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Journal articles on the topic 'Repressive State'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 7 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Henne, Peter S., and Jason Klocek. "Taming the Gods: How Religious Conflict Shapes State Repression." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 1 (2017): 112–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002717728104.

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Despite a robust literature on general forms of state repression, the determinants of religious repression remain unclear. This article argues that a regime’s experience with religious conflict will lead it to be more repressive of religious groups within its territory for three primary reasons. Religious conflict increases the behavioral threat posed by religious groups, lowers the cost of repressing these communities, and evokes vivid memories of past religious violence that underscore the role of the state in taming religion to maintain social order. New, cross-national data on religious co

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2

Scharpf, Adam. "Ideology and state terror." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 2 (2018): 206–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317748346.

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How does ideology influence state terror? Studies on state repression have looked at the leaders’ decisionmaking to explain how much violence states use against internal enemies. However, government leaders usually rely on their security forces to produce violence. I argue that distinct ideological beliefs within the military apparatus produce different levels of repression even if leaders are determined to terrorize the population. I expect officers who share the ideology of their leader to willingly execute the government’s repressive program, while officers who do not share the leader’s con

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3

Chang, Paul, and Alex Vitale. "Repressive Coverage in an Authoritarian Context: Threat, Weakness, and Legitimacy in South Korea's Democracy Movement." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 18, no. 1 (2013): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.18.1.p84k823062334831.

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While most studies of the repression-mobilization relationship have focused on the impact of the former on the latter, recent work has shown that characteristics of protest can influence state repression strategies. This article corroborates recent work on the repression of social movements and shows that both weak and threatening attributes of protest events contribute to the "repressive coverage"—the likelihood of repression—of social movements in an authoritarian context. In addition, results from logistic regressions show that authoritarian states not only respond to weak-status actors and

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4

White, Robert. "Comparing State Repression of Pro-State Vigilantes and Anti-State Insurgents: Northern Ireland, 1972-75." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 4, no. 2 (1999): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.2.w37v18p176754jv4.

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I compare the repression of "pro-state" paramilitary violence with the repression of anti-state insurgent violence. The setting examined is Northern Ireland between August 1972 and November 1975. During this time period, "pro-state" Protestant paramilitaries and "anti-state" Irish Republican paramilitaries engaged in significant levels of violence. Among the state's responses to this violence were the internment, without charge or trial, of suspected paramilitaries, and the confiscation of illegally held weapons. How the state used these methods of repression differently for Protestant paramil

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Magued, Shaimaa. "Unpacking al-Sisi’s Threefold Populism through Giorgio Agamben’s State of Exception Following 3 July 2013." Middle East Law and Governance 17, no. 1 (2025): 87–110. https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20251452.

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Abstract How has Giorgio Agamben’s state of exception enabled the repressive concretization of al-Sisi’s populism following the 3 July 2013? Drawing on the state of exception, this study argues that al-Sisi’s populism developed a complex mechanism of repression building on his predecessors’ points of strength. Inspired by his predecessors’ repressive techniques, al-Sisi’s populism manifested a three-pronged strategy encompassing Nasser’s heroic image as a nation savior, al-Sadat’s technocrats-military-businessmen alliance, and Mubarak’s extended structural and legal repression. This study buil

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6

Heß, Klaus, and Melanie Simon. "Exekutive Defizite und repressives Copingverhalten bei der Überschätzung eigener Gedächtnisleistungen." Zeitschrift für Neuropsychologie 21, no. 1 (2010): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/1016-264x/a000004.

