (Jimma Medical Center, Black Lion hospital and Wolaita Sodo teaching referral hospital) which were randomly selected among six government teaching referral hospitals running postgraduate anesthesia programs; from August 1-September 1, 2019. The practice of RA was considered significant if the participants performed >5 types of RA, assuming as minimum representation (30%) of all types of RA. Data were entered into Epidata manager version 4.3 and exported to SPSS version 22 for further analysis. Logistic regression was applied to determine predictors of RA practice. Adjusted odds ratio and 95% CI interval were used to measure the association and P-value <0.05 was declared as statistically significant. Results: Out of 143 participants, a total of 130 anesthesia professionals participated in the study, making the response rate of 90% . The mean age was 30.77±7.049 years that ranges from 22-56 years. Majority of the respondents were males, 88(67.7%). About 59.2% of ACPs practiced RA. The most performed types of RA were spinal anesthesia (98.5%), caudal anesthesia (72.3%) and axillary block (69.2%), while sub gluteal sciatic block and IV RA were the least practiced types of RA (8.5% each). Finally, two variables (years of experience (1-5 years) and academic qualification (above MSc)) were identified as the independent predictors of RA practice among ACPs with AOR of 6(1.7-21.6), p-v =0.005 and 10.4(1.9-56.9), p-v =0.007 respectively. Conclusion: In a nutshell, the practice of RA in teaching government hospitals of Ethiopia was relatively low despite some RA types like SA were almost practiced well. Thus, ACPs were expected to practice all types of RA than routinely abusing GA for patient safety and welfare in all dimensions.
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Anthonj, Carmen, Lisa Fleming, Ryan Cronk, et al. "Improving Monitoring and Water Point Functionality in Rural Ethiopia." Water 10, no. 11 (2018): 1591. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w10111591.
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This study examines the patterns, trends, and factors associated with functional community water points in rural Ethiopia and identifies potential areas of improvement in terms of practitioner response to functionality and functionality monitoring. It was part of an integrated WaSH and nutrition program implemented by UNICEF Ethiopia and the Government of Ethiopia. Cross-sectional surveys were conducted to collect WaSH-related data in communities and WaSH committees from four community-based nutrition (CBN) program groupings in Ethiopia. In all areas, CBN was implemented, but only in less than half of the areas, a WaSH intervention was implemented. Seventy-three representative kebeles, comprising 30 intervention and 43 control communities, were surveyed. Two structured surveys were conducted. The ‘community survey’ addressed community water points and their functionality and the main areas for improvement needed. The ‘WaSH committee survey’ investigated technical and management aspects of water points and their functionality. Data were analyzed using bivariate regression to identify community characteristics and management practices associated with functionality of water points and explore opportunities to improve water point functionality and monitoring. In the communities, 65% of water points were functional. Eighty percent of communities had a WaSH committee. The WaSH committee members reported that the most used water point types were protected dug wells and boreholes, and that 80% of their water points were functional. India Mark II pumps were more likely to be functional and communities with longer established WaSH committees had higher water point functionality. Communities suggested that the key factors for water point sustainability were improving water quality and water pressure, reducing water collection time, and speeding up repair times. Taking community leaders’ ‘priority lists’ into consideration offers sustainable opportunities for demand-driven, adaptive and targeted design and implementation of rural water supply programs, which, if they include the grassroots level as key informants and actors of change, can succeed. Interventions should integrate the ‘voice’ of the community, the WaSH committees, and other stakeholders and thereby facilitate transdisciplinary approaches at different stages of program management (planning, monitoring, and evaluation). This would help closing the knowledge to action gap and improve policy, programming, practice, and service delivery.
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Gemechu, Tewekel Melese, Hongling Zhao, Shanshan Bao, et al. "Estimation of Hydrological Components under Current and Future Climate Scenarios in Guder Catchment, Upper Abbay Basin, Ethiopia, Using the SWAT." Sustainability 13, no. 17 (2021): 9689. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13179689.
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Changes in hydrological cycles and water resources will certainly be a direct consequence of climate change, making the forecast of hydrological components essential for water resource assessment and management. This research was thus carried out to estimate water balance components and water yield under current and future climate change scenarios and trends in the Guder Catchment of the Upper Blue Nile, Ethiopia, using the soil and water assessment tool (SWAT). Hydrological modeling was efficaciously calibrated and validated using the SUFI-2 algorithm of the SWAT model. The results showed that water yield varied from 926 mm to 1340 mm per year (1986–2016). Regional climate model (RCM) data showed, under representative concentration pathways (RCP 8.5), that the precipitation will decrease by up to 14.4% relative to the baseline (1986–2016) precipitation of 1228 mm/year, while the air temperature will rise under RCP 8.5 by +4.4 °C in the period from 2057 to 2086, possibly reducing the future basin water yield output, suggesting that the RCP 8.5 prediction will be warmer than RCP 4.5. Under RCP 8.5, the total water yield from 2024 to 2086 may be reduced by 3.2 mm per year, and a significant trend was observed. Local government agencies can arrange projects to solve community water-related issues based on these findings.
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Gebeyehu, Adane Kebede, Ben G. J. S. Sonneveld, and Denyse J. Snelder. "Identifying Hotspots of Overgrazing in Pastoral Areas: Livestock Mobility and Fodder Supply–Demand Balances in Nyangatom, Lower Omo Valley, Ethiopia." Sustainability 13, no. 6 (2021): 3260. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13063260.
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The Nyangatom, in South Omo, Ethiopia, are a group of agro-pastoralists whose access to land is affected by large-scale sugarcane development projects. An informed selection of appropriate livestock management measures by local communities requires a spatially explicit representation of prevailing and changing supply–demand relationships for livestock herds among the Nyangatom. This study addresses this caveat and identifies seasonal and location-specific ‘hotspots’ in Nyangatom, where fodder demand exceeds supply. Assessments of fodder production are based on primary data collected through focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and field observations. Overall, annual fodder availability is estimated at 508,967 tonnes against the requirement of 584,205 tons, resulting in a deficit of 12.9% annually after out-migration. Under the implementation of the Omo-V sugarcane project and climate change, the fodder supply deficit will worsen to 219,977 tonnes annually. The most critical dry matter hotspots are found in the western and central parts of Nyangatom near the Kibish River, which shows the highest livestock density. In contrast, better fodder supply is estimated around the southwestern and northeastern parts. Change in policy, the frequency of droughts, conflict, and the large-scale irrigation schemes-induced reduction of the Omo River floods are accounted for the changes. Thus, there are strong signals to the local community and government to collaborate to reduce the potential constraints that affect sustainable rangeland management and food security and ensure sufficient attention to the interest of the agro-pastoralists.
