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Journal articles on the topic 'Repression (Psychology)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Nugent, Elizabeth R. "The Psychology of Repression and Polarization." World Politics 72, no. 2 (March 4, 2020): 291–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887120000015.

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ABSTRACTHow does political polarization occur under repressive conditions? Drawing on psychological theories of social identity, the author posits that the nature of repression drives polarization. Repression alters group identities, changing the perceived distance between groups and ultimately shaping the level of affective and preference polarization between them through differentiation processes. The author tests the proposed causal relationship using mixed-method data and analysis.The results of a laboratory experiment reveal that exposure to a targeted repression prime results in greater in-group identification and polarization between groups, whereas exposure to a widespread prime results in decreased levels of these same measurements. The effect of the primes appears to be mediated through group identification. Case-study evidence of polarization between political opposition groups that were differently repressed in Egypt and Tunisia reinforces these results. The findings have implications for understanding how polarization, as conditioned by repression, may alter the likelihood of the cooperative behavior among opposition actors necessary for the success of democratic politics.

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2

Poppell, Charles D., and Richard F. Farmer. "Construct Validity of Repression: A Dimensional Analysis." Psychological Reports 87, no. 1 (August 2000): 304–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.2000.87.1.304.

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This study explored the construct validity of repression through an examination of the interrelations among indicators identified in previous research as being associated with the construct. Three behavioral tasks, i.e., dichotic listening task, recall of past events task, and Stroop task, modified in accordance with previous research to tap into repressive tendencies, and one questionnaire (Byrne Repression-Sensitization Scale) were administered to a sample of 62 university undergraduates. A series of correlational analyses provided weak to moderate support for the construct validity of repression.

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3

Freyd, Jennifer J. "The social psychology of cognitive repression." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (October 2006): 518–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06289118.

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Erdelyi identifies cognitive and emotional motives for repression, but largely neglects social motivations. Yet social pressure to not know, and implicit needs to isolate awareness in order to protect relationships, are common motives. Social motives may even trump emotional motives; the most painful events are sometimes the most difficult to repress. Cognitive repression may be impacted by social information sharing.

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4

Boag, Simon. "Can repression become a conscious process?" Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (October 2006): 513–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06239116.

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A major weakness in Erdelyi's account concerns the claim that repression can become conscious. A relational account of cognition demonstrates that if repression is successful, then the repressive act cannot become known. Additionally, “resistance” further distinguishes “repression” from “suppression.” Rather than blurring the distinction between these processes, it is possible to recognise a series of defences. Suggestions are provided for alternative research avenues.

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5

Derakshan, Nazanin, and Michael W. Eysenck. "Repression and Repressors." European Psychologist 2, no. 3 (January 1997): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.2.3.235.

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The present article reviews and evaluates the history of theory and research on the concept of repression and, its personality characteristic, the repressive coping style. The four-factor theory ( Eyseneck, 1997 ), a comprehensive cognitive theory of repressors, attempts to provide evidence for the avoidant or defensive cognitive processors allegedly underlying repression. According to the four-factor theory, individuals with a repressive coping style (repressors) possess opposite cognitive biases for both external and internal stimuli. In other words, they avoid attending to, and tend to interpret, four sources of information — environmental stimuli, their own physiological activity, their own behavior, and information stored in long term memory — in a nonthreatening fashion. Some evidence consistent with these predictions is discussed. Also, the four-factor theory attempts to account for some failures of concordance among the self-report, behavioral, physiological, measures of anxiety found in repressors.

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6

Ward, Sandra E., Howard Leventhal, and Richard Love. "Repression Revisited." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 14, no. 4 (December 1988): 735–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167288144008.

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7

Erdelyi, Matthew Hugh. "The return of the repressed." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (December 2006): 535–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06479115.

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Repression continues to be controversial. One insight crystallized by the commentaries is that there is a serious semantic problem, partly resulting from a long silence in psychology on repression. In this response, narrow views (e.g., that repression needs always be unconscious, must yield total amnesia) are challenged. Broader conceptions of repression, both biological and social, are considered, with a special stress on repression of meanings (denial). Several issues – generilizability, falsifiability, personality factors, the interaction of repression with cognitive channel (e.g., recall vs. dreams), and false-memory as repression – are discussed.

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8

Cohen, Jonathan. "Trauma and repression." Psychoanalytic Inquiry 5, no. 1 (January 1985): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07351698509533580.