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Wir untersuchten den Einfluss exekutiver Funktionen und eines dispositionellen repressiven Copingstils auf die Überschätzung von Gedächtnisleistungen bei 80 Patienten mit unterschiedlichen ZNS-Erkrankungen. Die neuropsychologische Untersuchung umfasste u. a. einen Fragebogen zum Alltagsgedächtnis (MCQ), einen verbalen Gedächtnistest (VLMT) und Verfahren zur Erfassung exekutiver Funktionen (mWCST, TMT-B, Wortflüssigkeit). Die repressive Coping-Disposition wurde gemessen mit dem State Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI) in Kombination mit der Marlow-Crowne Social Desirability Scale. Patienten mit kli

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7

Carman, Liam E., Michael L. Samulevich, and Brian J. Aneskievich. "Repressive Control of Keratinocyte Cytoplasmic Inflammatory Signaling." International Journal of Molecular Sciences 24, no. 15 (2023): 11943. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijms241511943.

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The overactivity of keratinocyte cytoplasmic signaling contributes to several cutaneous inflammatory and immune pathologies. An important emerging complement to proteins responsible for this overactivity is signal repression brought about by several proteins and protein complexes with the native role of limiting inflammation. The signaling repression by these proteins distinguishes them from transmembrane receptors, kinases, and inflammasomes, which drive inflammation. For these proteins, defects or deficiencies, whether naturally arising or in experimentally engineered skin inflammation model

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8

Beger, Andreas, and Daniel Hill. "Examining repressive and oppressive state violence using the Ill-Treatment and Torture data." Conflict Management and Peace Science 36, no. 6 (2019): 626–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894219882352.

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The literature on government violence focuses primarily on the repression of dissent. But not all state violence targets groups who oppose the government. Much of it targets criminal suspects, immigrants, and other marginalized groups who are not perceived to be challenging the government’s authority. The vast majority of findings concerning state violence comes from analyses that do not distinguish between government violence that targets acts of dissent and violence used for other purposes, which we call oppressive violence. Because of this, we have not yet established many empirical facts a

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9

Ghotbi, Elnaz, Piao Ye, Taylor Ervin, Anni Kum, Judith Benes, and Richard S. Jones. "Polycomb-group recruitment to a Drosophila target gene is the default state that is inhibited by a transcriptional activator." Science Advances 7, no. 29 (2021): eabg1556. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.abg1556.

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Polycomb-group (PcG) proteins are epigenetic regulators that maintain the transcriptional repression of target genes following their initial repression by transcription factors. PcG target genes are repressed in some cells, but active in others. Therefore, a mechanism must exist by which PcG proteins distinguish between the repressed and active states and only assemble repressive chromatin environments at target genes that are repressed. Here, we present experimental evidence that the repressed state of a Drosophila PcG target gene, giant (gt), is not identified by the presence of a repressor.

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10

DiBlasi, Lora. "From Shame to New Name: How Naming and Shaming Creates Pro-Government Militias." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (2020): 906–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa055.

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Abstract Researchers have identified naming and shaming as a strategy used by the international community to reprimand state leaders for their repressive actions. Previous research indicates that there is variation in the success of this tactic. One reason for the heterogeneity in success is that leaders with an interest in repressing opposition but avoiding international condemnation have adapted their behavior, at least partially, to avoid naming and shaming. For instance, some states choose to create and utilize alternative security apparatuses, such as pro-government militias (PGMs), to ca

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11

Nikitovic, Aleksandar. "The philosopher in Plato’s state." Filozofija i drustvo 23, no. 3 (2012): 388–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1203388n.

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Plato?s political theory rests on metaphysical principles that are understandable to only a few. It is assumed that only a narrow group of philosophers is able to put this theory into practice, and using repressive measures. The fewer the initiated the greater the repression. It is assumed that those who do not know the truth can neither predict their destiny nor do anything to make it better because they are unable to understand the goal and purpose of the repression. It is demonstrated that, in the imagined use of force, the sophists, who do acknowledge it, resort to repression to a much les

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Abid, Arifa, Mujahid Shah, and Muhammad Faisal Rehman. "REPRESSION AND VIOLENCE: A STUDY OF SHEHNAZ BASHIR’S THE HALF MOTHER (2014) UNDER REPRESSIVE STATE APPARATUS THEORY." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 04 (2022): 658–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i04.880.