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Bayu, Takele Bekele. "Fault Lines within the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF): Intraparty Network and Governance system." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, no. 02 (2019): 20592–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.662.
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Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRD) is a political party in charge of government power since 1991. EPRDF is established in 1989 out of Rebel group to party transformation with the view to oust the military government called Derg. It is a coalition of four parties political organization i.e. Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF)- which is an architect of EPRDF, Amhara National Democratic Movements (ANDM) in 1980, Oromo People Liberation Organization (OPDO ) and Southern Ethiopian People Democratic Movement ( SEPDM) However, in spite of the nominally coalition structure of the EPRDF, from the beginning the TPLF provided the leadership and ideological direction to other members of the coalition. To maintain the dominant position within the coalition the TPLF has transferred its rebel time internal governance network that focuses on traditional Marxist Leninist organizational lines, with an emphasis on “democratic centralism”; and a tradition of hierarchically organizational structure to the newly established political organization i.e. EPRDF. Consequently, the EPRDF intraparty network and governance system is dominated by the use of ML (Marxist-Leninist) authoritarian methods and hegemonic control, rigid hierarchical leadership; Democratic centralism, the dominance of the party apparatus behind the façade of regional and local autonomy, an extensive patron-client mechanisms; the use of force to silence opposition within and outside the party; intertwined State institutions and the party system and excessive reliance on party entity instead of state administration units; and gim gema (self-evaluation) are worth mentioning. These intraparty network and governance system have severely limited genuine democratization within the party as well as hampered the democratization process in the country. The party is facing increasing pressure and challenge from within the party and the public at large demanding equal status and fair political economic representation. In effect, EPRDF is in deep crisis shattered by internal divisions, crises as well as external public pressure forcing the party to entertain democratic principles and culture. Hence, it is recommended that the organizational structure and the values and principles governing the organization should be revisited within the framework of democracy which allows adaptability and flexibility given the various change agents in the socio-cultural, economic, political environment.
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Assefa, Thomas, Girum Abebe, Indra Lamoot, and Bart Minten. "Urban food retailing and food prices in Africa: the case of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia." Journal of Agribusiness in Developing and Emerging Economies 6, no. 2 (2016): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jadee-02-2015-0009.
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Purpose Despite the large interest in urban food markets, there are, however still relatively few good studies that have empirically documented the functioning of retail markets in developing countries, especially in Africa. The purpose of this paper is to look in particular at the case of Addis Ababa, a city of more than four million people and the capital of Ethiopia, one of the most populous countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. To better understand urban food retail, the authors rely on a large primary survey. Design/methodology/approach To better understand urban food retail, the authors rely on a large primary survey. Based on a stratified sampling scheme representative for the city as a whole, 1,226 urban food retail outlets were interviewed in March and April 2012. Findings The authors find increasing differentiation in food retail markets in recent years. Despite the prohibition of foreign direct investment in food retail, a domestic modern private retail sector is quickly emerging. However, its share is still very small and, in contrast to roll-outs of modern retail in other countries, it has not yet entered the cereal sector, which remains in the hands of local flour mills, cereal shops, and cooperative retail outlets. The importance of cooperative retail is growing even more rapidly. It is especially important for those products where supply chains are controlled by the government. On the high-end, domestic private modern retail outlets deliver high-quality products at significantly higher prices, ceteris paribus. At the other side, the authors see cooperative retail that delivers food at significantly lower – and subsidized – prices. However, the latter shops are characterized by typical price control problems, reflected in regular lack of supplies and queuing. Research limitations/implications The study is limited to the city of Addis Ababa and it seems useful if similar studies could be conducted in other cities in Africa. Originality/value Despite the large interest in urban food markets, there are still relatively few good studies that have empirically documented the functioning of retail markets in developing countries, especially in Africa. The paper therefore contributes to fill this lacuna by studying urban food retail markets using new and unique data for Africa.
