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Academic literature on the topic 'Republican Congressional Committee'
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Journal articles on the topic "Republican Congressional Committee"
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Dogo, Harun, David Sklar, and Chris Tausanovitch. "A Troika of Fellows." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 04 (September 27, 2012): 815–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096512001084.
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This year was an unusual one for the APSA Congressional Fellowship Program—three fellows were placed with the same congressional office. The fact that three fellows, each with very different backgrounds, were drawn to the Senate Finance Committee, says something about the unique role that the committee plays in congressional policymaking. As one of the “A”s of the four “Super-A” committees, along with Appropriations, Armed Services, and Foreign Relations, the Senate Finance Com-mittee is one of the committee assignments most sought after by Senators. Its vast policy jurisdiction enables members to affect many different parts of the economy, society, and government. In addition to Chairman Baucus, the majority membership of the committee includes chairs of six other committees: Senators John Kerry of Foreign Relations; Jeff Bingaman of Energy and Natural Resources; John D. Rockefeller of Commerce, Science, and Transportation; Debbie Stabenow of Agriculture and Forestry; Kent Conrad of Budget; and Chuck Schumer who serves both as chairman of the Rules Committee and the Democratic Policy and Communications Center. On the minority side, in addition to the ranking member, Senator Orrin Hatch, the panel includes three ranking members of other committees: Senators Chuck Grassley of Judiciary, Olympia Snowe of Small Business, and Mike Enzi of Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. They serve alongside with the Republican Whip Senator Jon Kyl, the Republican Conference Chair John Thune, and the Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee Chairman John Cornyn of Texas. This concentration of senatorial experience testifies to the importance of the work undertaken by the Finance Committee.
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Thomsen, Danielle M. "Joining Patterns Across Party Factions in the US Congress." Forum 15, no. 4 (December 20, 2017): 741–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2017-0047.
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Abstract How does the influence of party factions change over time? This article only begins to tackle this question by looking at which party caucuses newly elected members join. I focus on joining patterns in the current 115th Congress to shed light on which factions are more or less influential in Congress today. I show, first, that almost all incoming members joined an ideological faction when they entered office. Furthermore, the Republican Study Committee attracted the most incoming Republicans; the New Democratic Coalition and the Congressional Progressive Caucus attracted the most incoming Democrats. The moderate factions lagged behind the more conservative and liberal factions in the Republican and Democratic parties, respectively. These joining patterns of newly elected members have important implications for the current and future influence that factions can expect to have in the party and chamber.
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Dean, Adam, and Jonathan Obert. "Rewarded by Friends and Punished by Enemies: The CIO and the Taft-Hartley Act." Labor 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 78–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061493.
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The Wagner Act, passed by a Democratic-controlled Congress in 1935, provided unprecedented federal protections for American labor unions. The Taft-Hartley Act, passed by a Republican-controlled Congress just twelve years later, effectively rolled back significant parts of Wagner. Previous research on Taft-Hartley identifies three factors that led to this anti-labor backlash. First, the American public was repulsed by the large strike wave that followed the end of World War II. Second, southern Democrats were concerned that powerful labor unions would organize African Americans and upset the South's racial hierarchy. Third, the Republican Party was increasingly embracing a conservative, probusiness ideology. This article contributes a new angle to this old debate by exploring the role of the CIO, its 1943 decision to create the country's first political action committee (PAC), and the consequences of its informal alliance with the Democratic Party. Using original data on CIO density and congressional voting on the Taft-Hartley Act, we demonstrate that CIO strength polarized the parties: higher levels of CIO density led Democrats to vote in favor of organized labor but led Republicans to vote in an increasingly anti-labor manner.
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Farber, David B., Marilyn F. Johnson, and Kathy R. Petroni. "Congressional Intervention in the Standard-Setting Process: An Analysis of the Stock Option Accounting Reform Act of 2004." Accounting Horizons 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/acch.2007.21.1.1.
