Relevant bibliographies by topics / Republican party

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Republican party'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Republican party"

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Lupton, Robert N., William M. Myers, and Judd R. Thornton. "Party Animals: Asymmetric Ideological Constraint among Democratic and Republican Party Activists." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 4 (July 24, 2017): 889–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917718960.

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Existing literature shows that Republicans in the mass public demonstrate greater ideological inconsistency and value conflict than Democrats. That is, despite a commitment to the conservative label and abstract belief in limited government, Republican identifiers’ substantive policy attitudes are nonetheless divided. Conversely, Democrats, despite registering lower levels of ideological thinking, maintain relatively consistent liberal issue attitudes. Based on theories of coalition formation and elite opinion leadership, we argue that these differences should extend to Democratic and Republican Party activists. Examining surveys of convention delegates from the years 2000 and 2004, we show that Democratic activists’ attitudes are more ideologically constrained than are those of Republican activists. The results support our hypothesis and highlight that some of the inconsistent attitudes evident among mass public party identifiers can be traced to the internal divisions of the major party coalitions themselves.
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Pink, Sophia L., James Chu, James N. Druckman, David G. Rand, and Robb Willer. "Elite party cues increase vaccination intentions among Republicans." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 32 (July 26, 2021): e2106559118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2106559118.

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Overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic requires motivating the vast majority of Americans to get vaccinated. However, vaccination rates have become politically polarized, and a substantial proportion of Republicans have remained vaccine hesitant for months. Here, we explore how endorsements by party elites affect Republicans’ COVID-19 vaccination intentions and attitudes. In a preregistered survey experiment (n = 1,480), we varied whether self-identified Republicans saw endorsements of the vaccine from prominent Republicans (including video of a speech by former President Donald Trump), from the Democratic Party (including video of a speech by President Joseph Biden), or a neutral control condition including no endorsements. Unvaccinated Republicans who were exposed to the Republican elite endorsement reported 7.0% higher vaccination intentions than those who viewed the Democratic elite endorsement and 5.7% higher than those in the neutral control condition. These effects were statistically mediated by participants’ reports of how much they thought Republican politicians would want them to get vaccinated. We also found evidence of backlash effects against Democratic elites: Republicans who viewed the Democratic elite endorsement reported they would be significantly less likely to encourage others to vaccinate and had more negative attitudes toward the vaccine, compared with those who viewed the Republican elite endorsement or the neutral control. These results demonstrate the relative advantage of cues from Republican elites—and the risks of messaging from Democrats currently in power—for promoting vaccination among the largest vaccine-hesitant subgroup in the United States.
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McSweeney, Dean. "Republicans in the South." Politics 14, no. 1 (June 1994): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00004.x.

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This article explains the failure of the Republican party to reproduce their dominance of the South in presidential elections at lower electoral levels. First, the foreign policy and social issues that have benefitted Republican presidential candidates have lower salience in state and congressional elections. Second, sustained Republican control of the White House has exposed the party to recurrent mid-term setbacks at lower electoral levels. Third, deficiencies of local party organization and a paucity of identifiers deprives the Republicans of candidates in sufficient quantity and quality to be competitive with Democrats.
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MASON, ROBERT. "CITIZENS FOR EISENHOWER AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, 1951–1965." Historical Journal 56, no. 2 (May 3, 2013): 513–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000593.

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ABSTRACTFounded in support of Dwight D. Eisenhower's 1952 presidential candidacy, Citizens for Eisenhower took on an ambitious mission to revitalize the Republican party by expanding its activist ranks and by supporting the moderation of its conservative policy agenda. The organization proved unable to sustain the impressive momentum that it achieved during the 1952 campaign, however, instead helping to fuel factional opposition that informed the intraparty upsurge of conservatism during the 1950s and afterwards. The Eisenhower administration's efforts to encourage Citizens activists to join the party were flawed, and existing Republican activists often viewed such newcomers with hostility. More significantly, despite recruitment initiatives, in most cases activism in support of Eisenhower did not translate into enthusiasm for the party cause. The history of Citizens for Eisenhower therefore demonstrates the seriousness of Eisenhower's interests as president in boosting the Republican party's fortunes, but also the shortcomings of ‘amateur’ political activity in support of the party cause. It also sheds light on goals and activities of this era's moderate Republicans, together with their role in fostering the conservative resurgence that characterized the post-Eisenhower Republican party.
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Rapoport, Ronald B., Jack Reilly, and Walter J. Stone. "It’s Trump’s Party and I’ll Cry if I Want To." Forum 17, no. 4 (March 5, 2020): 693–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0041.