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Tassabehji, Rana, Ray Hackney, and Takao Maruyama. "Evaluating digital public services." Information Technology & People 32, no. 4 (2019): 1021–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/itp-08-2017-0260.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider recent field evidence to analyse what online public services citizens need, explores potential citizen subsidy of these specific services and investigates where resources should be invested in terms of media accessibility. The authors explore these from a citizen-centric affordability perspective within three exemplar developing countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The World Bank and United Nations in particular promote initiatives under the “Information and Communication Technologies for Development” (ICT4D) to stress the relevance of e-Government as a way to ensure development and reduce poverty. The authors adopt a contingency value approach to determine directly reported citizens willingness to pay for digital public services. Hence, our focus is mainly upon an empirical investigation through extensive fieldwork in the context of sub-Sahara Africa. A substantive survey was conducted in the respective cities of Addis Ababa (Ethiopia), Lagos (Nigeria) and Johannesburg (South Africa). The sample of citizens was drawn from each respective Chamber of Commerce database for Ethiopia and South Africa, and for Nigeria a purchased database of businesses, based on stratified random sampling. These were randomly identified from both sectors ensuring all locations were covered with a total sample size of 1,297 respondents. It was found, in particular, that citizens were willing to pay to be able to access digital public services and that amounts of fees they were willing to pay varied depending on what services they wish to access and what devices they use (PCs or mobile phones). Design/methodology/approach The authors adopt a contingency value approach to determine directly reported citizens willingness to pay for digital public services. A survey was conducted in the respective cities of Addis Ababa (Ethiopia), Lagos (Nigeria) and Johannesburg (South Africa). The sample of citizens was drawn from each respective Chamber of Commerce database for Ethiopia and South Africa, and for Nigeria a purchased database of businesses, based on stratified random sampling. These were randomly identified from both sectors ensuring all locations were covered with a total sample size of 1,297 respondents. Findings The findings suggest that by understanding citizen needs, demands and how they can benefit from online public services could drive decisions related to what public services need to be prioritised for economically active citizens, potentially explore citizen subsidy of these specific public services which will have a trickle-down benefit to poorer citizens by reducing the pressures on traditional channels of public service delivery and investigate where resources should be invested in terms of media to access online services. Willingness to pay between the top online public services showed no statistically significant difference among all respondents. Research limitations/implications The research focused on economically active digitally savvy citizens in the major capital cities in each of our selected countries. While these are not representative of the population at large, our intention was to understand what citizen-led government services would look like from the perspective of this group, with an insight into the value they place on these online services and their ability to access them. Technology diffusion starts with the early adopters (Rogers, 2010), and here the authors have focused on those that are likely to be early adopters. Practical implications Poor fiscal capacity, namely, the amount and type of resources a state has at its disposal, not only has an impact on economic wellbeing, but particularly relevant in this case, also has an impact on the quality of government (Baskaran and Bigsten, 2013). Thus, e-government is one way in which developing countries can focus on developing good governance and strengthening civil society to improve the quality of government and motivate citizens to participate in the political process. Social implications The economic performance of African countries has been viewed with pessimism, consistently considered to be the poorest continent (Harrison et al., 2014). Recent studies have empirically shown that new information technologies have contributed to longer term economic growth in African countries and stress the need for government to further invest in developing telecommunications infrastructures and internet access (Donou-Adonsou et al., 2016). However one of the major constraints and challenges for developing countries is the limited fiscal capacity and ability to mobilise fiscal resources to finance the provision of public services, which is essential for economic development (Ali et al., 2015). Originality/value The authors contribute to the World Bank and United Nations initiatives to promote ICT for Development’ (ICT4D) the relevance of e-government as a way to ensure development and reduce poverty. If online services are of no benefit, even if they are more convenient and lower cost, they are unlikely to be used. Accessing digital public services directly addresses the needs of economically active citizens and can also facilitate the steps towards an improved quality of government and interaction with civil society. The study has contributed to an insightful understanding of the value, cost and benefits of citizen-led e-Government in this respect.
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Virtanen, Pekka. "Rewriting Oromo History in the North: Diasporic Discourse about National Identity and Democracy in Ethiopia." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 18, no. 3 (2015): 253–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.18.3.253.
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This article analyzes the way the Oromo intellectuals living in diaspora have reflected on and positioned themselves in the ethno-political conflict and related debate between the dominant Amharic- and Tigrinya-speaking “Abyssinian” groups and the descendants of the various Oromo groups, which were conquered by the former during the nineteenth century. Even though they are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, a large part of the Oromo perceive themselves as discriminated against and exploited by the groups holding political power, and many have fled the country. In the debate, the Oromo diaspora has had an important role. Theoretically, the article takes off from the concept of “orientational frame” launched by Kevin Gillan, which is developed further with support from postcolonial theory, particularly Arjun Appadurai’s discussion about “ideoscapes.” A key research question is whether diaspora intellectuals are what Homi Bhabha calls “strategic intellectuals” who provide resources for postcolonial discourse and practice that surpass the traditional claims to representation and objectivity made by the dominant discourse. Can they come up with an alternative space that does not merely revise or invert the dualities, but reconsiders the ideological bases of division and difference? The article is based on twenty-two individual interviews with members of the Ethiopian diaspora in the Nordic countries and representatives of academic institutions and non-governmental organizations in Ethiopia, participant observation in three ethnic identity-based culture and history workshops organized in Europe, and selected research papers and books published by key members of the diaspora.
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Drejer, Bert. "Representative Government in the Dutch Provinces." Contributions to the History of Concepts 15, no. 1 (2020): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2020.150105.
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This article reconsiders the way political representation was understood in the early modern Netherlands by focusing on the contemporary contribution of Simon van Slingelandt. His views of the representative nature of the government of the Dutch Republic were deeply polemical when he developed them, but went on to have a profound influence on the later literature and are notably sustained in modern histories of the subject. The best way to nuance the view of political representation our historiography has inherited from Van Slingelandt is by returning to the earlier views he set out to discredit. By examining both views, I thus hope to shed some new light on the representative nature of early modern Dutch government.
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Kemp, Linzi J., Megan Mathias, and Maryam Raji. "Representative bureaucracy in the Arab Gulf states." International Journal of Public Sector Management 32, no. 3 (2019): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-07-2017-0198.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to apply the lens of representative bureaucracy (RB) to women’s representation at management level in governments and government-owned companies in Arab Gulf states (AGS), and to consider the implications for government stability, legitimacy and performance.Design/methodology/approachData were analysed of the numbers of men and women in management positions (8,936), of government and government-owned companies (846), for the six countries of the AGS. Analyses were conducted on the presence/absence of women in management for ten industry types.FindingsGovernments and government-owned companies in the AGS were identified as hybrid (public/private) institutions. Women were found to be underrepresented at management levels in public sector bureaucracy; women clustered in a narrow range of industries; all countries returned a high result of zero female managers in these industries.Research limitations/implicationsThis research is limited by data collected from a single source, “Eikon”, which is a commercial database. The implication of these results is a benchmark for future studies on women’s representation at management level in governments and government-owned companies of Arab Gulf countries.Practical implicationsThe practical implication of this study is for concerted government intervention to address gender inequality in management of governments and government-owned companies across the AGS.Originality/valueThis is the first study of RB in AGS and extends the theory of RB to a new geographical and cultural context. There is value in application of RB to government and government-owned companies as a regional form of hybrid public–private organisation.
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Bradbury, M. D., and J. E. Kellough. "Representative Bureaucracy: Exploring the Potential for Active Representation in Local Government." Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 18, no. 4 (2007): 697–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jopart/mum033.
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Lipchanskaya, M. A. "Ensuring the Representative Function of Regional Parliaments and Representative Bodies of Local Self-Government." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 21, no. 3 (2021): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2021-3-26-34.