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We examine H.R. 3574, the Stock Option Accounting Reform Act of 2004 (the Act), which sought to prevent the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) from requiring the expensing of employee stock options at fair value. We find that employee stock option expense under the Act would be approximately 2 percent of what it would be under the FASB's preferred method. We also find that House members supporting the Act were more likely to be Republican, to be conservative, and to have received larger Political Action Committee (PAC) contributions. Finally, the larger the impact of H.R. 3574 on the amount of stock option expense reported by the firm for employees who are not top-five executives, the more contributions the firm's PAC made to House members and to members of the committee that approved the Act. This result suggests that corporate opposition to the mandatory expensing of stock options at fair value is not driven solely by concerns of top-five executives about the cost of recognizing their own options.
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Baker, Anne E. "The Fading Exceptionalism of American Political Parties?: Evidence from Party Allocation Decisions." Comparative Sociology 13, no. 3 (July 10, 2014): 284–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341309.
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Using qualitative comparative analysis to mirror the decision-framework employed by the leaders of the Democratic and Republican congressional campaign committees, I demonstrate party leaders simultaneously consider multiple factors when they decide how to distribute their party’s limited resources to candidates. In contrast to studies, which characterize American party organizations as strategically pragmatic rather than ideologically motivated like parties in many other countries, I find the congressional candidate’s ideology is an increasingly important criterion for the receipt of party support as politics in the United States becomes more polarized.
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Quigley, David. "Constitutional Revision and the City: The Enforcement Acts and Urban America, 1870–1894." Journal of Policy History 20, no. 1 (January 2008): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.0.0001.
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Congressional enactment of the Enforcement Acts in 1870 and 1871 marked an unprecedented federalization of voting rights. The various election laws aimed to make real the promise of the recently enacted Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the constitution. A complex duality characterized this new departure in the constitutional understanding of democratic suffrage. On one hand, Republican leadership looked to secure the rights of freedmen in the Reconstruction-era South. At the same time, from the outset, northern Republicans strategically worked to strengthen the party in all regions with a particular interest in urban America. From the immediate postwar years down to the early 1890s, congressional committees regularly investigated the problematic and deeply partisan politics of enforcement. Often, House and Senate investigators were more concerned with developments in northern cities than with the state of African American voting across the rural South. This urban story of the consequences of constitutional revision illuminates the often-obscured national dimensions of Reconstruction and its aftermath, while also alerting us to shifting visions of the vote across the final third of the nineteenth century. This essay explores this nationalization of Reconstruction in the wake of the Fifteenth Amendment's enactment by first documenting the central place of New York City in the emerging postbellum electoral regime and then expanding out from Manhattan to look at broader patterns of urban experience with enforcement.
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Vastine, J. Robert. "Services Negotiations in the Doha Round: Promise and Reality." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850059. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1146.
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The paper analyzes the state of play in the negotiations and the challenges facing meaningful services trade liberalization in the Doha Round. In tracing the treatment of services in the WTO, the reasons are examined for the success of the 1997 financial and telecommunications services negotiations and how those negotiations marked the entry of services companies and associations as advocates for services liberalization in the WTO. High expectations for substantial reductions in barriers to services trade emerged from the 1997 negotiations, but thus far remain unfulfilled. In the Doha Round the quality of offers has been poor and little progress has been made primarily because many WTO Members cannot perceive the economic benefits of trade liberalization. It is argued that this Round’s success is contingent upon the ability of the developed countries to respond to the legitimate concerns of the developing countries. However, too much attention has been given to trying to find a formula for services liberalization and not enough on hard bilateral bargaining. After analyzing various proposals put forth to jumpstart the talks, the paper suggests grouping key WTO Members and identifying “incentives that will motivate those groups.” The countries of greatest interest to the United States can be divided into three groups. Offers in agriculture, temporary entry, and emergency safeguards would appeal to each of these and provide a basis for progress. It is concluded that “a Doha Round that does not contain substantial benefits for services is a Round that will have failed” and will not have industry support if it is to be implemented by the US Congress. J. Robert Vastine is the President of US Coalition of Service Industries (CSI) in Washington, DC. Prior to joining the CSI, he served as President of the Congressional Economic Leadership Institute, a bi-partisan, non-profit foundation that helps educate Congress on issues affecting US economic competitiveness. His extensive Capitol Hill experience includes posts as Staff Director of the Senate Republican Conference, Minority Staff Director of the Senate Committee on Government Affairs; Legislative Director for Senator John H. Chafee of Rhode Island; and Legislative Assistant for Congressman Thomas B. Curtis of Missouri. His Executive Branch experience includes service as Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for International Trade and Raw Materials Policy and Vice President of the Oversight Board of the Resolution Trust Corporation, which was chaired by Secretaries of the Treasury Brady and Bentsen, and he has had extensive private-sector experience. Vastine is Chairman of the official Industry Trade Advisory Committee for International Trade in Services (ITAC 10), which advises the US Trade Representative. He was a fellow of the Institute of Politics of the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, and has written a number of articles on US trade policy. Vastine is a graduate of Haverford College and the Johns Hopkins University School for Advanced International Studies.