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This research explores repressive state apparatuses with reference to Shehnaz Bashir’s debut novel The Half Mother (2014). The research throws light on the handling of executive institutions like the police, army and judiciary by the state against the group of people who go against the ideologies of the state. In doing so, the reaction of various characters to the state sponsored terrorism and extremism, as depicted in the novel The Half Mother (2014), are examined and evaluated. Moreover, this study explains how the state uses violence after not getting the desired result by applying repressi

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Vande, Philip Terzungwe, and Emmanuel Mopa Letsuwa. "Bad Governance, Citizens’ Resistance and State Repression: A Study of the #EndSARS and #EndBadGovernance Protests in Nigeria." International Social Sciences and Education Journal 3, no. 3 (2025): 01–12. https://doi.org/10.61424/issej.v3i3.316.

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The symbiotic relationship between the state and citizens presupposes that the former is responsible for providing security, maintaining law and order, and ensuring the welfare of the latter. Yet, recurring years of failed promises, bad governance and economic hardship have led to citizens’ distrust of government, sparking some resistance from citizens in Nigeria. The dissent by citizens against bad governance and economic hardship is further met by state repression. This study relied on a mixed methodology and adopted the neo-Marxist theory of the state to interrogate the dynamics of State re

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Aguilar, Paloma, and Iosif Kovras. "Explaining disappearances as a tool of political terror." International Political Science Review 40, no. 3 (2018): 437–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118764410.

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Despite the widespread use of disappearances as a central tool of terror in recent decades, little is known about the emergence of the phenomenon or its underlying rationale. We argue that growing international accountability norms, coupled with the improved quality of reporting human rights abuses, paradoxically reshaped the repressive strategies of certain regimes and pushed them to deploy more clandestine and extrajudicial forms of repression, predominantly disappearances. We also explore the timing of disappearances: when a state decides to deploy a particular instrument of terror can grea

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Konaev, Margarita, and Kirstin J. H. Brathwaite. "Dangerous neighborhoods: State behavior and the spread of ethnic conflict." Conflict Management and Peace Science 36, no. 5 (2017): 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217723587.

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This article argues that the spread of ethnic conflict across international borders is a result of purposive repressive state action combined with political opportunity which allows the ethnic group to mobilize in response. We test our argument using a bivariate probit model to simultaneously estimate the risk of repression escalation and the spread of ethnic conflict (1976–2009), and find that the likelihood of both increases in the presence of relatively large, territorially concentrated transnational ethnic groups, and that nationalist governments are more likely to escalate repression amid

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16

Cunningham, David. "Understanding State Responses to Left- versus Right-Wing Threats." Social Science History 27, no. 3 (2003): 327–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012566.

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Between 1956 and 1971, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) operated five counterintelligence programs (COINTELPROs) designed to repress a range of threats to the status quo. This article examines more than twelve thousand pages of memos related to FBI programs against white hate groups (mostly the Ku Klux Klan) and the New Left in an effort to gain insight into the Bureau's repression of left- and right- wing targets. The article's goals are both general and historically specific: First, to introduce a two-dimensional typology to organize and categorize repressive acts generally and then

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17

Aswar, Hasbi. "HIZB UT-TAHRIR`S FIGHT BACK: THE RESPONSES OF HIZB UT-TAHRIR INDONESIA TO THE STATE REPRESSION." Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations 5, no. 1 (2020): 1–23. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4048552.

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Islamic political movements in the world politics are mostly responded by the state through repressive policies. Those groups are banned; their members are arrested, and even killed. Hizb ut-Tahrir is one example of an Islamic political movement that has gone through many kinds of state repression. In Indonesia, even though this group has for a long time enjoyed an open political space to work, it changed significantly after the state issued a policy to resolve this movement in Indonesia.  This article aims to discuss the impact of the state policy to hizb ut-tahrir Indonesia by using a s

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18

Kazmirchuk, Marіja. "Vikladachі Kiїvskogo derzhavnogo unіversitetu v perіod stalіnskikh represіjj (1933 – 1941 rr.)". Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe 2, № 1 (2016): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/pomi201604.