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Analysis of the representative functions provision by regional parliaments and representative bodies of local selfgovernment at the present stage is presented. The legislation of the subjects of the Russian Federation is analyzed for the consolidation and reflection of the representative function. Opinions are expressed on possible changes in the order of formation and activity of representative bodies at the regional and municipal levels in order to more fully and effectively implement the function of representation.
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Jaeger, William P., Jeffrey Lyons, and Jennifer Wolak. "Political Knowledge and Policy Representation in the States." American Politics Research 45, no. 6 (2016): 907–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x16657806.
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Political knowledge is central to the success of representative democracy. However, public policy has been shown to follow public opinion even despite low levels of political information in the electorate. Does this mean that political knowledge is irrelevant to policy representation? We consider whether knowledgeable electorates are better able to achieve representative policy outcomes. Using the heterogeneity in the responsiveness of government across the states, we consider how state political knowledge moderates the connection between citizen ideology and the policy outcomes of state government. Using national surveys and multilevel logit with post-stratification, we develop measures of collective political knowledge in the states. We test whether knowledgeable electorates are more likely to secure representative political outcomes than less politically informed constituencies. We find that as state political knowledge increases, so does the correspondence between the preferences of the public and the ideological tenor of state policy outcomes.
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Neu, Tim. "Rhetoric and Representation: Reassessing Territorial Diets in Early Modern Germany." Central European History 43, no. 1 (2010): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909991312.
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The representative form of government is in a somewhat difficult situation today. Ever since Jean-Jacques Rousseau judged in 1762 that “à l'instant qu'un Peuple se donne des Réprésentans, il n'est plus libre, il n'est plus,” representative government has been exposed to a steady stream of harsh criticism. The number of critics eventually increased to include Marxists, communitarians, and radical democrats. On the other hand, it is a matter of fact that over the last decades, representative systems were developed in, or at least formally adopted by, the vast majority of nations. For example, more than 140 out of the nearly 200 world's states formally have parliaments associated in the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Institutions such as parliaments and parties, and procedures such as elections and legislation form a ubiquitous and at the same time heavily disputed part of the present political landscape.
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Tampubolon, Elita, Ranap Sitanggang, and Haposan Siallagan. "FUNGSI DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH SEBAGAI UNSUR PENYELENGGARA PEMERINTAH DAERAH BERDASARKAN UNDANG – UNDANG NOMOR 23 TAHUN 2014 TENTANG PEMERINTAHAN DAERAH." Visi Sosial Humaniora 1, no. 1 (2020): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.51622/vsh.v1i1.30.
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Regional people's representatives council or abbreviated as DPRD is a representative positioned as an element of provincial/regencial administration in Indonesia.This council is directly elected by the society as the representation to take part in government implementation. the problems caused among the society are not the measurement that DPRD not organize its funtions but this is to help DPRD as the representative of society in administrating the local government.
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Cañueto, Daniel Fernández. "Representative Government and Constitutional Reality: Spain between Literature and Political Thought." Pólemos 12, no. 1 (2018): 71–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2018-0006.
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Abstract The article analyses how the features of modern political representation have developed in Spanish constitutional history from a multidisciplinary perspective (political philosophy, political science, constitutional law and literature). Between the eighteenth- to the twentieth-century, indeed, the Kingdom of Spain experienced transformations in the concepts of sovereignty, periodic suffrage, free public opinion, and the free and non-revocable mandate. The article also takes into account how the evolution of concepts at stake affected the evolution of the others.
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Funk, Kendall D., and Andrew Q. Philips. "Representative Budgeting: Women Mayors and the Composition of Spending in Local Governments." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 1 (2018): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918775237.
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One potential consequence of increasing women’s numeric representation is that women elected officials will behave differently than their men counterparts and improve women’s substantive representation. This study examines whether electing women to local offices changes how local government expenditures are allocated in ways that benefit women. Using compositional expenditure data from more than 5,400 Brazilian municipalities over eight years, we find significant differences in the ways men and women mayors allocate government expenditures. Our findings indicate that women mayors spend more on traditionally feminine issues, and less on traditionally masculine issues, relative to men mayors. In regard to specific policy areas, we find that women spend more on women’s issues, including education, health care, and social assistance, and less on masculine issues, including transportation and urban development, relative to men mayors. We further find that women’s legislative representation significantly influences the allocation of expenditures as a larger percentage of women councilors increases spending on traditionally feminine issues, as well as education, health care, and social assistance, relative to other policy issues. These findings indicate that women local elected officials improve women’s substantive representation by allocating a larger percentage of expenditures to issues that have historically and continue to concern women in Brazil.
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Pasternak, Avia. "The Collective Responsibility of Democratic Publics." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 41, no. 1 (2011): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjp.2011.0002.
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Towards the end of her seminal work on the notion of representation Hanna Pitkin makes the following observation:At the end of the Second World War and during the Nuremberg trials there was much speculation about the war guilt of the German people. […] Many people might argue the responsibility of the German people even though a Nazi government was not representative. We might agree, however, that in the case of a representative government the responsibility would be more clear-cut.
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Kennedy, Alexis R., Sebawit G. Bishu, and Nuri Heckler. "Feminism, Masculinity, and Active Representation: A Gender Analysis of Representative Bureaucracy." Administration & Society 52, no. 7 (2019): 1101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399719888470.
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Representative bureaucracy examines how identity impacts bureaucratic decision-making. Under certain circumstances, identity congruence between government officials and citizens will result in positive outcomes. This article explores how representative bureaucracy literature studies the effects of gender identity and matching. Although studies demonstrate that context and organizational environment impact identity, scholars don’t systematically analyze how outcomes are affected by gender, rely predominantly on binary gender variables, seldom acknowledge organizations as masculine spaces, and don’t problematize masculinity. Using critical gender theory, we offer new proposals for how to expand our understanding of institutionalized gender norms as they relate to public sector decisions.
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Laycock, David. "Representative Economic Democracy and the Problem of Policy Influence: The Case of Canadian Co-operatives." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (1989): 765–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020242.