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Cox, Gary W., and Eric Magar. "How Much Is Majority Status in the U.S. Congress Worth?" American Political Science Review 93, no. 2 (June 1999): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585397.
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A key premise of partisan theories of congressional organization is that majority status confers substantial procedural advantages. In this article, we take advantage of changes in party control of the House and Senate, such as that following the Republicans' historic victory in the midterm elections of 1994, to assess the value of majority status in terms of contributions from access-seeking political action committees (PACs). We estimate that majority status in the House was worth about $36,000 per member in receipts from corporate and trade PACs circa 1994—even controlling for the usual factors cited in the literature as affecting members' ability to raise money (such as committee assignments and voting record). The value of majority status in the Senate is even larger in absolute terms, although smaller in proportion to the total amount of money raised. Our results show that majority status is a valuable asset, one worth considerable collective effort to attain.
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Herrnson, Paul S., and David Menefee-Libey. "The Dynamics of Party Organizational Development." American Review of Politics 11 (January 1, 1991): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1990.11.0.3-30.
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Once characterized as poor, transitory, and “powerless,” national party organizations in the United States are now financially secure, stable, and highly influential in election campaigns and in their relations with state and local party committees. The transformation of the Democratic and Republican national, congressional, and senatorial campaign committees can be explained using theories of organizational change from the organizational behavior literature and traditional arguments about electoral competition and coalition-building from the parties literature. This paper explains the timing and content of party organizational development by focusing on the nature of the problems that confront the parties, the crises that create opportunities for party organizational change, the motives and behaviors of political entrepreneurs instigating the change, and the internal politics of the party organizations themselves. The explanation accounts for the different paths of institutionalization taken by the six national party organizations and for the variations in the roles they currently play in the electoral process.
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Hendricks, Rickey L. "Liberal Default, Labor Support, and Conservative Neutrality: The Kaiser Permanente Medical Care Program After World War II." Journal of Policy History 1, no. 2 (April 1989): 156–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003456.
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In the politically turbulent post–World War II period, proposed federal legislation to expand the welfare state pitted conservative Republicans against liberal Democrats in Congress. The conflict over national health insurance introduced between 1943 and 1947 in the Wagner-Murray- Dingell bill ended in a conservative victory with the bill stalled in committee. The primary constituents of the two sides were American Medical Association (AMA) spokesmen and corporate interests on the political right and labor leaders and public health advocates on the left. By 1946 the conservatives controlled Congress; thereafter liberal congressional reformers defaulted on the national health issue, as they had throughout the twentieth century, to corporate progressives and the tenets of “welfare capitalism.” Government continued as a regulator of “minimum standards” for business and industry. Provision of voluntary health insurance and direct medical services was left to the private sector. The Kaiser Permanente Medical Care Program emerged out of the political stalemate over health care in the middle 1940s as a highly efficient and popular prepaid group health plan, innovative in its large scale and total integration of service and facilities. Its survival and growth was due to its acceptability to both liberals and conservatives as a model private-sector alternative to national health insurance or any other form of state medicine.
Books on the topic "Republican Congressional Committee"
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Campaign finance: Contributions from gambling interests have increased : report to the Honorable Frank R. Wolf, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C. (P.O. Box 37050, Washington 20013): U.S. General Accounting Office, 1999.
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Moore, William F., and Jane Ann Moore. Standing Together Nobly, 1856. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038464.003.0004.