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Lecturers of Kiev State University in the period of Stalinist repression (1933 – 1941). Restoring classic university system aft er series of experiments of Soviet authority over the education system contributed to the revival of the Kiev State University. However, further Stalin’s repressions aggravated the situation of teachers and students and the science in general. Th e consequence of political repression and persecution of the teachers of the Kiev State University was the fall of the level of teaching. Biographies of individual faculty members in the period from 1933 to 1941 are proof of

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Alagna, Federico, and Eugenio Cusumano. "Against the Tide: The Counter-Repression Strategies of Sea Rescue Organizations in the Mediterranean." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 709, no. 1 (2023): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162241248062.

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Since 2017, Italian authorities have repressed nongovernmental sea rescuers operating in the Mediterranean Sea. These repressive practices have been enacted irrespective of the ideological orientation of the governments in office, but have evolved over time. The strategies devised by civil society organizations to resist repression have adapted accordingly, encompassing a range of activities such as the dissemination of counternarratives aimed at desecuritizing migration, the establishment of alliances with sympathetic state actors, the reflagging or replacement of the ships used for rescue op

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Saktaganova, Z. G. "POLITICAL REPRESSIONS IN KAZAKHSTAN IN THE 1920-1980: STAGES, CONSEQUENCES AND PROBLEMS OF REHABILITATION." History of the Homeland 95, no. 3 (2021): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_3_136.

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Repressions in Kazakhstan during the Soviet period were carried out in stages, corresponding to the main directions of the socio-economic and national policy of the party and the state. In this article, the author analyzing the repressive policy during the Soviet period and identifies 9 main stages of repression in Kazakhstan, which were of a mass nature and affected not only individuals, but entire categories of the population according to the corresponding intellectual, social, property qualification or ethnicity. The general characteristics of each of the stages are given, the features of t

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21

Young, Lauren E. "Who dissents? Self-efficacy and opposition action after state-sponsored election violence." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (2020): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319886000.

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Reactions to acts of state-sponsored election violence and other forms of repression vary greatly across individuals. This article develops a theory that the psychological characteristic of self-efficacy moderates opposition supporters’ reactions to state-sponsored election violence. I use data from an original survey and in-depth qualitative interviews with opposition supporters in Zimbabwe to illustrate and test this theory. Self-efficacy is a strong predictor of intention to take action in support of the opposition after episodes of state-sponsored election violence and is related to the em

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22

Frugé, Kimberly R. "Repressive agent defections: How power, costs, and uncertainty influence military behavior and state repression." Conflict Management and Peace Science 36, no. 6 (2019): 591–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894219881433.

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Leaders are incentivized to repress in the face of mobilized dissent. However, leaders are unable to repress alone and rely on repressive agents, who can shirk the order and weaken the leader’s control. I use a formal model to analyze when the leader can use repression strategically to avoid defection, based on leader type. Each type has incentives to repress to distort the leader’s risk of removal and thus deter defection. Power, cost, and uncertainty are important in both the leader’s and the agent’s decision to repress. Testable hypotheses reveal how executive power and punishment influence

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23

Hoffmann, Sophia. "The Repressive Regime of the Vigilant State." Journal of Perpetrator Research 2, no. 1 (2018): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.21039/jpr.2.1.27.

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Yohannes, Habtom. "Understanding Eritrea: inside Africa's most repressive state." Review of African Political Economy 44, no. 151 (2017): 165–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2017.1297030.

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Fariss, Christopher J., and Keith E. Schnakenberg. "Measuring Mutual Dependence between State Repressive Actions." Journal of Conflict Resolution 58, no. 6 (2013): 1003–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002713487314.