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AbstractThis article discusses interest representation by Canadian co-operative business associations, as a way of exploring difficulties faced by democratically structured group interests in influencing federal government policy. Several dimensions of co-operatives’ problems in this regard are examined: their internal structures of democratic representation, their reform ideology, their influence by two conflicting logics of collective action and selected aspects of federal policy development. The article concludes by contending that the problem of democratic representation by economic group interests in the policy process should be taken more seriously by Canadian political scientists.
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BOCHEL, CATHERINE, and HUGH BOCHEL. "Exploring the Low Levels of Women's Representation in Japanese Local Government." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 3 (2005): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001957.
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Although women have consistently outvoted men in elections in Japan since the 1970s, the country has a relatively poor record in terms of women being elected to representative bodies. In recent years, there have been increases, particularly in the number of women in the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors, but at the local level the rate of change has been slower.As in other states, a number of propositions have been put forward to explain the low numbers of women in local assemblies. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including the developing literature and interviews with women councillors and others, this article seeks to identify the variety of factors that have contributed to holding down levels of female representation in local government in Japan. It examines these in the context of recent changes and considers the extent to which there is the prospect for further change.
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Tockman, Jason. "The Hegemony of Representation: Democracy and Indigenous Self-government in Bolivia." Journal of Politics in Latin America 9, no. 2 (2017): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1700900205.
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In the Plurinational State of Bolivia, the 2009 Constitution articulates a multidimensional conception of democracy, reflecting a legacy of social movement mobilizations that demanded political inclusion and propelled to power a president who self-identifies as Indigenous. Many anticipated that Bolivia could present a propitious environment for an invigorated and post-liberal democracy. This article evaluates the three dimensions of democracy enshrined in the Constitution – representative, participatory, and communitarian – with the aim of understanding the relationship among them. I focus on two important sites of democratic practice: the process of drafting and approving the Constitution, and the construction of “Indigenous autonomies”; that is, institutions of Indigenous self-government based on communitarian democracy. While Bolivian democracy is more stable and inclusive under the current government than under previous ones, this study finds that the expansion of sanctioned participatory and communitarian democratic processes has been limited vis-à-vis the hegemonic system of representation.
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Conti, Gregory, and William Selinger. "The Other Side of Representation: The History and Theory of Representative Government in Pierre Rosanvallon." Constellations 23, no. 4 (2016): 548–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12220.
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Rasyidin and Fidhia Aruni. "The Representatives of Women and Affirmation Action in The 2019 Legislative Election of Indonesia." Journal of Sustainable Development Science 2, no. 1 (2020): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46650/jsds.2.1.900.24-29.
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This study aims to deeply see the representation of women in politics in the 2019 general election in Indonesia because women's participation in politics was still very limited. Based on this phenomenon, the Indonesian government has made Affirmative Action as a foundation for women in politics. The results showed that Affirmative Action could not yet be realized and the involvement of women in representative institutions at least 30% have not been fulfilled under affirmative action. From all the political contestants, only the Partai Nasional Demokrat has fulfilled the quota. The findings of this study indicated that patriarchal culture was still an obstacle to women's representation in Indonesian Representative institutions in addition to the Shari'a and other cultures.
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Larichev, A. A. "Historical and Foreign Experience of Implementation of the Principle of Supremacy of the Council in the System of Local Government and Self-Government: Lessons for Modern Russia." Actual Problems of Russian Law 15, no. 3 (2020): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2020.112.3.081-088.
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A Municipal Council has an important role to play in representing the interests of the population at the local level. At the same time in Russia the evolution of the legal status of this institution since the beginning of the 1990s is ambiguous: the capability and activities of representative bodies are limited. The paper, through the prism of the views and ideas of the famous Soviet and Russian constitutionalist Ekaterina I. Kozlova, examines the nature and legal status of representative bodies at the local level based on the principle of their supremacy. The implementation of this principle is also analyzed on the example of foreign models of local government. According to the author, the current weakness of representative bodies in the Russian model of organization of municipal authorities does not meet the requirements of efficiency and does not provide actual representation of interests of local territorial communities. Thus, the author urges to take into account both foreign and historical (Soviet) experience of development of institutions of administration and self-government in the field under consideration.
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Fenetahun, Yeneayehu, Yuan You, Xinwen Xu, Vincent Nzabarinda, and Yongdong Wang. "The Impact of Political Instability on Sustainable Rangeland Management: A Study of Borana Rangeland, Southern Ethiopia." Agriculture 11, no. 4 (2021): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agriculture11040352.
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Political instability (PI) occurs between governments and other political elites either at the local, regional, and/or national levels. Planning, implementing, and monitoring of sustainable rangeland management strategies have a significant impact on the political environment of an area. In this study, the term PI implies an unsafe and unstable exercise of political power, and is a major obstacle to the implementation of sustainable rangeland management. The main purpose of this research was to provide empirical and theoretical knowledge by testing hypotheses about the impact of PI on the implementation of sustainable practice of rangeland management. Using in-depth interviews, this study conducted both structured and unstructured group discussions with 300 representative households of local pastoralists and others who were considered the key stakeholders in the sustainable activities of rangeland management. Results indicated that the local communities are significantly susceptible to the economic, environmental, and socio-cultural effects of sustainable management of rangeland due to PI. Furthermore, the impact of PI on the economic, environmental, and socio-cultural aspects of rangelands indicators was evaluated. The findings also proved that the satisfaction of pastoralists with rangeland productivity and function was significantly affected, and prevented pastoralists from participating in rangeland management practice.
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Choi, Heasun, Sounman Hong, and Jung Wook Lee. "Does Increasing Gender Representativeness and Diversity Improve Organizational Integrity?" Public Personnel Management 47, no. 1 (2017): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091026017738539.
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Recent scholarship has suggested that representative bureaucracy improves organizational integrity. This article tests this argument with respect to gender, using data from Korean government agencies from 2008 to 2014. The findings suggest that an increase in female representation and diversity in public organizations leads to an improvement in the measured level of organizational integrity. We found, however, that incidents of sexual harassment and sexual violence in the workplace were positively, not negatively, correlated with increased female representation. This apparent contradiction is explained by the fact that a greater female representation may empower female officials to report unfair treatment or injustice that has hitherto been unreported and tolerated. Finally, the evidence suggests that the positive impact of representative bureaucracy on organizational integrity becomes substantially greater when the agency has a female leader. This suggests that a leader’s gender influences the attitudes and behaviors of gender-congruent street-level bureaucrats.