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AbstractBased on analysis of a multi-wave national sample panel of Republican identifiers, we show the increasing coherence among rank and file Republicans around evaluations of Donald Trump. Differences between Republicans who preferred Trump for the GOP nomination and those who preferred another candidate (but, unlike the Never Trump group who said they could not support him in the general election if he won the nomination) are muted by the general election and 2018 waves. While “Never-Trumpers” in the nomination wave maintain their affective distance from Trump in the general election and 2018 waves, their evaluations become less negative. Our analysis suggests that Republicans’ favorability toward Trump increasingly aligned with their attitudes toward the Republican Party and their support for Trump’s effort to build a southern-border wall.
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Lelkes, Yphtach, and Paul M. Sniderman. "The Ideological Asymmetry of the American Party System." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (November 17, 2014): 825–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000404.

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Most Americans support liberal policies on the social welfare agenda, the dominant policy cleavage in American politics. Yet a striking feature of the US party system is its tendency to equilibrium. How, then, does the Republican Party minimize defection on the social welfare agenda? The results of this study illustrate a deep ideological asymmetry between the parties. Republican identifiers are ideologically aware and oriented to a degree that far exceeds their Democratic counterparts. Our investigation, which utilizes cross-sectional, longitudinal and experimental data, demonstrates the role of ideological awareness and involvement in the Republicans’ ability to maintain the backing of their supporters even on issues on which the position of the Democratic Party is widely popular. It also exposes two mechanisms, party branding and the use of the status quo as a focal point, that Democrats use to retain or rally support for issues on the social welfare agenda on which the Republican Party’s position is widely popular.
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Ryan, Josh M. "Partisan Dynamics in Presidential Primaries and Campaign Divisiveness." American Politics Research 46, no. 5 (November 23, 2017): 834–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17738278.

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Observers have noted that the Republican and Democratic primaries differ substantially, with Republicans typically having an easier time selecting their nominee. Previous research has suggested that this may be attributable to Republican Party homogeneity and delegate allocation rules that winnow candidates faster, but there is little empirical evidence on how these factors influence the primary process. Rather than predicting overall vote share or the nominee, I examine the temporal dynamics of each party’s primary campaigns. I show that Republican candidates are over-rewarded for winning elections, while Democrats are rewarded for performing well overall. The result is that late in the campaign, Republicans are much more likely to exit as compared with Democrats, and there is little evidence that these dynamics have changed over time. I conclude that the Republican Party produces systematically shorter and less divisive primaries as a result of its faster and more efficient winnowing process.
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Stroud, Laura R., Jack Glaser, and Peter Salovey. "The Effects of Partisanship and Candidate Emotionality on Voter Preference." Imagination, Cognition and Personality 25, no. 1 (September 2005): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/22pc-5pk7-5ku0-dncq.

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In an experiment, Republican and Democratic participants viewed a video clip of an ostensible congressional candidate labeled as Republican, Democratic, or not given a party label delivering the same speech in an emotionally expressive or unexpressive manner. When the candidate was labeled a Democrat, he was rated more positively by Democratic participants; when labeled a Republican, he was preferred by Republicans. When party label was not provided, the emotionally expressive candidate was preferred; however, when either party label was provided, the unemotional candidate was preferred. These findings underscore the importance of partisanship cues and suggest that in the absence of such influential cues as partisanship, less prominent factors such as emotional expressiveness carry greater influence.
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Huffmon, Scott H., H. Gibbs Knotts, and Seth C. McKee. "Similarities and Differences in Support of Minority and White Republican Candidates." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 1, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2015.5.