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Titarenko, Larissa, John McCarthy, Clark McPhail, and Boguslaw Augustyn. "The Interaction of State Repression, Protest Form and Protest Sponsor Strength During the Transition from Communism in Minsk, Belarus, 1990-1995." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 2 (2001): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.2.t1461545p3470856.

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The waves of public protest events that accompanied the early years of the transition from Communism in the former Soviet republic of Belarus offer the opportunity to explore the short-term interaction between state repression and the ongoing choice of protest form by challengers. Using police (militia) records of public protest events between 1990 and 1995, we examine the evolving choice of protest form by collective actors in Belarus. We develop expectations about how the strength of social actors interacts with the extent and form of state repression in shaping protest form. Analyses show t

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Mayrudin, Yeby Ma'asan. "Construction of Ideological State Apparatus in the New Order Regime Against Communism in Indonesia." Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies 2, no. 2 (2017): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jils.v2i02.19436.

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Gramsciâ€™s hegemony theory underlies the theory of ideological state apparatus Althusser studied in this paper, essentially also a repression of power. In empirical life, to create the subjectivity of society, the power paradigm of the New Order era relies heavily on the repressive state apparatus, and the ideological state of the apparatus. The paradigm was also known as state corporatism. This paper discusses two important things related to ideological state apparatus related to communism in Indonesia, namely: (1) the interpretation of communism in the new order regime, and (2) ideological

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Olar, Roman-Gabriel. "Do they know something we don’t? Diffusion of repression in authoritarian regimes." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 5 (2019): 667–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318822718.

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The use of repressive strategies by authoritarian regimes received a great deal of attention in the literature, but most explanations treat repression as the product of domestic events and factors. However, the similarity in repressive actions during the Arab Spring or the intense collaboration in dissident disappearances between the military regimes of Latin America indicate a transnational dimension of state repression and authoritarian interdependence that has gone largely understudied. The article develops a theory of diffusion of repression between autocracies between institutionally and

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WANG, SHINN-SHYR, HSIN-HSIEN WANG, and WEI-FENG TZENG. "The Nature of Popular Protest and the Employment of Repressive State Capacity in China." Issues & Studies 55, no. 01 (2019): 1950004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119500048.

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While China’s economic reforms have produced undeniably positive outcomes, a rapid increase in popular protests has become most striking in recent years. As protests grow steadily in both scale and frequency, the government continues to tout social stability as the chief concern of China today. These mounting tensions reflect a direct clash of horns between the maintenance of stability and the public’s desire to exercise their rights, frequently culminating in acts of repression by the Chinese state in order to quell the unrest. This raises an important question: how can the relationship betwe

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Grotti, Vyctor, and Murillo Amboni Schio. "Chacinas Estatais uma análise crítica sobre a vingança policial." Sociologia: Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 48 (2024): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/08723419/soc48a3.

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The Brazilian State, through the police, is one of the most repressive in the world. This is concretely expressed in the number of people executed by state agents throughout its history, reaching levels never seen before. In the present study, we will seek to understand the specificities of state repression in contemporary society, which has the neoliberal State as its fundamental form of social regularization. We will analyze state massacres, phenomena that have become more frequent in recent years, and one of their specificities: revenge for the murder of a police officer as a motivation. Th

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Anna, Ioannidou. "Η διαμόρφωση των σχέσεων κράτους και πολίτη μετά την 11η Σεπτεμβρίου 2001". Archive 18, № 1 (2022): 26–37. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6321873.

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In the aftermath of the historic, global-scale changes of September 11th, 2001, reflections have being developed on the hot issues of reshaping the state-citizen relationship in a society of fear, strengthening of the state, updating the war as a policy-making tool, and the shrinking of citizens’ rights on the altar of the ideology of security and protection of human life. With the focus on terrorism, criminal repression, civil rights, globalization, issues have being raised on the issues of hardening the repressive mechanism of the state, the suppression of freedoms and the electronic s

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Murali, Atlury, and David Arnold. "The Colonial State, the Repressive State Apparatus and the Civil Society." Social Scientist 16, no. 6/7 (1988): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517277.

