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Journal articles on the topic 'Republican Majority'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Huffmon, Scott H., H. Gibbs Knotts, and Seth C. McKee. "Similarities and Differences in Support of Minority and White Republican Candidates." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 1, no. 1 (2016): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2015.5.

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AbstractHistory has shown that voters tend to support candidates of their own race. This reality has proven particularly challenging for black candidates who have often had difficulty running for office in majority white electorates. However, the vast majority of research on this topic has focused on minority Democrats, not minority Republicans. In this study, we take advantage of a unique set of circumstances in South Carolina's (SC's) 2014 elections where voters had the opportunity to cast ballots for an Indian-American Republican Governor and an African-American Republican Senator. Addition

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2

de Dijn, Annelien. "Rousseau and Republicanism." Political Theory 46, no. 1 (2015): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591715609101.

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Rousseau was arguably one of the most important and influential of eighteenth-century republican thinkers. However, contemporary republican theorists, most notably Philip Pettit, have written him out of the republican canon by describing Rousseau as a “populist” rather than a republican. I argue that this miscasting of Rousseau is not just historically incorrect but that it has also led to a weakening of contemporary republican political theory. Rousseau was one of the few early modern republican thinkers to take seriously the problem of the tyranny of the majority and to attempt to formulate

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Pink, Sophia L., James Chu, James N. Druckman, David G. Rand, and Robb Willer. "Elite party cues increase vaccination intentions among Republicans." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 32 (2021): e2106559118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2106559118.

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Overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic requires motivating the vast majority of Americans to get vaccinated. However, vaccination rates have become politically polarized, and a substantial proportion of Republicans have remained vaccine hesitant for months. Here, we explore how endorsements by party elites affect Republicans’ COVID-19 vaccination intentions and attitudes. In a preregistered survey experiment (n = 1,480), we varied whether self-identified Republicans saw endorsements of the vaccine from prominent Republicans (including video of a speech by former President Donald Trump), from the Dem

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4

Davis, Brandon R. "ARE MAJORITY MINORITY DISTRICTS TOO SAFE?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x1900002x.

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AbstractHow does gerrymandering affect intraparty and interparty electoral competition in state legislatures? Research has shown that electoral competition produces better representation and that descriptive representation positively affects substantive representation or policy outcomes. However, other studies have found an ever increasing incumbency advantage. I argue that the incumbency advantage within Majority Minority Districts is significant and distinct from that of majority White Democrat and Republican districts. I estimate levels of intraparty and interparty competition among Majorit

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McKee, Seth C. "Majority Black Districts, Republican Ascendancy, and Party Competition in the South, 1988-2000." American Review of Politics 23 (July 1, 2002): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.123-139.

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This article analyzes the impact of race-based redistricting and the Republican trend on party competition in races for the U.S. House of Representatives in the South from 1988 to 2000. The region is divided into sub-regions (Deep and Peripheral) in order to show that the combination of reapportionment and newly created majority black districts disproportionately crowds out white Democratic representatives in the Deep South. It is argued that race-based redistricting serves as an accelerating mechanism that hastens the secular realignment of whites into the Republican Party. Aggregate and indi

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MASON, ROBERT. "“I Was Going to Build a new Republican Party and a New Majority”: Richard Nixon as Party Leader, 1969–73." Journal of American Studies 39, no. 3 (2005): 463–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875805000617.

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Richard Nixon gained a poor reputation as President for his work as leader of the Republican Party. His attitude towards the party was seen as neglectful at best, destructive at worst. It was clear that Nixon revelled in the details of electoral politics as far as his own position was concerned, but it seemed equally clear that he had little concern for the political fortunes of his party at large. Among the most partisan of American politicians during his earlier career, Nixon seemed to shrug off this partisan past when he reached the White House in 1969. But this understanding of Nixon's rel

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7

Dizier, Byron St. "Editorial Page Editors and Endorsements: Chain-owned vs. Independent Newspapers." Newspaper Research Journal 8, no. 1 (1986): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073953298600800107.