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AbstractHistory has shown that voters tend to support candidates of their own race. This reality has proven particularly challenging for black candidates who have often had difficulty running for office in majority white electorates. However, the vast majority of research on this topic has focused on minority Democrats, not minority Republicans. In this study, we take advantage of a unique set of circumstances in South Carolina's (SC's) 2014 elections where voters had the opportunity to cast ballots for an Indian-American Republican Governor and an African-American Republican Senator. Additionally, the presence of a white Republican Senator seeking reelection provides an important comparison case for determining if there is significant variation in support of these candidates given their different racial profiles, but shared party affiliation. Using unique data from The Winthrop Poll, we find that the determinants of approving of, and voting for, minority Republican candidates, are quite similar to support for the white Republican candidate. It appears that party and ideology are foremost in guiding approval and vote choice decisions among voters in contemporary American politics. Hence, even in SC, support for minority Republicans approximates that given to a white Republican.
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Güneş-Ayata, Ayşe. "The Republican People's Party." Turkish Studies 3, no. 1 (March 2002): 102–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714005705.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Republican party"

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Hamilton, Clare. "Puerto Rican Statehood and Republican Party Opposition : The Paradox Between the Official Republican Party Platform and Republican Party Representatives." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-38416.

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In November 2020, Puerto Rico, currently a territory of the United States, held a referendum and the majority voted to become a state of the United States of America. Statehood is decided by the U.S. Congress in Washington, D.C. For the 2020 Presidential Election, the Democratic Party platform expressed support for Puerto Rican statehood. Although the official stance on the Republican Party is to support whatever choice the electorate of Puerto Rico votes on in their referendum, many party leaders and members of the Republican Party have spoken out about their opposition to supporting the statehood of the territory. I will be investigating why these party leaders and general party members are against its statehood by looking at the Republican Party’s ideologically derived positions rooted in conservativism and the electoral incentive perspective to not have Puerto Rico as a state. How do leading Republican Party representatives justify their position against the addition of Puerto Rico as a U.S. state? How can the members of the Republican Party’s position on Puerto Rico statehood be understood by both party incentives and disincentives on expected electoral outcomes? It is noteworthy to look at what causes this paradox between the Republican Party’s official stance on Puerto Rican statehood and party leaders’ open opinions on the matter.
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Burns, Patrick Lee. "Religion and Party Realignment: Are Catholics Realigning into the Republican Party?" unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11292006-225050/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Allison Calhoun-Brown, committee chair; Michael Binford, Richard Engstrom, committee members. Electronic text (83 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 10, 2207; title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-81).
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Mair, Patrick, Thomas Rusch, and Kurt Hornik. "The grand old party - a party of values?" Springer, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/2193-1801-3-697.

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In this article we explore the semantic space spanned by self-reported statements of Republican voters. Our semantic structure analysis uses multidimensional scaling and social network analysis to extract, explore, and visualize word patterns and word associations in response to the stimulus statement "I'm a Republican, because ..." which were collected from the official website of the Republican Party. With psychological value theory as our backdrop, we examine the association of specific keywords within and across the statements, compute clusters of statements based on these associations, and explore common word sequences Republican voters use to characterize their political association with the Party. (authors' abstract)
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Topping, Simon David. "The Republican Party and civil rights, 1928-1948." Thesis, University of Hull, 2002. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:14424.

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Miller, Patrick Ryan Rabinowitz George. "What's the matter with the Republican Party? factionalism in party primaries, 1976-2000 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,888.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Political Science in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Coil, William Russell. ""New Deal Republican" James Allen Rhodes and the transformation of the Republican Party, 1933-1983 /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1124117381.

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Bailey, C. J. "The Republican Party in the U.S. Senate, 1876-1982." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371600.

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Shoemaker, Fred C. "Mark Hanna and the Transformation of the Republican Party." Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220461619.

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Kajeckas, Jonathan Gabriel. "Perot Activism in 1992: Implications for the Republican Party." W&M ScholarWorks, 1996. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626066.