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9

de Valk, S., C. Kuiper, G. H. P. van der Helm, A. J. J. A. Maas, and G. J. J. M. Stams. "Repression in Residential Youth Care: A Qualitative Study Examining the Experiences of Adolescents in Open, Secure and Forensic Institutions." Journal of Adolescent Research 34, no. 6 (July 9, 2017): 757–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0743558417719188.

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Repression in residential youth care institutions can manifest itself openly in coercive measures or may be concealed in staff behavior that is endemic to residential youth care, such as soft power and strict behavioral control (i.e., structure), which threatens rehabilitative goals and might even violate children’s rights. To increase awareness of particularly the more hidden aspects of repression, this qualitative study follows the framework method to examine processes that cause adolescents to experience repression. Semistructured interviews were conducted with an ethnic diverse sample of 32 adolescents from open, secure, and forensic (i.e., youth prisons) residential youth care institutions in the Netherlands. Results indicated that adolescents tend to accept structure, rules, coercion, and punishments, and that they expect staff to use their power to create order and safety. However, results also showed that restrictive measures may be approved by adolescents to cope with repression, taking the form of rationalization. Staff behavior perceived as unfair or excessive by the adolescents was conceived of as repressive. Respect for autonomy and providing treatment that is experienced as meaningful by the adolescents seem to decrease experienced repression.

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10

Zhanbosinova, Albina S., Saule S. Zhandybayeva, and Ajnur T. Kazbekova. "Ego-documents of the History of Political Terror in Kazakhstan." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 3 (2021): 797–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.307.

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Interdisciplinary approaches have expanded the research space of the history of political repression of 1920–1950s. The surge of interest in documents of personal origin in the historiography of the post-Soviet space led to an appeal to ego-documents — personal letters from victims of political repression. The study is based on archival and investigative materials of the Special State Archive of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Introduction of narrative sources into the scholarship enables to hear the history of political repression “from inside”, “from below”, to feel the psychology of terror. Letters to the authorities touched upon a complex of problems related to the violation of socialist legality in the field, especially in the period of political repression. The main message of the letters sent to the first leaders of the Soviet state was the monstrosity of the accusation of Article 58 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR, the ridiculous mistake made by Soviet justice. The purpose of the article is to reveal the cognitive potential of ego documents in articulating the history of political repression. Based on the theoretical concepts of a linguistic, narrative turn, the historical past of political repressions, represented by ego documents of victims of political terror is constructed. A discursive assessment of the letter suggests its interpretation as a reconstruction of the sociocultural memory of the tragic past that left a cultural trauma in the family frame of memory. Each letter has its own power of power, the inner ‘I’ voices the daily practices of political terror.

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11

Rubino, I. Alex, Anna Saya, and Bianca Pezzarossa. "Percept-Genetic Signs of Repression in Histrionic Personality Disorder." Perceptual and Motor Skills 74, no. 2 (April 1992): 451–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1992.74.2.451.

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Several types of perceptual distortions of two anxiety-arousing visual stimuli are coded as repression in the Defense Mechanism Test, a tachistoscopic, percept-genetic technique. Given the well-established correspondence between hysteria and repression, the study included a clinical validation of these variants of repression against the diagnosis of histrionic personality disorder. 41 subjects with evidence of this disorder on the Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-II were compared with 41 nonhistrionic controls. Significantly more histrionics were coded for the type of repression in which the threatening figure is transformed into a harmless object (code 1:42), while animal- and statue-repressions, when combined (codes 1:1 and 1:2), were significantly more characteristic of the nonhistrionic group. As an unpredicted finding, significantly more histrionic subjects employed defensive strategies, currently coded as reaction formations (code 4:). Histrionic subjects without concomitant compulsive features were coded more frequently for introaggression (code 6:) compared both with nonhistrionic controls and with histrionic-compulsive subjects. The findings are discussed within the context of the available percept-genetic literature. It is suggested that the Defense Mechanism Test may be further employed to objectify and investigate the defense mechanisms of the DSM-III—R disorders.

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12

Piven, Jerry S. "Death, Repression, Narcissism, Misogyny." Psychoanalytic Review 90, no. 2 (April 2003): 225–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/prev.90.2.225.23551.

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13

Smith, Steven M. "Resolving repression." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (December 2006): 534–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06469119.