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Political views of editorial page editors working at the nation's chain-owned papers were compared to those of independent publication editors. Independent newspapers split their endorsements in 1984, but the chain-owned papers endorsed Reagan by a 3-1 margin over Mondale. However, a solid majority of the editors at both papers said they voted for Mondale. The majority of editors at chain-owned papers described their publishers as Republicans, while those at non-chain papers were divided almost evenly among Democratic, Independent and Republican publishers.

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8

Furnas, Alexander C., Michael T. Heaney, and Timothy M. LaPira. "The partisan ties of lobbying firms." Research & Politics 6, no. 3 (2019): 205316801987703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019877039.

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This article examines lobbying firms as intermediaries between organized interests and legislators in the United States. It states a partisan theory of legislative subsidy in which lobbying firms are institutions with relatively stable partisan identities. Firms generate greater revenues when their clients believe that firms’ partisan ties are valued highly by members of Congress. It hypothesizes that firms that have partisan ties to the majority party receive greater revenues than do firms that do not have such ties, as well as that partisan ties with the House majority party lead to greater

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9

Jaenicke, Douglas W. "Abortion and Partisanship in the 104th U.S. Congress." Politics 18, no. 1 (1998): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00054.

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The new Republican majorities in the 104th Congress conducted a coherent campaign to erode abortion rights Avoiding a hopeless attempt to overturn the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, congressional Republicans pressed numerous anti-abortion initiatives Analysis of the votes on those initiatives reveals a clear partisan pattern – a large majority of congressional Republicans are hostile to abortion rights while most congressional Democrats usually act to protect and even extend them. Therefore, the liberal versus conservative conflict which characterises the congressional parties on economic issues i

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10

Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Editor's Introduction." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (2011): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710004056.

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On December 1, 2010, a spokesperson for Rep. John Boehner, the leader of the incoming House Republican majority, declared that the Republicans will dissolve the House Select Committee on Global Warming, established in 2007 to provide a forum for discussion of climate change issues. Boehner, like most of the Republican leadership, has long denied the urgency of climate change. In April 2009, as a guest on ABC's “This Week with George Stephanopoulos,” he notoriously compared carbon dioxide emissions to cow flatulence, asserting: “George, the idea that carbon dioxide is a carcinogen that is harmf

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11

Wink, Kenneth A. "The Texas Republican Gerrymander of 2003: Was There an Effect on Congressional "Cheap Seats"?" American Review of Politics 30 (April 1, 2009): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.17-33.

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I examine the 2002, 2004, and 2006 Texas congressional elections to determine whether Republican redistricting in 2003 affected partisan turnout bias in subsequent elections. I use election results published in relevant issues of the Almanac of American Politics and from the website of the Texas Secretary of State’s Office and apply James E. Campbell’s (1996) calculation of partisan turnout bias. I find the Republican gerrymander did not reduce the Democratic advantage in turnout bias, suggesting that Republicans were somewhat restricted from affecting turnout bias by legal requirements to dra

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Shaffer, Stephen D., David A. Breaux, and Barbara Patrick. "Mississippi: Republicans Surge Forward in a Two-Party State." American Review of Politics 26 (April 1, 2005): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005.26.0.85-107.

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Mississippi entered the 21st century as a competitive two-party state far removed from its post-Reconstruction history of one-party Democratic domination. Yet Republican gains which had led to this emerging parity between the parties were not uniform across elective offices, as they had come first in federal elections and only later trickled down to state offices (Aistrup 1996). Mississippi voted Republican for president for the first time since Reconstruction in 1964 and 1972 (by landslide margins), narrowly backed Democrat and born-again southern Baptist Jimmy Carter in 1976, and henceforth

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13

Klarner, Carl E. "State-Level Forecasts of the 2012 Federal and Gubernatorial Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 04 (2012): 655–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096512000960.

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The election forecasts presented in this article indicate that control of the White House after the 2012 election is a tossup, that control of the US House will likely remain in Republican hands, and that although closely fought, the Republicans have the edge for control of the US Senate. These forecasts were made on July 15, 2012. Obama was predicted to receive 51.3% of the two-party popular vote, 301 electoral votes, and to have a 57.1% chance of winning the Electoral College. The year 2012 was forecast to be one of stasis for the US House, with almost no change in the number of seats contro

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Williamson, Ryan D. "Evaluating Candidate Positioning and Success in the 2018 Midterm Elections." Forum 16, no. 4 (2018): 675–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0043.