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Poudel, Guru Prasad. "Representation and Identity Construction of Ethnic Minorities from Discourses in Government Media." Shiksha Shastra Saurabh 21 (December 31, 2018): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/sss.v21i0.35101.
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Discourse is the common sense language that represents the society, culture, social groups, group behaviours, socio-cultural identities and political ideologies. It signifies communication as a whole. Media gives space for people’s voices in its programs and publications. In the same way, media is a common representative of the voices of all the ethnic communities regardless of majority or minority in its true principle. However, the languages and voices of all ethnic communities have not been represented in the discourse of government media in Nepal. In such a situation, this research aimed to; examine the representation of ethnic-minority languages in the discourses of government media of Nepal; critically assess the socio-cultural and political cognitions of the ethnic-minorities throughout the discourses in those media, and; identify the various identities constructed by the speakers of ethnic-minority languages through the discourses in government media. The finding of the study shows that our of 125 languages spoken in Nepal only 22 ethnic languages are represented in the discourse of Nepalese government media and the ethnic minority felt themselves being included within the national discourse when they found their discourses being represented in public media.
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Alteri, Ashley M. "Side-Effects of Representation: Measuring the Impact of Representative Hiring on Employment Discrimination Complaints." Administration & Society 52, no. 10 (2020): 1562–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399720915293.
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Since 1978, the government has been implementing programs to combat the underrepresentation of minorities in federal employment. However, representative bureaucracy literature has done little to examine the impact these initiatives are having on the workplace. This article examines the relationship between changes in representation and discrimination complaints. Increases in the ratio of minority and female employees predict an increase in the rates of race and sex-discrimination complaints, respectively. Increases in the ratio of Black/African American and Asian employees predict an increase in race-discrimination complaints. However, the ratio of employees ages 40 or above did not predict changes in age discrimination.
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Mahanani, Anajeng Esri Edhi. "Resultan Sistem Pemilu dan Sistem Pemerintahan terhadap Pelaksanaan Demokrasi di Indonesia." JURNAL YUSTIKA: MEDIA HUKUM DAN KEADILAN 22, no. 02 (2020): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24123/yustika.v22i02.2388.
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Problems related to the resultant electoral system and the government system are the focus of the discussion in this study. Types of electoral systems, as well as types of governmental systems are discussed to be able to be a study of the use of electoral systems and government systems. The purpose of discussing this problem is to analyze the electoral system and the government system that are compatible with the implementation of democracy in Indonesia. This research is discussed through normative analysis, and through qualitative methods. The results of the qualitative normative analysis can be seen as follows: First, the results of the analysis show that there is a resultant between the electoral system towards the implementation of democracy in Indonesia as seen from the theory of the people's unity and the representative system. The consultant becomes strong if the general election system used is a purely open proportional electoral system, namely the voter as the supreme sovereignty constitution, can know with certainty who the candidate is and will help determine who is the people's representative. Second, there is a result between the government system and the implementation of democracy, the theory of popular sovereignty and the system of representation. Parliamentary and presidential government systems have their own weak points and strengths. However, the presidential system applied in democratic countries in Indonesia is better, because it tends to be more stable in its accountability. Placing the highest sovereignty as the only party that accepts the responsibility of those who have been elected to the executive and parliamentary institutions. The concept developed is a system of political representation, not as a system of partisan representation .
 
 Keywords: Resultan, District System, Proporsional System, Presidensiil, Parlementary
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ROSS, MICHAEL L. "Does Taxation Lead to Representation?" British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 2 (2004): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123404000031.
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Does their need for greater tax revenue force governments to democratize? Most research on contemporary democratization says little about the effects of taxation. Yet there are good reasons to believe that taxation led to representation in the past: representative government first came about in early modern Europe when monarchs were compelled to relinquish some of their authority to parliamentary institutions, in exchange for the ability to raise new taxes; similarly, the war for independence in the United States began as a rebellion against British taxes. Some scholars argue that a comparable process is occurring today: the need to raise taxes forces authoritarian governments to democratize. These claims have never been carefully tested. In this article, the ‘taxation leads to representation’ argument is explored and tested using pooled time-series cross-national data from 113 countries between 1971 and 1997. One version of the argument appears to be valid, while another does not. These findings are important both for scholars who wish to understand the causes of democracy, and for policy makers who wish to promote it.
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Joesoef, Iwan Erar. "The Idea of Customary Law Community Representation in the Regional Representative Council." Unnes Law Journal 6, no. 1 (2020): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ulj.v5i2.26984.
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The Customary Law Community (Masyarakat Hukum Adat, MHA) as part of the Customary Law System is recognized for its existence and its implementation in the National Land Law (Hukum Tanah Nasional, HTN). In the Explanation of the Basic Agrarian Law (UUPA) it is stated that the function of Customary Law as the main source in the development of HTN, although such recognition is accompanied by conditions as long as in reality they still exist and in accordance with national and state interests. This paper analyses and examines the problems of MHA in the concept of regional representative council. The problem on this paper come up from various problems concerning to ulayat land and its conflict between indigenous people and government. The research emphasized that the main problem is the inequality of perception between the Executive, Judiciary and Legislative institutions in the consistency of compensation payments resulting in the re-claim of Tanah Ulayat (Adat), there is no basis for a multi-dimensional approach (anthropology, sociology and others besides the juridical approach). This means that the formal juridical approach alone does not achieve effective results. The question is whether the constitutional MHA can have representation in the Regional Representative Council (DPD) and what forms of democracy are appropriate and can channel the aspirations of the MHA.
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Finchelstein, Federico, and Nadia Urbinati. "On Populism and Democracy." Populism 1, no. 1 (2018): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-01011001.