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Bratkowski, Matthew, Xin Yang, and Xin Liu. "Polycomb repressive complex 2 in an autoinhibited state." Journal of Biological Chemistry 292, no. 32 (2017): 13323–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1074/jbc.m117.787572.

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Martins, Luiz Gustavo Campana. "Normas promocionais e teoria funcional do direito." Scientia Iuris 24, no. 2 (2020): 189–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/2178-8189.2020v24n2p189.

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The traditional protective and repressive conception of law can no longer explain the reality, which has undergone a radical transformation. This change came about through the transition from a pure liberal state to a welfare state called the welfare state. Bobbio clarifies that before the law was tied to the image of a state that set rules and an arbitrator, therefore also bound to a sanctioning and coercive action. The role of law in society has always been that of protecting certain interests by repressing deviant acts - from negative sanctions. However, with the new requirements of the wel

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Davenport, Christian, and Marci Eads. "Cued to Coerce or Coercing Cues? An Exploration of Dissident Rhetoric and its Relationship to Political Repression." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 2 (2001): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.2.4671141747x2k660.

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This article explores whether and how state repression is influenced by a social movement organization's rhetoric; and, conversely, if dissident rhetoric is responsive to authorities' repressive efforts. These relationships are examined with data generated from several newspapers within the Bay area, across 253 weeks from 1969 to 1973, concerning rhetoric of the Black Panther Party (BPP) as well as police and court repression directed against the Panther organization. The results of the statistical analysis are mixed. Several aspects of BPP rhetoric increase both police and court-ordered repre

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Furstenberg, Saipira, Edward Lemon, and John Heathershaw. "Spatialising state practices through transnational repression." European Journal of International Security 6, no. 3 (2021): 358–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2021.10.

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AbstractThis article theorises the repressive security practices of authoritarian states in the context of transnationalism and globalisation. While emerging research on transnational repression has identified a range of extraterritorial and exceptional security practices adopted by authoritarian states, it has not fully studied the implications of such practices on space and statecraft. Using data from the Central Asia Political Exile Database project (CAPE) and interviews conducted with exiled Tajik opposition groups based in Russia and Europe, we theorise the spatial connections between the

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Chenoweth, Erica. "Trends in Nonviolent Resistance and State Response: Is Violence Towards Civilian-based Movements on the Rise?" Global Responsibility to Protect 9, no. 1 (2017): 86–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00901006.

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Nonviolent mass movements are the primary challengers to governments today. This represents a pronounced shift in the global landscape of dissent. Through 2010, such movements tended to be surprisingly effective in removing incumbent leaders from power, even when they experienced some repression from the government. But from 2010 through May 2016, the success rates of nonviolent campaigns declined dramatically. I speculate that although there are several probable reasons for this decline, repressive adaptations of authoritarian governments against such campaigns may be part of the story. I sum

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PRIMKULOVA, G., and A. JUMADULLAYEVA. "FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE SYSTEM OF CORRECTIONAL LABOR CAMPS AND COLONIES IN KAZAKHSTAN." Turkic historical studies 1, no. 1 (2024): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2024-1/3007-6366.05.

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Repressions in Kazakhstan during the Soviet period were carried out in accordance with the main directions of the socio-economic and national policies of the party and the state. This article examines the repressive policy of the Soviet government in Kazakhstan, which was widespread and affected entire categories of the population according to the corresponding intellectual, social, property qualification or ethnicity, as well as the formation and development of a system of camps and colonies for the implementation of this policy. It also describes the features and consequences of repressive p

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Alimi, Eitan Y., Alon Burstein, and Orit Moradov. "POLITICAL PROCESS, STATE ACTIONS, AND VARIATIONS IN INSURGENT VIOLENCE: EVIDENCE FROM ISRAEL-PALESTINE." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 30, no. 1 (2025): 51–72. https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-30-1-51.