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Abstract The 2018 House midterm elections saw Democrats regain a majority in the chamber for the first time in almost a decade. Contributing to this partisan change was the difficult situation Republican House incumbents were subject to. This article will examine the different factors contributing to the Republicans’ loss including the role of ideology in candidate success in both the primary and general election stage, the effects of retirements and open seats, and the value of presidential endorsements and legislative position taking.

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Ardoin, Phillip J., and Ronald J. Vogel. "African Americans in the Republican Party: Taking the Road Less Traveled." American Review of Politics 27 (July 1, 2006): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2006.27.0.93-113.

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While most African Americans identify with the Democratic Party, a small minority chooses to identify and support the party of Lincoln. However, very little is known about the demographic make-up or policy preferences of these individuals. Utilizing the 1992-2002 American National Election Studies, we provide a multivariate analysis of the demographic characteristics and policy leanings of African American Republicans. Our analysis suggests several systematic patterns regarding African Americans Republican Party identification. First, as with the general population, we find they are more likel

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Arabadzhyan, Z. A. "Republican Movement in Iran and the reasons of its failure (January – March 1924)." Minbar. Islamic Studies 13, no. 4 (2020): 794–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2020-13-4-794-823.

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By the beginning of the twentieth century for almost 2500 years of its history,Iranwas an originally monarchical country, where the republican ideas and traditions were completely untypical. Nevertheless, from the end of December 1923, the society traced the idea of overthrowing Ahmed Shah Qajar and replacing constitutional monarchy with a republic. The main source of the republican movement was the Tajjaddod (Renaissance) Party, led by Seyyed Mohamed Tadayon. In fact, the whole process was initiated by an almighty dictator Reza Khan (whose honorary title was Sardar Sepah). He held the posts o

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17

Williams, D. K. "Seeking a New Majority: The Republican Party and American Politics, 1960-1980." Journal of American History 100, no. 4 (2014): 1280–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau130.

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Hirsch, Joshua A., Andrew B. Rosenkrantz, Greg N. Nicola, et al. "Contextualizing the first-round failure of the AHCA: down but not out." Journal of NeuroInterventional Surgery 9, no. 6 (2017): 595–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/neurintsurg-2017-013136.

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On 8 November 2016 the American electorate voted Donald Trump into the Presidency and a majority of Republicans into both houses of Congress. Since many Republicans ran for elected office on the promise to ‘repeal and replace’ Obamacare, this election result came with an expectation that campaign rhetoric would result in legislative action on healthcare. The American Health Care Act (AHCA) represented the Republican effort to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act (ACA). Key elements of the AHCA included modifications of Medicaid expansion, repeal of the individual mandate, replacement of

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19

Casas, Andreu, and John Wilkerson. "A Delicate Balance: Party Branding During the 2013 Government Shutdown." American Politics Research 45, no. 5 (2017): 790–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x16688458.

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Strong party brands help congressional parties elect candidates, maintain or gain majority control, and advance their policy agendas. Because successful branding efforts depend on consistent messaging, party leaders try to choose issues that most members are willing to promote. But what do leaders do when a party majority pressures them to take up issues that harm the brand for others? We investigate the 2013 government shutdown as a branding event. House Republican leaders instigated the shutdown after learning that a majority of Republicans would not vote for a clean funding bill. However, i

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Platt, Tristan. "Simón Bolívar, the Sun of Justice and the Amerindian Virgin: Andean Conceptions of the Patria in Nineteenth-Century Potosí." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 1 (1993): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00000407.

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How did the indian majority in early republican Bolivia interpret the transformation of the colonial Audiencia of Charcas into an independent nation-state ? How was the new republican age and its symbols reconciled with the forms of social organisation and belief which had emerged from the meeting between native Andean civilisation and the Spanish colonial state?

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21

Yadav, Raj Narayan. "Language Planning and Language Ideology: The Majority and Minority Dichotomy in Nepal." Tribhuvan University Journal 28, no. 1-2 (2013): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v28i1-2.26242.