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AbstractPopulism became the name of a form of government after the demise of Fascism. As a political form located between constitutional government and dictatorship, it displays family resemblances with opposite political systems, like liberal democracy and fascism. Today, populism grows within both democratizing and fully democratic societies although it takes its most mature riling profile in representative democracies, which are its real target. Historically, it used representation to construct a holistic image of the people that a leader promised to bring into power at the cost of downplaying pluralism and humiliating political and cultural minorities, thus twisting democratic procedures and institutions in ways that stretched it to democracy’s extreme borders. One of the core arguments of this article is that populism is a transfiguration of representative democracy that attempts once in government to reshape the democratic fundamentals, from the people and the majority principles to elections.
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van den Bersselaar, Dmitri. "Missionary Knowledge and the State in Colonial Nigeria: On How G. T. Basden became an Expert." History in Africa 33 (2006): 433–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2006.0006.
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Between 1931 and 1937, the Anglican missionary G. T. Basden represented the Igbo people on the Nigerian Legislative Council. The Igbo had not elected Basden as their representative; he had been appointed by the colonial government. Basden's appointment seems remarkable. In 1923 the Legislative Council had been expanded to include seats for Unofficial Members, representing a number of Nigerian areas, with the expressed aim of increasing African representation on the Council. In selecting Basden the government went against their original intention that the representative of the Igbo area would be a Nigerian. However, the government decided that there was no “suitable” African candidate available, and that the appointment of a recognized European expert on the Igbo was an acceptable alternative. This choice throws light on a number of features of the Nigerian colonial state in 1930s, including the limitations of African representation and the definition of what would make a “suitable” African candidate.In this paper I am concerned with the question of how Basden became recognized as an expert by the colonial government and also, more generally, with the linkages between colonial administrations' knowledge requirements and missionary knowledge production. Missionary-produced knowledge occupied a central, but also somewhat awkward position in colonial society. On the one hand, colonial governments and missions shared a number of common assumptions and expectations about African peoples. On the other hand, there also existed tensions between missions and government, partly reflecting differing missionary and administrative priorities, which means that the missionary expert was not often recognized as such.
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Brooks, Leah, Justin Phillips, and Maxim Sinitsyn. "The Cabals of a Few or the Confusion of a Multitude: The Institutional Trade-off Between Representation and Governance." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 3, no. 1 (2011): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.3.1.1.
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Our model illustrates how political institutions trade off between the competing goals of representation and governance, where governance is the responsiveness of an institution to a single pivotal voter. We use exogenous variation from the 30-year history of the federal Community Development Block Grant program to identify this trade-off. Cities with more representative governments—those with larger city councils—use more grant funds to supplement city revenues rather than implementing tax cuts, thereby moving policy further away from the governance ideal. In sum, more representative government is not without cost. (JEL D72, H71, R50)
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Ridlwan, Zulkarnain. "Cita Demokrasi Indonesia dalam Politik Hukum Pengawasan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat terhadap Pemerintah." Jurnal Konstitusi 12, no. 2 (2016): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1226.
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Constitutional discourse can not be separated from the discussion on democracy building. The existence of the House of Representatives in Indonesia with its oversight function of government is one manifestation of democracy. With a historical approach juridical writings results of this study concluded that the statute law of political representative institutions is likely to continue to strengthen parliamentary oversight of government functions by providing additional instruments that can be used by the legislature as an institution and the individual members of the House to conduct oversight. The legal political tendencies are in accordance with the ideals of democracy in Indonesia who wanted representation of the people in the context of the embodiment of the people’s sovereignty in a representative body, but does not eliminate the critical power of the people to the ruler.
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Mora, Cristina, Julie A. Dowling, and Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz. "“Mostly Rich White Men, Nothing in Common”: Latino Views on Political (Under) Representation in the Trump Era." American Behavioral Scientist 65, no. 9 (2021): 1180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996768.
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The idea of U.S. democracy rests on the assumption that all citizens will see their issues and needs reflected in elected officials. Yet, historically this has not been the case, as racialized minorities have been excluded and systematically marginalized from the representative process. Today, nonwhite populations remain significantly underrepresented in federal and state governments. Although scholars have examined the effects and mechanics of ethnoracial political representation, less is known about how individuals from minoritized populations perceive and make sense of political (under)representation. Drawing on a novel data set of 71 in-depth interviews with Latinos in the Chicagoland area and the San Francisco Bay, this article examines Latino understandings of representation. Our findings show that respondents view Latinos and other “people of color” as largely underrepresented amid an exceedingly white federal government. Yet Latino sentiments on the issue go beyond race, as respondents contend that class and a record of experience advocating on behalf of immigrant and working-class communities also matters for feeling represented by elected officials. Our findings make a case for bridging the sociological literature on racialization and political theories on representation, and have implications for understanding broader notions of political belonging and government trust.
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Loughland, Amelia. "Taking Process-Based Theory Seriously: Could ‘Discrete and Insular Minorities’ Be Protected Under the Australian Constitution?" Federal Law Review 48, no. 3 (2020): 324–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x20927813.
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The High Court is committed to protecting the substantive rights necessary for the effective functioning of the constitutionally entrenched system of representative and responsible government. This is consistent with a ‘representation-reinforcing’ approach to constitutional review as advocated by John Hart Ely in the United States, in which judicial intervention is limited to protecting the ordinary political processes established by the Constitution rather than adjudicating on its outcomes. While the High Court has demonstrated an Elyian commitment to keeping open the channels of political change, it has not engaged with the protection of minority rights or equality concerns more broadly which were a key element of process-based theory. In this article, I argue that the judicial protection of minority rights is a necessary and desirable corollary of the constitutional entrenchment of representative government in the Australian Constitution. I explore how this could arise through either a freestanding guarantee of equality or in a weaker form by inflecting other areas of constitutional practice. Ultimately, I acknowledge that while the High Court’s current interpretive approach may not support a broad protection of equality, its process-based protection of representative government provides an available means to recognise minority rights under the Australian Constitution.
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Ellis, Lara. "Ontario's provincial parks and protected areas: Challenges and opportunities in ensuring ecological integrity and representation." Forestry Chronicle 73, no. 6 (1997): 727–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc73727-6.