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The feuding factions of the memory wars, that is, those concerned with the validity of recovered memories versus those concerned with false memories, are unified by Erdelyi's theory of repression. Evidence shows suppression, inhibition, and retrieval blocking can have profound yet reversible effects on a memory's accessibility, and deserve as prominent a role in the recovered memory debate as evidence of false memories. Erdelyi's theory shows that both inhibitory and elaborative processes cooperate to keep unwanted memories out of consciousness.

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14

Ingleby, David. "Critical Psychology in Relation to Political Repression and Violence." International Journal of Mental Health 17, no. 4 (December 1988): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207411.1988.11449111.

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15

Grau, Günter. "Liberalisierung und Repression." Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 15, no. 4 (2002): 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-2002-36613.

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16

Krueger, Joachim I. "The flight from reasoning in psychology." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 30, no. 1 (February 2007): 32–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x07000751.

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Psychological science can benefit from a theoretical unification with other social sciences. Social psychology in particular has gone through cycles of repression, denying itself the opportunity to see the calculating element in human interaction. A closer alignment with theories of evolution and theories of interpersonal (and intergroup) games would bring strategic reasoning back into the focus of research.

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17

Wilson, Arnold, and Lissa Weinstein. "Language and the Psychoanalytic Process: Psychoanalysis and Vygotskian Psychology, Part II." Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 40, no. 3 (June 1992): 725–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000306519204000304.

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This paper follows our previous one, where we described a psychoanalytic conception of language, thought, and internalization that is informed by the thinking of Lev Vygotsky. Here, several aspects of the analytic process which allow for the understanding of ineffable experiences in the analysand's history and the analytic situation are investigated: specifically, primal repression, metaphor, and the role of speech in free association. It is suggested that Freud's notion of primal repression be revived and redefined as one aspect of the descriptive unconscious. Some implications of primal repression for transference and resistance are explored. The metaphoric in its broad sense is examined as one example of how early dynamic experiences embedded in the process of language acquisition can be reached within the clinical situation. It is proposed that an understanding of free association is enhanced by awareness of distinctions between inner, egocentric, and social speech. The basic rule can be interpreted as an invitation for the analysand to use inner speech in collaboration with the analyst as best he or she can. Further, the aliveness and degree of superficiality of the analysis can be seen as a function of the analyst's ability to appreciate the properties of inner speech and foster the conditions in the analysis that allow for its unfolding.

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18

Boag, Simon. "Repression, suppression, and conscious awareness." Psychoanalytic Psychology 27, no. 2 (2010): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0019416.

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19

Furnham, Adrian, and Jonathan Traynar. "Repression and effective coping styles." European Journal of Personality 13, no. 6 (November 1999): 465–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-0984(199911/12)13:6<465::aid-per348>3.0.co;2-k.

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20

Kihlstrom, John F. "No need for repression." Trends in Cognitive Sciences 6, no. 12 (December 2002): 502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1364-6613(02)02006-5.

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21

Gleaves, David H. "Dialectical repression theory." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (October 2006): 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06309119.

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Erdelyi's dialectical repression theory attempts to reconcile what appear to be incompatible perspectives in the contentious area of memory for trauma. He partially succeeds and makes a strong case that repression is “an empirical fact,” but makes a weaker case that distortions and omissions are due to the same mechanism and that recovered memories are necessarily unreliable. Available data do not suggest that the return of the repressed is any less accurate than the return of the non-repressed.

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22

Bayer, Oxana, and Ievgeniia Martyshenko. "Coping With Repression In Soviet Ukraine." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 8 (March 30, 2016): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n8p52.

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The psychology of the Soviet period in Ukraine still needs to be analyzed because living witnesses of those times are gradually passing away. In this mixed-methods study, a sample of 56 respondents aged 63-102 were administered a semi-structured interview created for discovering the ways and resources people used to overcome the oppression of the Soviet regime. A qualitative analysis of participants’ testimonies through conceptualization revealed the following helping resources: social, financial, and informational support, faith, creative work, the example of family members, upbringing, humor, self-esteem, and morale, and taking responsibility. Though respondents mentioned all strategies, emotional reactions were notably missing from the strategies. Thus, participant responses were quantitatively analyzed for emotional content as well, allowing for detection of subjects’ non-conscious attitudes towards the topic under discussion.