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Language planning and language Ideology in Nepal have not been really responsive to the linguistic diversity. Nepal is a multiethnic, multi-religious, multicultural, multilingual, federal and democratic-republican country. It has two linguistic lines – linguistic majority and linguistic minority. This paper deals with the language planning and Ideology in Nepal since Panchayat regime to the present. This paper also advocates the strategy for government of governance. It allows for decentralization of power and recognizes and protects the linguistics rights of all Nepalese.

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22

Woon, Jonathan, Sean Craig, Amanda Leifson, and Matthew Tarpey. "Trump Is Not a (Condorcet) Loser! Primary Voters’ Preferences and the 2016 Republican Presidential Nomination." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 3 (2020): 407–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000359.

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ABSTRACTMany commentators argued that if elites and voters had coordinated on an alternative candidate, Donald Trump could have been defeated for the 2016 Republican presidential nomination. This claim rests on the implicit assumption that Trump would have been defeated in a head-to-head contest against another candidate—that he was a Condorcet loser. Conventional pre-election polls, however, do not provide enough information about voters’ preferences to assess the plausibility of this claim. Relying on novel data to construct individuals’ complete preferences over the set of leading Republica

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23

Sagar, Paul. "Liberty, Nondomination, Markets." Review of Politics 81, no. 3 (2019): 409–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670519000226.

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AbstractOver the past two decades, Philip Pettit has consistently argued for an understanding of “republican” liberty in terms of nondomination. Yet in his major published studies, he has almost nothing to say about markets, nor about the economy more generally. I contend that this is a seriously problematic omission, insofar as markets represent a major problem for republican views of freedom. In short: if freedom requires the absence of the mere possibility of arbitrary interference (as Pettit maintains), then the widespread existence of markets indicates that on a republican view the vast m

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Campbell, James E. "Explaining Electoral Change in the 2018 US Midterm Elections: The Three Components of Electoral Mandates." Forum 16, no. 4 (2018): 477–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0034.

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Abstract Why did the American electorate elect a solid majority of Republicans to the House in 2016 and then 2 years later replace it with a solid majority of Democrats? This article revives the idea of an electoral mandate and applies it to the 2016 and 2018 elections. It proposes a trinity of partisan attitudes serving as the components of electoral mandates: performance, values, and leadership. The election of President Trump in 2016 depended on a mix of performance evaluations (a weak economy) favoring the Republicans and leadership evaluations (Trump’s behavior difficulties) muted by valu

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Deering, Christopher J. "Leadership in the Slow Lane." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 01 (1986): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500017121.

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While slightly unconventional, the earnest request of Indiana Republican Sen. Dan Quayle's six-year-old daughter (Conconi, 1985, p. B3) is nothing new to Senate Majority Leader Robert Dole (R-Kan.). Indeed, Majority Whip Alan Simpson (R-Wyo.) has said that the senators Dole must lead are “like children lining up in the elementary school classroom asking when they can go to the bathroom” (Granat, 1983, p. 1429). They are all impatient, and they all want their way.When Quayle was elected in 1980 no one suggested that it would be a 9-to-5 job. And it has not been. Late night sessions, filibusters

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Gienapp, William E. "Nativism and the Creation of a Republican Majority in the North before the Civil War." Journal of American History 72, no. 3 (1985): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1904303.

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Lublin, David, Lisa Handley, Thomas L. Brunell, and Bernard Grofman. "Minority Success in Non-Majority Minority Districts: Finding the “Sweet Spot”." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 5, no. 2 (2019): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2019.24.

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AbstractThough African-American and Latino electoral success in state legislative and congressional elections continues to occur almost entirely in majority-minority districts, minorities now have new opportunities in districts that are only 40–50% minority. This success can primarily be explained in terms of a curvilinear model that generates a “sweet spot” of maximum likelihood of minority candidate electoral success as a function of minority population share of the district and the proportion of the district that votes Republican. Past racial redistricting legal challenges often focused on

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Marianno, Bradley D. "Down but Not Out: The National Education Association in Federal Politics." Educational Policy 32, no. 2 (2017): 234–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904817745376.

