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Academic literature on the topic 'Republican Party (Ala.)'

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Books on the topic "Republican Party (Ala.)"

1

Wiggins, Sarah Woolfolk. The scalawag in Alabama politics, 1865-1881. University of Alabama Press, 1991.

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2

interviewer, De Vries Walter, Bass Jack interviewer, Southern Oral History Program, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Documenting the American South (Project), and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Library, eds. Oral history interview with Gov. George Wallace, July 15, 1974: Interview A-024, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2006.

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Urban emancipation: Popular politics in Reconstruction Mobile, 1860-1890. Louisiana State University Press, 2002.

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4

Jager, Angela. The Mass Market for History Paintings in Seventeenth-Century Amsterdam. Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462987739.

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Millions of paintings were produced in the Dutch Republic. The works that we know and see in museums today constitute only the tip of the iceberg — the top-quality part. But what else was painted? This book explores the low-quality end of the seventeenth-century art market and outlines the significance of that production in the genre of history paintings, which in traditional art historical studies, is usually linked to high prices, famous painters, and elite buyers. Angela Jager analyses the producers, suppliers, and consumers active in this segment to gain insight into this enormous market for cheap history paintings. What did the supply consist of in terms of quantity, quality, price, and subject? Who produced all these works and which production methods did these painters employ? Who distributed these paintings, to whom, and which strategies were used to market them? Who bought these paintings, and why?
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Wright Rigueur, Leah. The Paradox of the Black Republican. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter introduces key figures across a spectrum of black Republican politics and examines their ongoing struggles to effect meaningful change both for African Americans and within the Republican Party over the course of nearly half a century. It illustrates the ways in which black Republicans were conservative and not conservative, and how their ideas overlapped and clashed with even the most reactionary wing of the Republican Party. In no uncertain terms, black Republicans offer a dilemma of sorts; they were far more conservative than their Democratic counterparts but far less conservative than white reactionary Republicans. Above all else, most held fast to a pragmatic ideology that was informed by their day-to-day racial experience rather than by an abstract, dogmatic interpretation of American politics.
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Wright Rigueur, Leah. Richard Nixon’s Black Cabinet. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.003.0005.

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This chapter talks about how Richard Nixon's classist appeals for minority enterprise mirrored a theme central to black Republican thought and action. As previously seen, African American party members consistently proposed variations on a single core agenda, wedding liberal appeals for racial equality with a belief in traditional Republican principles. In particular, they had long called for the creation and implementation of a movement for economic civil rights, as an alternative means of reaching full equality. A June 1968 article in Time highlighted the prominent position of this centerpiece of black Republican thought, noting that all three Republican presidential primary candidates had incorporated the concept into their campaign rhetoric. The chapter shows how even as prominent white politicians echoed black Republicans' ideas, blacks themselves were divided about those same politicians.
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7

Jones, David K. Exchange Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190677237.001.0001.

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The Affordable Care Act (ACA) required that each state set up a health insurance exchange or lose control to the federal government. Because Republicans had supported the concept before it became part of Obamacare, virtually every state was expected to cooperate and implement this core part of the law. However, 34 states refused to participate. This is a stunning miscalculation by the Obama administration. This book tells the story of what happened in the final two states to choose state control and the two that came the closest. The most intense split was not between Republicans and Democrats, but within the Republican Party. Governors were the most important people in the fight over exchanges, but did not always get their way. The Tea Party defeated the most powerful interest groups. State-level and national conservative think tanks were important allies to the Tea Party. The relative power of these groups was shaped by differences in institutional design and procedures, such as whether a state has term limits and the length of legislative sessions. Opposition was more easily overcome in states whose conditions facilitated the development of legislative “pockets of expertise.” This is a dramatic example of opponents using federalism to block national reform and serves as a warning of the challenge of inducing state cooperation in other policy domains such as the environment and education. Understanding the state-level fights over the ACA’s implementation is crucial to understanding the impact of future reforms.
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Benkler, Yochai, Robert Faris, and Hal Roberts. Polarization in American Politics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923624.003.0010.

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This chapter reviews the political science literature on polarization, showing that polarization in American politics long precedes the internet and results primarily from asymmetric political-elite-driven dynamics. This chapter first considers the polarization of political elites and the public before discussing how social identity begets party affiliation that helps explain why polarization can take on such deeply affective negative responses to partisans of the other party. The chapter shows that party elites, in particular elected representatives, have experienced significant party polarization in the sense that liberals and conservatives have mostly sorted themselves into Democrats and Republicans, respectively, and that the most visible component of this move was the realignment of Southern Democrats to the Republican Party. The broader population, if it has polarized at all, has polarized affectively—in the way it feels about the other party—rather than ideologically, or the practical policy preferences it holds.
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Bernard, Seth. The Labor Supply of Mid-Republican Rome. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878788.003.0006.

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Rome’s building industry shows unprecedented and sustained energy starting in the early third century. The structures of labor that supported this building boom are detailed here using literary and epigraphic evidence. The collapse of forms of dependent labor by ca. 300 BCE coincided with the rise of an urban labor supply characterized by slave- and free-wage labor. We detect signs of significant demographic growth at Rome in this period, and much of this increase was owed to immigrating labor. On the one hand, an active slave market pushed labor to the capital; on the other hand, we see at Rome all the prerequisites for wage-labor, even without direct evidence for wages. It is argued that freely mobile workers formed some significant part of the expansion of the city’s labor supply. The epigraphic corpus relating to the city’s working population in this period also suggests a picture of urban workers of various personal statuses.
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Palmer, R. R. The Revolution comes to Italy. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161280.003.0024.

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The year 1796 was marked by Napoleon Bonaparte's brilliant victories in North Italy. The French victories in Italy made possible the creation of the Cisalpine Republic in the Po valley. Milan immediately became, in 1796, a center to which patriots and revolutionaries congregated from all parts of Italy. Other Italian republics were soon set up on the model of the Cisalpine, and in fact, by the turn of 1797–1798, there was a general alarm at the prospect of a “Cisalpinization” of Europe. The Cisalpine Republic is best understood in a broad perspective. This chapter begins with a view of “world revolution” as seen in 1796 from Paris. It then turns to the French attitude to revolution in Italy, then shifts the point of observation to Italy itself, in an attempt to describe the sources of revolutionary agitation in that country from an Italian standpoint. The closing section presents an account of the Kingdom of Corsica.
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