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23

Fujiwara, Esther, and Marcel Kinsbourne. "Forging a link between cognitive and emotional repression." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (October 2006): 519–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06299114.

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Erdelyi distinguishes between cognitive and emotional forms of repression, but argues that they use the same general mechanism. His discussion of experimental memory findings, on the one hand, and clinical examples, on the other, does indeed indicate considerable overlap. As an in-between level of evidence, research findings on emotion in neuroscience, as well as experimental and social/personality psychology, further support his argument.

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24

Woodman, Tim, and Paul A. Davis. "The Role of Repression in the Incidence of Ironic Errors." Sport Psychologist 22, no. 2 (June 2008): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/tsp.22.2.183.

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The role of repression in the incidence of ironic errors was investigated on a golf task. Coping styles of novice golfers were determined using measures of cognitive anxiety and physiological arousal. Following baseline putts, participants (n = 58) performed a competition putt with the opportunity to win UK£50 (approx. US$100). Before completing the competition putt participants were instructed to “land the ball on the target, but be particularly careful not to over-shoot the target.” The distance the ball traveled past the hole formed the measure of ironic effects. Probing of the coping style × condition interaction, F(2, 41) = 6.53, p < .005, revealed that only the repressors incurred a significant increase in ironic error for the competition putt. This suggests that the act of repressing anxiety has a detrimental performance effect.

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25

van Deventer, Vasi. "On the Limits (of the Subject) of Psychology." South African Journal of Psychology 27, no. 2 (June 1997): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639702700203.

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The subject of psychology broaches two domains of discourse, one in which the subject belongs to psychology as its object of study and another where the discipline of psychology belongs to the subject as a topic of discussion. Actually, these are not two domains of discourse but rather two domains concerning discourse: a domain where the subject belongs to discourse and a domain where discourse belongs to the subject; more precisely: a domain of being known and a domain of the knowing being. This article is about the delimitation of these two domains. Bringing them into existence requires complicated motions on (or at) the borderline that separates them. This means a special kind of writing of the subject of psychology, a writing characterized by a double stroke in the sense that it represses while it creates. In this article, the author explores the nature of this kind of delimitation, and then relates three stories to illustrate the writing that constitutes the subject of psychology as a knowing being and a being known. We see how the delimitation of the discipline of psychology splits the subject into a subject who comes Into being on both the inside and the outside of psychology, and how in an attempt to bridge this split (which is the drive for identity) a core part of the subject must be repressed, and finally how the attempt to wipe the traces of this repression constitutes an entire psychology, which reveals psychology as a double repression. The article concludes that these notions open psychology as a grammatology, meaning that the logos of the psyche is not simply revealed, but written in and through a double stroke.

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26

YOUNG, LAUREN E. "The Psychology of State Repression: Fear and Dissent Decisions in Zimbabwe." American Political Science Review 113, no. 1 (November 26, 2018): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541800076x.

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Many authoritarian regimes use frightening acts of repression to suppress dissent. Theory from psychology suggests that emotions should affect how citizens perceive and process information about repression risk and ultimately whether or not they dissent. I test the effects of emotions on dissent in autocracy by running a lab-in-the-field experiment with 671 opposition supporters in Zimbabwe that randomly assigns some participants to an exercise that induces a mild state of fear, whereas others complete a neutral placebo. The fear treatment significantly reduces hypothetical and behavioral measures of dissent by substantively large amounts. It also increases pessimism about parameters that enter into the dissent decision as well as risk aversion. These results show that emotions interact in important ways with strategic considerations. Fear may be a powerful component of how unpopular autocrats exclude large portions of their populations from mobilizing for regime change.

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27

Bornstein, Melvin. "Dissociation and Repression: A Clinical Study." Psychoanalytic Inquiry 33, no. 5 (September 2013): 439–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07351690.2013.815061.

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28

Man, Anton F. de. "REPRESSION-SENSITIZATION AND MEASURES OF ADJUSTMENT." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 18, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1990.18.1.13.

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Sixty undergraduate university students participated in a study of the relationship between repression-sensitization and selected measures of adjustment, namely, degree of conflict, self-esteem, alienation, anomy, and locus of control. Results indicated that sensitizers tend to report lower levels of self-esteem; greater alienation, anomy, and conflict; and externality. Further analyses identified alienation and particularly self-esteem as best predictors of defensive orientation.