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This research provides new evidence on the political activity and policy-setting agenda of the largest national teachers’ union during a time of political change. Using a longitudinal dataset comprised of election outcomes and campaign contributions for all candidates for federal office and the National Education Association’s (NEA) official federal policy positions, I find that NEA Democrat allies have decreased precipitously over time with the election of a Republican majority in Congress. Nonetheless, the NEA still experiences considerable success in congressional roll call votes partly bec

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O’Halpin, Eunan. "Historical revisit: Dorothy Macardle, The Irish Republic (1937)." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (1999): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001422x.

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Dorothy Macardle’s vast The Irish Republic first appeared in 1937, the year in which her inspiration and her patron de Valera unveiled Bunreacht na hÉireann, his own monument to pragmatic republicanism. Macardle, in Joseph Lee’s phrase the ‘hagiographer royal to the Irish Republic’, is rather out of fashion as a narrator of and commentator on the emergence of independent Ireland; it appears to be largely committed republicans and those who study them who now acknowledge and draw on her ‘classic’ work. The book itself is long out of print. Yet in its construction, its breadth of treatment, its

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Selby, Gary S., and John M. Jones. "In Good Faith: John McCain's “New Republican Majority” Address and the Problem of Religion and Politics." Southern Communication Journal 78, no. 2 (2013): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1041794x.2012.736009.

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Schoenwald, Jonathan M. "Children of the Silent Majority: Young Voters and the Rise of the Republican Party, 1968–1980." Journal of American History 106, no. 2 (2019): 535–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz488.

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Helg, Aline. "Simón Bolívar's Republic: a bulwark against the "Tyranny" of the Majority." Revista de Sociologia e Política 20, no. 42 (2012): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-44782012000200004.

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Based on Bolívar's speeches, decrees, and correspondence as well as on Gran Colombia's constitutions and laws, this essay examines the tensions within Bolívar's vision of Venezuela's and New Granada's society produced by his republican, yet authoritarian and hierarchical ideas, his concern for keeping the lower classes of African descent in check, and his denial of Indian agency. It shows that even in Peru, Bolívar's main concern was to prevent the racial war and social disintegration that allegedly slaves and free Afro-descended people would bring to the newly independent nations. To prevent

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Bartels, Larry M. "Failure to Converge." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 667, no. 1 (2016): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716216661145.

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The logic of electoral competition suggests that candidates should have to adopt moderate issue positions to win majority support. But U.S. presidential candidates consistently take relatively extreme positions on a variety of important issues. Some observers have attributed these “polarized” positions to the extreme views of the parties’ core supporters. I characterize the issue preferences of core Republicans, core Democrats, and swing voters over the past three decades and assess how well the positions of presidential candidates reflect those preferences. I find that Republican candidates h

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Epstein, Laurily K. "The Changing Structure of Party Identification." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 01 (1985): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021284.

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However one wishes to characterize Walter Mondale's campaign for the presidency, his loss was only the latest in a series of Democratic presidential candidate defeats beginning in 1968. In 1968, Hubert Humphrey got 43 percent of the popular vote. In 1972, George McGovem received 38 percent of the popular vote. And in both 1980 and 1984, the Democratic presidential tickets got 41 percent of the popular vote. Only in 1976 did a Democratic presidential candidate receive a (very slim) majority of the popular votes cast. Indeed, Democratic presidential candidates have received only 42 percent of th

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Insel, Ahmet. "Tolerated but not equal." Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 4 (2019): 511–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719831332.

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Tolerance is an ambivalent attitude. It allows living in plurality but not in equality. The tolerant tradition of the Ottoman Empire, for example, is based on a very clear political and social hierarchy between different religions. Dominants boast of their tolerant tradition. Tolerance is also about imposing limits on the other in a unilateral way. In Republican Turkey where theoretically all citizens are equal, the majority of Turkish-speaking Sunnis tolerate non-Muslim minorities, Alevis, Kurds. It is the ‘liberal’ currents of this ethno-religious majority that pronounce themselves tolerant

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Knuckey, Jonathan. "Dixie Backlash? Anti-Southern Affect and Party Support Outside the South." American Review of Politics 34 (June 20, 2018): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2013.34.0.179-206.