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Expanding on the political process approach to the relationship between state actions and violent mobilization, we argue that the state’s structure of political opportunities and threats (or SPOT) informs and is informed by the repressive and conciliatory actions the state employs. We further argue that changes in the state’s SPOT shape its capacity to effectively implement discriminate or indiscriminate repressive and conciliatory actions, with different effects on levels of insurgent violence. Key findings from an analysis of Israeli state actions and Palestinian violent attacks during the f

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Yañez, César Manuel Román. "Crisis, state of emergency and state terrorism: particularities of the dictatorship in Argentina (1976−1983)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, no. 3 (2023): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-55-69.

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In Argentina, the 1976 coup d’état was a change of political regime and not just a change of government, from one of democratic origin turned authoritarian to another with fascistic tendencies, since the constant amplification of the State of exception will constitute a structure of state power of fascist projection, whose central characteristics were the expansion of the repressive apparatus and the institutionalization of new branches of the State: the Detention and Extermination Centers and the Task Forces. The character of the regime, however, had a dense sedimentation that combined a comp

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Earl, Jennifer, and Alan Schussman. "Cease and Desist: Repression, Strategic Voting and the 2000 U.S. Presidential Election." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 2 (2004): 181–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.2.j1uq072540827q77.

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Online political activism has rapidly increased over the past decade, forcing state authorities to adapt repressive strategies to handle this change. Few researchers, however, have explored hostile state reactions to unconventional online political activity and fewer still have tried to analyze the impacts of state repression on internet-based activism. In this article, we use data on strategic voting, which occurred during the 2000 U.S. presidential election, to examine two core concerns of social movements scholars: (1) the effects of repression on movement mobilization; and (2) the effects

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Ishihara, Akifumi, and Prakarsh Singh. "Concessions and Repression in Conflict." B.E. Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy 16, no. 2 (2016): 865–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bejeap-2015-0017.

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Abstract We build a model for predicting civil wars where the government bargains with a rebel group using concessions and repression. The equilibrium is either a state of perpetual peace where there are concessions but no repression or a state of repressive equilibrium that can lead to civil wars. At the lowest levels of political competition, a move towards open electoral participation decreases the ability of the state to use repression to limit challengers, increasing the likelihood of war. At higher levels, an increase in competition decreases the probability of war by increasing concessi

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Gazezovich, Darkenov Kurmangali, Abzhapparova Bibіhadisha Zhursіnkizy, Aitbai Roza Tuimebaikizy, and Lyasova Zibagul Suleimenovna. "1937 - The year: Fate and tragedy of the Kazakh intelligentsia." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 6 (2017): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v4i6.2925.

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This article considers the fate and tragedy of the Kazakh intelligentsia in 1937, which was the peak year of Stalin’s repression that occurred in the Soviet Union. Kazakhstan as a republic of the Soviet Union from the repression could not just stay aside. In the years of Stalinist repression, the Kazakh state lost several thousands of educated people, among whom were wellknown figures and intellectuals who were a part of the 1917 revolution. The repressive totalitarian state machine destroyed the cream of Kazakh intelligentsia such as Bukeyhanova, Baytursinova, Dulatov, Zhumabayev and Seifulli

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Olzak, Susan, Maya Beasley, and Johan Olivier. "The Impact Of State Reforms On Protest Against Apartheid In South Africa." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 1 (2003): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.1.591168j626123341.

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During 1970–1985, South Africa vacillated between reform and reaffirmation of the repressive regime known as apartheid. Did these reforms slow the pace of protest, or did they facilitate protest, by intensifying discontent? Using event-history data on anti-apartheid protest we suggest that passage of reforms will increase the pace of protest while state repression will dampen it. We further hypothesize that the nature and scope of each reform would differentially affect protest by each of three official racial populations: Black Africans, Coloureds, and Asian Indians. As expected, reforms that

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Bui, Hong-Thuy, Sayaka Wakayama, Eiji Mizutani, et al. "Essential role of paternal chromatin in the regulation of transcriptional activity during mouse preimplantation development." REPRODUCTION 141, no. 1 (2011): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1530/rep-10-0109.