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Griffin, Cameron N. "Lincoln, the Republican Party and The Drastic Shift From Voting Republican by Black Voters, to Calhoun Conservatism and Voting for the Democratic Party Among Black Voters: The Republican Party’s Loss of the Black Vote (1865 – 2016)." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1426.

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The thesis of this paper is that the evolution of the black vote from Republicanism to the Democratic Party was determined by several causes, and these are the subjects of my paper. Following Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the Civil War, African Americans in the United States joined the Republican Party and by and large voted for Republican candidates, both in the North and South. Following the end of Reconstruction in 1876, the pressures or renewal of social conservatism, Southern localism, and the re-emergence of so-called “Calhoun” politics, along with main spread interference with African-American voting, all combined to establish the beginnings of a transition from Republican Party affiliation to increasing membership in the Democratic Party.
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Books on the topic "Republican party"

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O'Rourke, P. J. Republican Party Reptile. New York: Grove/Atlantic, Inc., 2003.

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Anderson, Dale. The Republican Party. Mankato: Compass Point Books, 2007.

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The modern Republican Party. Pittsburgh, PA: Eldorado Ink, 2016.

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1967-, Sandy-Bailey Lonce H., ed. The Republican Party: Documents decoded. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, 2014.

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Paul, Kesaris, Hydrick Blair, Newman Douglas D. 1960-, Republican Party (U.S. : 1854- ), and University Publications of America, Inc., eds. Papers of the Republican Party. Frederick, Md: University Publications of America, 1987.

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Brown, Cleo E. In search of the Republican Party: A history of minorities in the Republican Party. United States]: Xlibris Corporation, 2012.

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Thomas, Kurian George, and Schultz Jeffrey D, eds. The encyclopedia of the Republican Party. Armonk, NY: Sharpe Reference, 1997.

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Leavitt, Amie Jane. A history of the Republican Party. Hockessin, Del: Mitchell Lane Publishers, 2012.

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Kurian, George Thomas. The encyclopedia of the Republican Party. Armonk, N.Y: Sharpe Reference, 1996.

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Wroe, Andrew. The Republican Party and Immigration Politics. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611085.

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Book chapters on the topic "Republican party"

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Jones, Michael A., David McCune, and Jennifer M. Wilson. "The Republican Party Primary." In Studies in Choice and Welfare, 51–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24954-9_4.

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Gill, Graeme, and Roderic Pitty. "Variants of Republican Autonomy." In Power in the Party, 45–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376694_3.

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Olsen, Henry, and Dante J. Scala. "Republican Presidential Politics." In The Four Faces of the Republican Party, 1–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137577535_1.

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Conley, Brian M. "Building the Republican Service Party." In The Rise of the Republican Right, 41–54. New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge research in American politics and governance ; 24: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351067621-3.

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Appelrouth, Scott. "Republican Party platforms, 1856–2016." In Envisioning America and the American Self, 50–80. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315107738-5.

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Foley, Michael. "Split-Party Control: Clinton On the Defensive." In The Republican Takeover of Congress, 117–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26570-1_6.

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Ehrenberg, John. "The Wrecker and the Warrior Throw a Party." In White Nationalism and the Republican Party, 64–89. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003182962-5.

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Bibby, J. F. "Republican Party." In International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 13196–99. Elsevier, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-043076-7/01230-4.

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"Republican Party." In The Encyclopedia of Civil Liberties in America, 792–95. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315699868-563.

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Fields, Corey D. "Whither the Republican Party." In Black Elephants in the Room. University of California Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520291898.003.0007.

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This chapter addresses how the tensions between the different factions of African American Republicans structure relations with white Republicans. White Republicans provide the platform upon which black Republicans gain election, notoriety, and resources. The relationship is symmetrically beneficial since black Republicans provide tangible proof of racial diversity within the GOP. To maintain support among white Republicans, African Americans must talk about black identity in a way that is consistent with what white Republicans want to hear. When African-Americans call on white Republicans to speak to black interests specifically and treat conservative social policy as a basis for black advancement, relations with white Republicans are contentious and adversarial. As a consequence, a very specific kind of African American Republican rises to prominence within the GOP.
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Conference papers on the topic "Republican party"

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Wu, Yifei. "Explaining COVID-19 Outcome in the USA: Trump’s Policy, the Republican Party, the Democratic Party, 2020 Presidential Elections." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.232.