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The literature on partisan change in the American electorate has devoted considerable attention to explaining Republican gains in the South. Less time has been devoted to examining changes outside of the South, where a Democratic majority has persisted-and indeed grown-over the past two decades. This article examines whether the realignment toward the Republican Party in the South has resulted in a move toward the Democratic Party outside the South. Specifically, it is posited that the growing influence of the South within the Republican Party has resulted in a backlash against the GOP. Using

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Bosi, Lorenzo. "Explaining Pathways to Armed Activism in the Provisional Irish Republican Army, 1969–1972." Social Science History 36, no. 3 (2012): 347–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001186x.

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In this article three pathways into armed activism are identified among those who joined the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1972. The accounts of former volunteers generally suggest that for those who were already involved in the Republican movement before 1969, a trajectory of mobilization emerged because of the long-standing counterhegemonic consciousness present in their homes, which in turn strongly influenced them as committed Republican militants. For those who joined after 1969 and had previously been involved in other political activities,

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Swers, Michele L. "Women & Legislative Leadership in the U.S. Congress: Representing Women's Interests in Partisan Times." Daedalus 145, no. 3 (2016): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00396.

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Women are drastically underrepresented in American political institutions. This has prompted speculation about the impact of electing more women on policy and the functioning of government. Examining the growing presence of women in Congress, I demonstrate that women do exhibit unique policy priorities, focusing more on the needs of various groups of women. However, the incentive structure of the American electoral system, which rewards ideological purity, means that women are not likely to bring more consensus to Washington. Indeed, women's issues are now entrenched in the partisan divide. Si

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Hamamsy, Tymor, Michael Danziger, Jonathan Nagler, and Richard Bonneau. "Viewing the US presidential electoral map through the lens of public health." PLOS ONE 16, no. 7 (2021): e0254001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0254001.

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Health, disease, and mortality vary greatly at the county level, and there are strong geographical trends of disease in the United States. Healthcare is and has been a top priority for voters in the U.S., and an important political issue. Consequently, it is important to determine what relationship voting patterns have with health, disease, and mortality, as doing so may help guide appropriate policy. We performed a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between voting patterns and over 150 different public health and wellbeing variables at the county level, comparing all states, including

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Garber, Judith A. "THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT, THE FEDERAL COURTS, AND THE CONSTITUTION IN THE UNITED STATES." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 15, no. 1, 2 & 3 (2011): 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9967g.

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Twenty-five years have passed since the newly formed Moral Majority helped put Ronald Reagan in the White House and a Republican majority in the United States Senate. The Moral Majority was one organization (and its founder, the Reverend Jerry Falwell, one figure) at the centre of an emerging evangelical Protestant social movement. This movement was galvanized by two aims: defeating the Equal Rights Amendment,3 which Congress submitted to the states for consideration in 1972, and contesting the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade4 ruling, which recognized a constitutional right to abortion.

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Clark, Terry D. "A House Divided: A Roll-call Analysis of the First Session of the Moscow City Soviet." Slavic Review 51, no. 4 (1992): 674–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500131.

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The March 1990 elections to republican and local Soviets in the USSR resulted in the transfer of power from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to the nascent democratic movement in a number of republics and localities. Among these was the Moscow City Soviet (Mossoviet). Of the 472 people's deputies elected to the Mossoviet, the clear majority were elected under the umbrella of the political bloc Democratic Russia. Running on a platform calling for the rejection of continued CPSU control of political life in the Soviet Union and Moscow, Democratic Russia's candidates won decisively

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Beachler, Donald W. "Race and Partisanship: Congressional Redistricting In the South After the 2000 Census." American Review of Politics 25 (July 1, 2004): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.137-155.

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Much of the literature on the effort to increase minority representation in Congress has focused on the extent to which creating majority-minority districts decreased the prospects for the election of Democrats. Little attention is paid to the partisanship of those drawing the district lines. An examination of redistricting in the South after the 2000 census indicates that Republican controlled state legislatures will distribute minority voters in a dramatically different fashion than will Democrat majority legislatures. When Democrats draw district lines, it is possible to draw district lines

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HARTOG, CHRIS, and NATHAN W. MONROE. "The Value of Majority Status: The Effect of Jeffords's Switch on Asset Prices of Republican and Democratic Firms." Legislative Studies Quarterly 33, no. 1 (2008): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298008783743291.

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Mathew, Nicole Asmussen. "Dumping Trump and Electoral Bumps: The Causes and Consequences of Republican Officeholders’ Endorsement Decisions." Forum 17, no. 2 (2019): 231–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0015.