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This chapter focuses on Owen Lovejoy's election to the U.S. Congress in 1856, attributing his victory to various antislavery factors working together to prevent the expansion of slavery. In response to various accusations by the opposition press against the Republicans, including the charge that they were criminals who were breaking the Fugitive Slave Law, members of the Republican Party's Steering Committee developed a new strategy. Lovejoy dubbed this “our short bob sleds” strategy. This chapter first examines the Republicans' implementation of the twin bobsleds strategy before turning to the anti-Nebraska convention held in Bloomington, Illinois, on May 29, 1856, to nominate candidates for statewide offices. It then considers the national Republican Nominating Convention in Philadelphia on June 17, 1856, along with Lovejoy's nomination as the Republican candidate for the Third Congressional District of Illinois. It also compares the campaign strategies of Lovejoy and Abraham Lincoln for the 1856 contest in Illinois and concludes by highlighting the significance of Lovejoy's triumph in the congressional elections, noting how “nobly the elements had stood together” throughout the campaign.
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Moore, William F., and Jane Ann Moore. Restoring the Founding Purposes, 1862. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038464.003.0010.
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This chapter examines Abraham Lincoln and Owen Lovejoy's commitment towards holding together the Union while restoring the Founding Fathers' ideology as articulated in the Declaration of Independence. It first considers the debate in the Joint Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War about who had the right to investigate whether Democratic generals were not sufficiently committed to the Union cause to engage the rebels in battle. It then discusses laws enacted in the Thirty-Seventh Congress with the aim of promoting the nation's welfare; Lovejoy's bill “to secure freedom to all persons within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Federal Government”; Lincoln's proposal for gradual emancipation in the four border states; and the growing friendship between Lincoln and Lovejoy. The chapter also analyzes the Second Confiscation Act; factions within the Republican Party in the House; Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation; and Lovejoy's reelection in 1862. Finally, it addresses the question of whether Lincoln was a radical.
Book chapters on the topic "Republican Congressional Committee"
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Zelizer, Julian E. "Seizing Power: Conservatives and Congress Since the 1970s." In Governing America. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691150734.003.0014.
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This chapter examines how legislators associated with the conservative movement thrived in a congressional process that liberals had helped to create. It first considers how Congress was reformed in the 1970s, focusing on its transition from the committee era to the contemporary era and how the reform coalition of 1958–1974 helped end the committee era. It then compares the contemporary Congress to the committee-era Congress and how the new legislative process contributed to the fortunes of the conservative movement. It also discusses the decentralization and centralization fostered by congressional reforms, the creation of the Conservative Opportunity Society in 1983 by young mavericks in the Republican Party, congressional conservatives' disappointment with the presidency of George H. W. Bush, and the Republican congressional reforms of 1995. The chapter argues that the state endured despite the political success of American conservatism in Congress.
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Powe, Lucas A. "Tom DeLay’s Redistricting." In America's Lone Star Constitution. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520297807.003.0014.
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This chapter examines the Supreme Court case stemming from the issue of redistricting in Texas. After the 2002 election, Texas's congressional delegation consisted of seventeen Democrats and fifteen Republicans. After the 2004 election, the delegation was eleven Democrats and twenty-one Republicans. This change was the result of the 2003 redistricting effort demanded and orchestrated by United States House majority leader Tom DeLay. It completed the process of making Texas a Republican state. In 2003, Representative Joe Crabb of the House Redistricting Committee introduced a redistricting bill that would spark a legal battle between Republicans and Democrats in Texas. The chapter discusses the Democrats' legal challenge to this bill over the issue of gerrymandering as well as the winners and losers from the litigation.
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Charnock, Emily J. "A Tale of Two PACs." In The Rise of Political Action Committees, 222–48. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.003.0009.
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This chapter traces the diffusion of the PAC concept from the left to the right of the political spectrum in the late 1950s, with the formation of conservative electoral groups such as the Americans for Constitutional Action (ACA) to counter liberal ones like the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA). By the early 1960s the business community had cast off its earlier resistance to overt electioneering, with the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) forming the Business-Industry Political Action Committee (BIPAC) to channel campaign resources to favored congressional candidates. Though they initially sought to bolster the conservative coalition, these groups soon embraced a dynamic partisan strategy focused on the Republican Party, seeking to shift it rightward much as labor and liberal groups sought to push the Democratic Party to the left. This reactive process culminated in the presidential election of 1964, a contest to which the roots of modern partisan “polarization” are often traced.
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Fry, Zachery A. "Copperheads and Half-Loyal Regular Officers." In A Republic in the Ranks, 128–54. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654454.003.0006.