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Galuscenco, Oleg. "Folklorist Paul Chior: biography pages." In Ethnology Symposium "Ethnic traditions and processes", Edition II. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975333788.14.

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The article presents the biography of the folklorist Pavel Chior, the chief architect of the new Soviet Moldovan culture in the interwar years. He was one of the party and state leaders in of the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic: secretary of the Komsomol of the Autonomous Republic, editor of the republican newspaper “Plugarul Rosu” (“The red ploughman”), People’s Commissar of Education of the MASSR, head of the Moldovan Scientific Committee, precursor of the Moldovan Academy of Sciences, one of the founders of the Writers’ Union of the Moldovan ASSR. Pavel Chior devoted great attention to folk art. He published a number of scientific works that have maintained their significance to this day: Zicători moldoveneşti, (Moldovan proverbs), Cîntece moldoveneşti norodnice (Moldovan folk songs), etc. This article is written on the basis of previously published scientific papers. New archival materials are also used.
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Nguyen, Viet-An, Jordan Boyd-Graber, Philip Resnik, and Kristina Miler. "Tea Party in the House: A Hierarchical Ideal Point Topic Model and Its Application to Republican Legislators in the 112th Congress." In Proceedings of the 53rd Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics and the 7th International Joint Conference on Natural Language Processing (Volume 1: Long Papers). Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3115/v1/p15-1139.

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Bartulović, Željko. "IZBORI ZA USTAVOTVORNU SKUPŠTINU U MODRUŠKO-RIJEČKOJ ŽUPANIJI 1920. GODINE." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.207b.

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The elections for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1920 may show the political orientation of the voters and the acceptance of the party programs that the parties advocated during the pre-election period and in the work of the assembly. The elections were held in a part of the Modruš-Rijeka district that was not under Italian occupation, which significantly affected the results. Within the constituency, three areas are distinguished. Kordun with a predominantly Serb population votes for unitarian-centralist parties (“Pribićevićs“ and Radicals), and Croats for Croatian and federalist parties (Croatian Republican Peasant Party - CRPP and Party of Rights). It is similar in Gorki Kotar with the Croatian majority. In Primorje, there is a dispersion of votes between the Unitarians and the CRPP, with a smaller share going to the Radicals, the Croatian Popular Party (“clericals“) and the Communists. In the constituency, the Democrats won with 31.65% of the vote, the CRPP won 24.90%, communists 15.81%, and the rightists 12.53%. Three members of the Democrats, three members of the CRPP, one communist and one member of Party of Rights were elected. The Democrats brought together Yugoslav politicians, but not an integral one denied by the “tribes“, but pre-war coastal right-wingers who, in fear of Italian irredentism, wanted a strong state. The CRPP has not been successful in the Littoral, which, under pressure from the regime, can be attributed to a state program that does not suit coastal Croats. Those in the party's struggle against centralism and unitarism in the CRPP see the specter of separatism, which goes against the state as a shield against irredentism.
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Ranđelović, Nebojša. "FEDERALISTIČKE IDEJE U NACRTIMA VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.093r.

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Federalist ideas in the drafts of the constitution in 1921 were one of the features of the process of creating the Vidovdan Constitution. They also marked the later state and legal development of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the crisis of parliamentarism, dictatorship and later events, until the formation of the Banovina of Croatia and the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In the content of the theme of this paper it is worth mentioning the tendencies of the Croatian Republican Peasant Party and the ideas of Stjepan Radić, but also other draft constitutions (eg the draft constitution of Josip Smodlaka and similar draft constitutions). It is especially interesting to consider the idea of Stojan Protić. Although he was an exponent of the policy of the People's Radical Party, he advocated a draft constitution with elements of federalism. These ideas left a deep mark in the constitutional problems of the common state, although the hallmark of its existence, until its collapse, was the aspiration towards unitarism.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Lakhan, Shaheen. "The Emergence of Modern Biotechnology in China." In InSITE 2006: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3038.