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Abstract Endorsement of the party’s nominee by the vast majority of that party’s top elected officials is a foregone conclusion in most presidential campaigns. But in 2016, Republican lawmakers were slow to endorse Donald Trump, lackluster in their enthusiasm, and a substantial number never endorsed or withdrew their endorsements by the campaign’s end. What explains lawmakers’ decisions to endorse, and the timing and strength of their endorsements? I find that primary endorsements were most likely to come from anti-immigration moderates, but as the campaign wore on, conservatives and members f

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Bailey, Christopher J. "President Reagan, the U.S. Senate, and American Foreign Policy, 1981–1986." Journal of American Studies 21, no. 2 (1987): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800029157.

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The Republican loss of majority status in the U.S. Senate following the mid-term elections of 1986, and the disclosure of the Reagan Administration's secret arms sales to Iran and diversion of funds to the Nicaraguan Contras, effectively brought to an end six years of senatorial deference to presidential foreign policy-making. From 1981 to 1986 the Republican-controlled Senate had generally afforded President Reagan a degree of latitude in the making of foreign policy which not only contrasted markedly with that of hisimmediate predecessors, but also prepared the atmosphere for the type of adv

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Rodríguez López, Sofía, and Antonio Cazorla Sánchez. "Blue Angels: Female Fascist Resisters, Spies and Intelligence Officials in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–9." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 4 (2016): 692–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416668039.

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Pro-Franco or, if the reader prefers, Nationalist women, were supposed to be the antithesis of the only women who, it has been assumed, were really active in the war: Republican women. Pro-Franco women are assumed to have supported both established social and gender traditions, having collaborated in the war effort without transgressing these roles. This article argues that historians have underestimated pro-Franco women’s participation in anti-Republican underground activities, in part because they have tended to make a false distinction between a ‘real’ Fifth Column, where men were clearly p

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Sandel, Michael J. "Liberalism and Republicanism: Friends or Foes? A Reply to Richard Dagger." Review of Politics 61, no. 2 (1999): 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500051962.

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I am grateful to Professor Dagger for his insightful critique. He brings out the continuities and differences between Democracy's Discontent and my earlier work with subtlety and care. He writes in defense of liberalism, but not without sympathy for many of the ideals I invoke in the name of republicanism—civic virtue, encumbered selves, obligations of membership, the formative project. In fact, his republican sympathies are so expansive that I found myself unsure at times whether I could identity a fundamental disagreement.Professor Dagger's basic objection, as I understand it, is this: I ove

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Lublin, David. "Racial Redistricting and African-American Representation: A Critique of “Do Majority-Minority Districts Maximize Substantive Black Representation in Congress?”." American Political Science Review 93, no. 1 (1999): 183–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585769.

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Contrary to Cameron, Epstein, and O'Halloran's article (1996), (1) racial redistricting remains vital to the election of African Americans to the U.S. House, and (2) the tradeoff between black descriptive and substantive representation is actually greater in the South than in the North. Substantive and methodological errors explain why they arrived at their findings. Specifically, their analysis ignores the effect of the presence of Latinos on the election of African Americans. Ironically, due to the very policy assessed in the article, Cameron, Epstein, and O'Halloran's data set does not allo

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Feldman, Glenn. "Seeking a New Majority: The Republican Party and American Politics, 1960-1980 edited by Robert Mason and Iwan Morgan." Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 111, no. 4 (2014): 637–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/khs.2014.0005.

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Bloch Rubin, Ruth. "Organizing for Insurgency: Intraparty Organization and the Development of the House Insurgency, 1908–1910." Studies in American Political Development 27, no. 2 (2013): 86–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x13000096.

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A legislative “breakpoint,” the Cannon Revolt profoundly transformed congressional operation, spurring a series of reforms that ultimately led to the disintegration of traditional modes of partisan authority and the creation of new patterns of governance. In this article, I argue that the Cannon Revolt affords an opportunity to examine a crucial, but poorly understood, dynamic in congressional politics. Whereas spatial theories of Congress typically hold that legislators located at the floor median are decisive actors in chamber politics, the archival account presented here suggests that these

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