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This chapter addresses the political controversies that continued to swirl around General Meade in early 1864. His summons before the Congressional Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War opened the political rift within the high command. In the army's lower ranks, however, the principal issue was that of reenlistment and army reorganization, and this chapter dissects the results of an army-wide debate over whether to sign up again for the duration of the war or return home. Political considerations took a backseat in the debate. Those who did not reenlist included men from both Republican and Democratic political persuasions. The chapter also discusses efforts by junior officers, some of whom had left the army, to malign the high command and tie it to notions of Democratic disloyalty in the pages of exposé books and opinion pieces.
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Bullock, Charles S., and Karen L. Owen. "Money, Money Everywhere but Did It Make Any Difference?" In Special Elections, 135–58. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197540626.003.0005.
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The cost of winning a congressional seat has increased so dramatically that candidates must, on average, raise and spend more than one million dollars. Yet, significant changes are evident in the campaign financial domain. Candidates and their contributors are less prominent factors in the money train. Hundreds of groups, committees, and organizations are spending millions of dollars to push messages, support friends, and defeat partisan foes. Although some resources on the financing of the contests appear in previous chapters, given the record-setting amounts spent in these special elections, Chapter 5 is devoted exclusively to an examination of where the money came from and what it was used for. Republicans tried to make the source of mammoth Democratic funding—most of which came from out of state—an issue.
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Nieman, Donald G. "Equality Deferred, 1870–1900." In Promises to Keep, 79–116. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190071639.003.0004.
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This chapter argues that the revolutionary changes brought to the South by Reconstruction and black empowerment generated a sustained and violent reaction from southern whites that, by 1900, was successful in restoring white dominance because of restrictive Supreme Court decisions, congressional inaction, and waning public support for civil rights among white northerners. Republicans remained committed to civil rights and deployed federal power to break the Ku Klux Klan in the 1870s, but white southern persistence and divided government in the late 1870s and 1880s compromised this effort. In the 1890s, white Democrats, in control of state and most local governments in the South and fearful of continued black resistance, enacted measures to disfranchise African Americans and impose segregation. Although African Americans continued to resist and enjoyed some successes in the North, by 1900, southern whites had created a repressive racial caste system.
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Bateman, David A., Ira Katznelson, and John S. Lapinski. "Minority Power." In Southern Nation, 323–78. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691126494.003.0008.
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This chapter attends to the long moment when southern Democrats came to dominate their party in Congress, just as Republicans were gaining governing capacity after the war years. It highlights how the South successfully remade congressional institutions and practices to accommodate the peculiar fact that the region's heterogeneity and range of preferences were contained within a single political party. This achievement complemented the earlier era's policy outcomes, for it reshaped Congress for the long haul. Southern legislators designed and implemented the radical diffusion of authority in the House of Representatives, enabling the diversity of southern policy priorities to be worked out and advanced in the critical legislative committees. Through compromise, they also ensured that the creation in the Senate of a cloture mechanism that could end a filibuster would only further institutionalize their ability to obstruct legislation that called their region's racial hierarchy into question.
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Barney, William L. "Deadlock and a Deepening Crisis." In Rebels in the Making, 165–91. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076085.003.0007.
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Congressional efforts to quell secession through a sectional compromise collapsed in December. As Northerners debated ways to deal with secession, President James Buchanan, a Democrat who had long sympathized with Southern grievances, lost credibility on both sides when he declared secession to be an unconstitutional act that he was powerless to put down. Following the departure of House members from the Lower South and South Carolina’s secession on December 20, a Senate committee proposed the Crittenden Compromise, a package of constitutional amendments guaranteeing the protection of slavery, including the recognition of slavery in all present and future territories south of the Missouri Compromise line of 36° 30'. Lincoln emphatically rejected the territorial feature on the expansion of slavery, and the Republicans backed him by scuttling the compromise. At the same time, the governors in the Lower South denounced the surprise move by Major Robert Anderson of his federal garrison from the vulnerable Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter in the Charleston harbor as a hostile act portending a new aggressive federal policy against secession. In what amounted to de facto secession, the governors ordered the seizure of federal forts and possessions in their states. War over Fort Sumter was averted when Buchanan and the South Carolina governor agreed to maintain the status quo in the wake of the firing on a poorly planned relief effort to resupply the fort.