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Science and technology of Republican China (1912-1949) often replicated the West in all hierarchies. However, in 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared the nation the People's Republic of China, it had assumed Soviet pseudo-science, namely neo-Lamarckian and anti-Mendelian Lysenkoism, which led to intense propaganda campaigns that victimized intellectuals and natural scientists. Not until the 1956 Double Hundred Campaign had China engaging in meaningful exploration into modern genetics with advancements of Morgan. The CCP encouraged discussions on the impact of Lysenkoism which cultivated guidelines to move science forward. However, Mao ended the campaign by asserting the Anti-Rightist Movement (1957) that reinstated the persecution of intellectuals, for he believed they did not contribute to his socialist ethos of the working people. The Great Leap Forward (1958-1959), an idealist and unrealistic attempt to rapidly industrialize the nation, and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), a grand attempt to rid China of the "technological elite," extended China's lost years to a staggering two decades. Post-Mao China rapidly revived its science and technology frontier with specialized sciences: agricultural biotechnology, major genomic ventures, modernizing Traditional Chinese Medicine, and stem-cell research. Major revisions to the country’s patent laws increased international interest in China’s resources. However, bioethical and technical standards still need to be implemented and locally and nationally monitored if China’s scientific advances are to be globally accepted and commercialized.
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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.

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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.
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Aziri, Etem. "INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY AS PRESENTED IN PARTY DOCUMENTS IN THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA." In 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.2/s02.079.

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Mikulová, Deana, and Alena Novák Sedláčková. "Protection against acts of unlawful interference in civil aviation in the conditions of the Slovak republic and the Czech republic." In Práce a štúdie. University of Žilina, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26552/pas.z.2021.1.37.

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This paper which deals with the issue of “Protection against acts of unlawful interference in civil aviation in the conditions of the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic” and is divided into four main parts. The first part is focused on the basic definitions and concepts of security, which is based on the aviation regulation L17 (ANNEX 17). The second part deals with the typology of threats that pose a danger to air transport together with an indication of specific events related to illegal acts and also points out the measures taken to prevent the recurrence of such acts. Subsequently, the historical development of international legislation in this area is characterized in more detail chronologically from the oldest legal norms to the latest legislation at present. A fundamental element of this paper is a comparison of legislation of the Slovak Republic and Czech Republic. The last part presents possible visions for the future, which consist of modern and intelligent technologies that could be applied in the fight against acts of unlawful interference in the coming years.
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Reports on the topic "Republican party"

1

Scala, Dante. Changes in New Hampshire’s republican party: evolving footprint in presidential politics, 1960-2008. University of New Hampshire Libraries, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.34051/p/2020.156.

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Betros, Lance A. Political Partisanship and the Professional Military Ethic: The Case of the Officer Corps' Affiliation with the Republican Party. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432060.

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Ferguson, Thomas, Paul Jorgensen, and Jie Chen. The Knife Edge Election of 2020: American Politics Between Washington, Kabul, and Weimar. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp169.

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This paper analyzes the 2020 election, focusing on voters, not political money, and emphasizing the importance of economic geography. Drawing extensively on county election returns, it analyzes how spatial factors combined with industrial structures to shape the outcome. It treats COVID 19’s role at length. The paper reviews studies suggesting that COVID 19 did not matter much, but then sets out a new approach indicating it mattered a great deal. The study analyzes the impact on the vote not only of unemployment but differences in income and industry structures, along with demographic factors, including religion, ethnicity, and race. It also studies how the waves of wildcat strikes and social protests that punctuated 2020 affected the vote in specific areas. Trump’s very controversial trade policies and his little discussed farm policies receive detailed attention. The paper concludes with a look at how political money helped make the results of the Congressional election different from the Presidential race. It also highlights the continuing importance of private equity and energy sectors opposed to government action to reverse climate change as conservative forces in (especially) the Republican Party, together with agricultural interests.
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Gagauz, Olga, Anastasia Oceretnîi, Adrian Lupușor, Inga Chistruga-Sînchevici, Larisa Spinei, Victoria Ciubotaru, Valentina Bodrug-Lungu, et al. Raportul Studiului Generații și Gen : Fii vocea generației tale! INCE, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36004/nier.cdr.2022.978-9975-3530-0-7.