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Several lines of evidence indicate that the formation of a transcriptionally repressive state during the two-cell stage in the preimplantation mouse embryo is superimposed on the activation of the embryonic genome. However, it is difficult to determine the profile of newly synthesized (nascent) RNA during this phase because large amounts of maternal RNA accumulate in maturing oocytes to support early development. Using 5-bromouridine-5′-triphosphate labeling of RNA, we have verified that nascent RNA synthesis was repressed between the two-cell and four-cell transition in normally fertilized bu

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FORTIER, Jacob. "EAST TIMOR: WHEN STATE REPRESSION MAKES SECESSION EASIER (1975-2002)." Conflict Studies Quarterly 35 (April 2021): 18–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.2.

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Why does state violence sometimes fail to crush a secessionist movement and instead facilitate international support for the separatist cause? Based on the literature on the international recognition of secessionist entities and on the impact of state repression against social movements, this paper develops an argument according to which the timing of certain repressive events make them more likely to generate an international backlash and thus facilitate external support for secessionists. To backfire internationally, state violence must occur at the right time—that is, when the secessionists

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Franco, Marina, and Esteban Pontoriero. "State terror in Argentina (1975-1983) as a part of a twentieth century’s history." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (2021): 280–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-280-308.

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This article explores the history of state terrorism in Argentina during the years 1975-1983, integrating it into a process that covers the entire 20th century. By way of an essay and based on our previous research, as well as on the specific bibliography, the proposal is to explain the conditions of possibility of a paradigmatic case of mass violence including three temporal variables. In the first place, long-term processes are exposed, studying the first decades of the 20th century; then those of the medium term, working on the decades of 1950, 1960 and 1970 and, finally, those of the short

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Zeidanin, Hussein H., and Mohammed Matarneh. "Social Alienation and Displacement in Faulkner’s “Barn Burning”, Henry’s “The Social Triangle” and Mansfield’s “The Doll’s House”." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 7, no. 3 (2018): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.7n.3p.85.

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The present study questions the role of the state in reproducing class relations and interpellating lower class people. The state employs repressive and ideological apparatuses to maintain the ruling class hegemony. The apparatuses the study examines in the context of the selected stories include school, family, court and materiality. Teachers and parents in Mansfield's "The Doll's House", justices in Faulkner's "Barn Burning" and materiality in Henry's "The Social Triangle" are the state agents of repression which lower class characters in the stories could not protest or rebel against. Their

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Yousuf, Md. "Impact of Financial Repression on the Economy of Bangladesh." Finance & Economics Review 6, no. 1 (2024): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.38157/fer.v6i1.606.

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Purpose: The study's objective is to examine the impact of financial repression on Bangladesh's economy. Moreover, the impact of individual policy tools such as real deposit rate, interest rate restriction, capital account control, share of state-owned commercial bank in total advances, and statutory liquidity ratio will be investigated to find the specific policy that hampers economic activities. Method: The autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) method, originated by Pesaran and Shin (1999) and expanded by Pesaran, Shin, and Smith (2001), will be used to look at the long-term relationship. Th

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Ursu, Ioana-Zoia. "The Discourse of Repression. Narrativity and Semantics Inside the Securitate Files of the Burning Bush from Antim Monastery." Annales Universitatis Apulensis Series Historica 28, Special (2024): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/auash.2024.28.2.8.

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The archives of the political police during the Communist regime are documents whose circumstances of production make them different to interpret from other types of documents. They were generated by an instance of enunciation that was a repressive institution, directly interested in the repression of those perceived as political enemies. The present study starts from the story of a group of clergy and intellectuals known as the Burning Bush, who were part of a religious association (a cultural circle) in the second half of the 1940s. A decade later, several people connected to the initial gro

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