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29

Russ, Sandra W. "The Impact of Repression on Creativity." Psychological Inquiry 9, no. 3 (July 1998): 221–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327965pli0903_7.

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30

Blum, Harold P. "Repression, transference and reconstruction." International Journal of Psychoanalysis 84, no. 3 (June 1, 2003): 497–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1516/002075703766644553.

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31

Blum, Harold P. "Repression, transference and reconstruction." International Journal of Psychoanalysis 84, no. 3 (June 2003): 497–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1516/y3lh-c2da-jx46-6r2v.

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32

Billig, Michael. "The dialogic unconscious: Psychoanalysis, discursive psychology and the nature of repression." British Journal of Social Psychology 36, no. 2 (June 1997): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2044-8309.1997.tb01124.x.

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33

Boden, Joseph M. "Motive and consequence in repression." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (October 2006): 514–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06249112.

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Erdelyi's unified theory of repression offers a significant advance in understanding the disparate findings related to repression. However, the theory de-emphasizes the role of motive in repression, and it is argued here that motive is critical to the understanding of repression as it occurs in the mental life of individuals.

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34

Morton, John. "Differentiating dissociation and repression." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 27, no. 5 (October 2004): 670–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x04350156.

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Now that consciousness is thoroughly out of the way, we can focus more precisely on the kinds of things that can happen underneath. A contrast can be made between dissociation and repression. Dissociation is where a memory record or set of autobiographical memory records cannot be retrieved; repression is where there is retrieval of a record but, because of the current task specification, the contents of the record, though entering into current processing, are not allowed into consciousness. I look at hypnotic amnesia and dissociative identity disorder in relation to this contrast.

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35

Billig, Michael. "Commodity Fetishism and Repression." Theory & Psychology 9, no. 3 (June 1999): 313–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959354399093003.

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36

Brewin, Chris R., Huiyu Li, James McNeilis, Vasilina Ntarantana, and Chloe Unsworth. "On repression, and avoiding red herrings." Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 149, no. 10 (October 2020): 2001–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/xge0000973.

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37

Otgaar, Henry, Mark L. Howe, Olivier Dodier, Scott O. Lilienfeld, Elizabeth F. Loftus, Steven Jay Lynn, Harald Merckelbach, and Lawrence Patihis. "Belief in Unconscious Repressed Memory Persists." Perspectives on Psychological Science 16, no. 2 (March 2021): 454–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745691621990628.

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On the basis of converging research, we concluded that the controversial topic of unconscious blockage of psychological trauma (i.e., repressed memory) remains very much alive in clinical, legal, and academic contexts. In his commentary, Brewin (this issue, p. 443) conducted a cocitation analysis and concluded that scholars do not adhere to the concept of unconscious repression. Furthermore, he argued that previous survey research did not specifically assess unconscious repression. Here, we present critical evidence that runs counter to his claims. First, we inspected his cocitation analysis and found that some scholars support notions that are closely related to unconscious repression. Furthermore, we conducted another analysis on the basis of articles’ similarity. Again, we found examples of scholars specifically endorsing unconscious repressed memories. Second, as opposed to what Brewin reports, recent survey research now exists that bears directly on people’s beliefs regarding unconscious repression. This work reveals that large percentages of people (e.g., students and eye-movement desensitization and reprocessing [EMDR] clinicians) endorse the concept of unconscious repressed memories. The belief in unconscious repressed memory can continue to contribute to harmful consequences in clinical, legal, and academic domains (e.g., false accusations of abuse).

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38

Editor, Fraser Watts. "Editorial: Repression, Catharsis, and dreaming." Cognition & Emotion 2, no. 1 (March 1988): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02699938808415224.

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39

Fromm, Erika. "Dissociation, repression, cognition, and voluntarism." Consciousness and Cognition 1, no. 1 (March 1992): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1053-8100(92)90043-a.

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40

Man, Anton de, and Lucie Lemay Ratti. "REPRESSION-SENSITIZATION AND MULTIDIMENSIONAL LOCUS OF CONTROL." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 17, no. 2 (January 1, 1989): 175–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1989.17.2.175.

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Thirty-five men and 35 women participated in a study of the relationships among repression-sensitization and Levenson's three dimensions of perceived contingency (internal, powerful others, and chance). Results indicate moderate associations between sensitization and the two external orientations, but for men only. Male sensitizers tend to believe in chance control and control by powerful others. The relationship between sensitization and belief in powerful others appears to depend on the presence of a belief in chance control.