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Studiul „Generații și Gen” este primul și cel mai complex studiu demografic longitudinal care monitorizează schimbările demografice ce au loc în Republica Moldova. Acesta este un studiu global, desfășurat până în prezent în peste 24 de țări și este parte a programului internațional coordonat de Comisia Economică a Națiunilor Unite pentru Europa (UNECE) și Institutul Interdisciplinar de Demografie din Olanda (NIDI). În Republica Moldova, GGS a fost realizat la solicitarea Guvernului Republicii Moldova, fiind parte a Programului global Generații și Gen (GGP) și este implementat de către Fondul Națiunilor Unite pentru Populație, în parteneriat cu Ministerul Muncii și Protecției Sociale, Biroul Național de Statistică și Institutul Interdisciplinar de Demografie din Olanda. Realizarea studiului a fost posibilă grație suportului financiar oferit de către Ministerul Muncii și Protecției Sociale, Fondul Parteneriatului pentru Dezvoltare India-ONU și UNFPA Moldova. Participanții studiului au fost peste 10,000 de persoane cu vârsta de 15-79 de ani din 153 de localități ale Republicii Moldova, cu excepția regiunii din stânga Nistrului. Fiind un studiu internațional longitudinal, urmează a fi realizat în trei valuri, participanții studiului vor fi vizitați în mod repetat peste 3 ani, pentru a înțelege schimbările demografice care au loc în timp.
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Oduncu, Arif. Country Diagnostic Study – The Kyrgyz Republic. Islamic Development Bank Institute, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55780/rp21001.

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The Country Diagnostic Study (CDS) for the Kyrgyz Republic uses the Hausmann-Rodrik-Velasco growth diagnostics model to identify the binding constraints being faced in its quest for higher and more sustained economic growth and make recommendations to relax these constraints. Hence, the findings of the CDS can help the Islamic Development Bank in identifying areas where it can have a greater impact and provide an evidence-basis to support the development of the Member Country Partnership Strategy (MCPS). During the last two decades, the Kyrgyz Republic has recorded low performance in economic development. The country recorded only 3.0 percent of average annual Purchasing Power Parity (PPP)-adjusted Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita growth from 2000 to 2019. The Kyrgyz Republic is facing several economic and social problems that are challenging its economic development model. This CDS report shows that the most binding constraints to inclusive and sustainable growth include i) low human capital, ii) poor infrastructure, iii) government and market failures, and iv) high cost of capital. The Kyrgyz development model’s performance is a subject of concern not only for the government and other local stakeholders but also for the technical and financial partners of the Kyrgyz Republic, including the Islamic Development Bank. The MCPS aims to contribute to the global efforts made by the Kyrgyz Republic to meet its economic and social needs through leveraging opportunities offered by the new business model of the Bank. Given the Kyrgyz Republic’s positives, the Bank can consider financing transport, energy and ICT infrastructure projects and supporting manufacturing and agricultural sectors to assist economic growth.
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Havlík, Vlastimil, and Alena Kluknavská. Our people first (again)! The impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on the populist Radical Right in the Czech Republic. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0015.

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The report examines the impact of the war on the Czech populist Radical Right Freedom and Democracy Party (SDP) and its reaction to the war. Among the countries of the European Union (EU), the Czech Republic has become one of the most outspoken supporters of Ukraine, creating specific discursive opportunities for populist Radical Right actors. The paper investigates the supply and demand side of populist Radical Right politics, focusing on how the party positioned itself to attract support facing the challenge of reading and accommodating new public sentiments. We use qualitative analysis of the social media posts of the party leader Tomio Okamura to show that after the initial hesitant rejection of the Russian invasion, the party (re-)turned to pro-Russian narratives, incorporating the war into its populist nativist discourse and driving the ideas of welfare chauvinism and economic protectionism. Using data from the representative public opinion surveys, we show that the party supporters criticize economic support for Ukraine and the refugees and have the most positive attitudes towards Russia compared to the rest of the electorate. We discuss the potential long-term consequences on the position of the Czech populist Radical Right stressing the economic difficulties and war-related grievances.
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Sartikova, E. V. The history of party organizations in the autonomous republics of the South of Russia (problem historiography). КалмГУ, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/3126-6312-2018-kgu-42-53.