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Among the actions needed to conserve biodiversity in Ontario is the completion of a network of protected areas. The Ontario Government committed to completing Ontario's protected areas network in order to conserve biodiversity in 1989. The provincial government announced, in February 1997, a land-use planning process that "will be used for making decisions on natural heritage protection" (Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources 1997). A framework and action plan on protected areas was publicly released by the Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources (OMNR) after this announcement. This document and a recent gap analysis report employing the program's methodology indicate that the approach being taken by OMNR in terms of protecting representative areas may fall short of the criteria put forth by World Wildlife Fund Canada, the Wildlands League, and other Endangered Spaces Campaign partners. Key words: Biodiversity, park management, Ontario, natural heritage protection
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Ransta, L., Suwitri Sri, and Y. Warella. "“REPRESENTATIVE BUREAUCRACY” AS AN EFFORT TO STRENGTHEN THE REPRESENTATION OF INDIGENOUS PAPUANS ON GOVERNMENT BUREAUCRACY IN MERAUKE DISTRICT." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, no. 6 (2020): 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.29013/ejhss-20-6-136-150.
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Milaeva, О., and А. Piterova. "SOCIO-POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FEMALE DEPUTY OF THE FAR EASTERN FEDERAL DISTRICT." Transbaikal State University Journal 26, no. 10 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2020-26-10-60-71.
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The relevance of the study is determined by the institutionalization of gender imbalance in the representation bodies of the Russian Federation, the lack of significant improvements in the aspect of women’s integration into the political management system. It is obvious that the two forms of women’s active and passive participation in the political process are disproportionate and, as a result, they have limited access to political influence and power, which suggests a weak articulation of their interests in various spheres of socio-political and economic space. The object of study – the current composition of the representative bodies of subjects the Far Eastern Federal District (FEFD) at the regional level and bodies’ representative of local government administrative centers. The subject of the study is the female deputy corps of the subjects of the FEFD. The purpose of the study: description and comparative analysis of the morphology of the female deputy corps of the subjects of the FEFD at the regional and municipal levels. The main task is to fix the level of representation of women in legislative bodies and local self-government bodies of the FEFD in comparison with all-Russian indicators. The main method of research is the method of statistical typological grouping of primary statistical material, on the basis of which summary indicators are identified according to the criteria for analyzing the main characteristics of the female deputy corps of the FEFD (quantitative, education, socio-professional experience, age, political affiliation, etc.). The sources of the study are the official websites of the representative bodies of 11 subjects of the FEFD, election commissions of the subjects, websites of the electoral information service, and party information systems. In the organs of representative offices of the FEFD remains a significant gender imbalance and gender pyramid, the level of participation of women in bodies of representation the FEFD is higher than the average for Russia. The morphology of regional and local representation models differs in quantitative terms, but the socio-demographic and socio-political characteristics are almost identical. The lack of dominance of representatives of the public sector is recorded, the business community is equally represented, but the institution of NGOs is practically not used in the political promotion of women. The relative social openness of the women’s deputy corps of the FEFD is noted: there is no overwhelming majority of senior organizational management, there is a cluster of non-executives
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Dewau, Reta, Tefera Chane Mekonnen, Sisay Eshete Tadesse, Amare Muche, Getahun Gebre Bogale, and Erkihun Tadesse Amsalu. "Knowledge and practice of clients on preventive measures of COVID-19 pandemic among governmental health facilities in South Wollo, Ethiopia: A facility-based cross-sectional study." PLOS ONE 16, no. 3 (2021): e0247639. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0247639.
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Introduction Coronavirus-19 is a global health challenge and need an immediate action. Thus, understanding client’s knowledge about SARS-COV2 causes, roots of transmissions, and prevention strategies are urgently warranted. Although there were global studies reported knowledge and preventive practices of COVID-19, but the information is not representative and inclusive for Ethiopia. Thus, the current study is done to identify the knowledge and the prevention strategies for COVID-19 among clients in South Wollo, Ethiopia. Methods An institutional based cross-sectional study was conducted from May 21 to 30, 2020 among clients seeking service in Dessie town health facilities. A total of 81 clients were included from the selected health facilities with simple random sampling technique. We developed measuring tools by adopting from World Health Organization and center for disease prevention recommendation manual for assessing service providers’ knowledge and preventive practices. For data entry Epi-data 3.1 version was employed and further data management and analysis was performed using STATA Version 14. Student T-test and one way ANOVA were computed to see the mean difference in knowledge and practice between and among the group. Chi-square test was also done to portray the presence of association between different co-variants with client’s knowledge and preventive practices. Results Findings of the study showed that more than half (56.8%) of the participants had good knowledge about its symptoms, way of spread and prevention of the virus. Furthermore, 65.4% of clients demonstrated five or more preventive practice measures of COVID-19. The mean preventive practice score with standard deviation was (4.75±1.28 from 6 components). In the current study, knowledge had no significant difference among sex, education status, and monthly income. However, COVID-19 transmission knowledge was significantly higher among urban residents. Thus, clients who were knowledgeable about way of transmission and symptoms of COVID-19 had significantly higher COVID-19 preventive practice. Conclusion Our findings revealed that clients’ knowledge and preventive practice of COVID-19 were not optimal. Clients with good knowledge and urban residents had practiced better prevention measures of the pandemic, signifying that packages and programs directed in enhancing knowledge about the virus is useful in combating the pandemic and continuing safe practices.
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Thornton, Patricia M. "The Cultural Revolution as a Crisis of Representation." China Quarterly 227 (September 2016): 697–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101600076x.
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AbstractThe May 16 Notification, which set the agenda for the Cultural Revolution, named the movement's key targets as those “representatives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the Party, the government, the army, and all spheres of culture.” The ensuing uprising of students and workers, many of whom claimed to be the loyal “representatives” of revolutionary and radical forces at the grassroots of society, exposed the fulminating crisis of political representation under CCP rule. This article considers the Cultural Revolution as a manifestation of a continuing crisis of representation within revolutionary socialism that remains unresolved to the present day, as demonstrated by the tepid popular response to Jiang Zemin's “three represents” and widespread contemporary concerns about the Party's “representativeness” (daibiaoxing代表性) in the wake of market reform. Although the Cultural Revolution enabled both public debate of and political experimentation with new forms of representative politics, the movement failed to resolve the crisis. The Party's lingering disquiet regarding issues of representation thus remains one legacy of the Cultural Revolution.