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41

Giglio, James C. "A comment on World War II repression." Professional Psychology: Research and Practice 29, no. 5 (1998): 470. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0735-7028.29.5.470.

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42

POPPELL, CHARLES D. "CONSTRUCT VALIDITY OF REPRESSION: A DIMENSIONAL ANALYSIS." Psychological Reports 87, no. 5 (2000): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.87.5.304-308.

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43

Boag, Simon. "Reflective awareness, repression, and the cognitive unconscious." Psychoanalytic Psychology 37, no. 1 (January 2020): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pap0000276.

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44

Kihlstrom, John F. "Repression: A unified theory of a will-o'-the-wisp." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (October 2006): 523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06339118.

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By conflating Freudian repression with thought suppression and memory reconstruction, Erdelyi defines repression so broadly that the concept loses its meaning. Worse, perhaps, he fails to provide any evidence that repression actually happens, and ignores evidence that it does not.

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45

Deardorff, Paul A., Julia A. McIntosh, Catherine A. Adamek, Mariana Bier, and Sheila Saalfeld. "Automatic Thoughts Questionnaire: A Study of Concurrent Validity." Psychological Reports 57, no. 3 (December 1985): 831–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1985.57.3.831.

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To investigate the concurrent validity of the Automatic Thoughts Questionnaire, 82 college students completed this measure, the Repression-Sensitization Scale, Novaco's Anger Inventory, a Pleasant Activities Scale, and the Family Environment Scale. Scores on the Automatic Thoughts Questionnaire correlated with those on the Repression-Sensitization Scale and with several subscales of the Family Environment Scale, but not with scores on the Anger or Pleasant Activities Scales. Results were interpreted as providing minimal support for the test's validity.

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46

Medford, Nick, and Anthony S. David. "Learning from repression: Emotional memory and emotional numbing." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (October 2006): 527–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x0638911x.

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Erdelyi argues persuasively for his unified theory of repression. Beyond this, what can studying repression bring to our understanding of other aspects of emotional function? Here we consider ways in which work on repression might inform the study of, on one hand, emotional memory, and on the other, the emotional numbing seen in patients with chronic persistent depersonalization symptoms.

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Raz, Amir, and Horacio Fabrega. "From repression and attention to culture and automaticity." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (October 2006): 530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06419117.

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Erdelyi grants “repression” emotional and cognitive qualities that can modulate consciousness and probably overlap with what is typically attributed to “attention.” Such a broad appellation of repression explains virtually all behavior and lacks specificity. Repression and attention elucidate behavior in different clinical, cognitive, and cultural contexts. Refining these influences, we identify a few lacunae in Erdelyi's account.

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Jones, Barbara Pendleton. "Repression: The Evolution of a Psychoanalytic Concept from the 1890's to the 1990's." Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 41, no. 1 (March 1993): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000306519304100103.

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The author presents a summary of Freud's concept of repression, including modifications of the concept from 1894 to 1932. Several more recent treatments are examined, including those of Piaget; Rosenblatt and Thickstun; Galin; Kissin; Shapiro and Perry; Schwartz; the cognitive and experimental psychologists, including Kihlstrom and Erdelyi; the “connectionists”; and Edelman. Finally, the author delineates several different types of repression, outlining how the different models might apply to the different types of repression.

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Anderson, Michael C., and Benjamin J. Levy. "Encouraging the nascent cognitive neuroscience of repression." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (December 2006): 511–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x0622911x.

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Repression has remained controversial for nearly a century on account of the lack of well-controlled evidence validating it. Here we argue that the conceptual and methodological tools now exist for a rigorous scientific examination of repression, and that a nascent cognitive neuroscience of repression is emerging. We review progress in this area and highlight important questions for this field to address.

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Shahar, Golan. "Repression, suppression, and oppression (in depression)." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29, no. 5 (October 2006): 533–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x06459112.

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Erdelyi's two key tenets – that repression may be conscious (“suppression”) and that it is context-sensitive – resonate well with findings on unipolar depression. Drawing from this field, I argue that (1) “oppression,” namely, pressure from significant others to refrain from attending to certain mental contents, influences individuals' repression/suppression; and that, (2) individuals actively create the very contexts that facilitate their repression/suppression.

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