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Kerchner, Scott E. The Six-Party Talks, The Right Solution to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea Nuclear Weapons Program. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432315.

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Kwon, Heeseo Rain, HeeAh Cho, Jongbok Kim, Sang Keon Lee, and Donju Lee. International Case Studies of Smart Cities: Songdo, Republic of Korea. Inter-American Development Bank, June 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0007012.

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This case study is one of ten international studies developed by the Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements (KRIHS), in association with the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), for the cities of Anyang, Medellin, Namyangju, Orlando, Pangyo, Rio de Janeiro, Santander, Singapore, Songdo, and Tel Aviv. At the IDB, the Competitiveness and Innovation Division (CTI), the Fiscal and Municipal Management Division (FMM), and the Emerging and Sustainable Cities Initiative (ESCI) coordinated the study. This project was part of technical cooperation ME-T1254, financed by the Knowledge Partnership Korean Fund for Technology and Innovation of the Republic of Korea. At KRIHS, the National Infrastructure Research Division coordinated the project and the Global Development Partnership Center provided the funding. Songdo, as part of Incheon Free Economic Zone, is an iconic new smart city of Korea that hosts international business events and attract IT, biotech, ad R&D facilities. Its smart city initiative began in 2008 and is still ongoing with an aim for completion by 2017. The project is largely divided into six sectors including transport, security, disaster, environment, and citizen interaction while other services related to home, business, education, health and car are also being developed. Specialized service in Songdo includes smart bike services, criminal vehicle tracking and monitoring unusual activities through motion detecting technology while Integrated Operation and Control Center (IOCC) readily facilitates collaboration between various agencies and citizen engagement. Songdo smart city initiative is managed by Incheon U-city Corporation, a private- public partnership in order to secure funding for system operation through effective business model.
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Nietschke, Yung, Anna Dabrowski, Maya Conway, and Chaula Pradhika. COVID-19 Education Response Mapping Study: Building Resilience in the Kyrgyz Republic: Readiness, Response, and Recovery. Australian Council for Educational Research, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37517/978-1-74286-702-1.

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The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) crisis has caused unprecedented levels of disruption to education systems worldwide. Across the Asia region, it is estimated that around 760 million children were impacted by school closures at the height of the pandemic. Government response strategies have varied across the region, with some countries imposing prolonged school lockdowns while others have had short, repeated closure periods. As countries begin to reopen schools and continue to prepare for subsequent waves of COVID-19 infection, there is a need to develop the greater capability of education systems to safeguard learning and address persistent barriers to learning equality by harnessing the opportunities for systemic change. However, school-based practices and responses that have been effective in supporting the continuity of learning during the COVID-19 pandemic have yet to be well examined, particularly in Asia. While the system and school structures are a crucial component of educational quality, understanding what happens in a school setting can offer meaningful insights into overcoming barriers to educational quality as education systems recover and rebuild from the pandemic. This report presents the findings of research undertaken in the Kyrgyz Republic, Central Asia. It forms part of a broader study that aims to explore the system and school-level practices that have supported learning continuity in Asia during the pandemic. The study will focus on the practices of policymakers that have supported teaching and learning and consider ways in which school leaders, teachers, and parents have worked to support children during periods of disruption. Rather than comparing the responses of countries in Asia, this study will highlight innovations in the system and school policies and programs in the Kyrgyz Republic and make recommendations based on insights from the Kyrgyz Republic’s education system. The study will focus on the system and school participants that support students in the Kyrgyz Republic but will not include students themselves.
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