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1

Hamilton, Clare. "Puerto Rican Statehood and Republican Party Opposition : The Paradox Between the Official Republican Party Platform and Republican Party Representatives." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-38416.

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In November 2020, Puerto Rico, currently a territory of the United States, held a referendum and the majority voted to become a state of the United States of America. Statehood is decided by the U.S. Congress in Washington, D.C. For the 2020 Presidential Election, the Democratic Party platform expressed support for Puerto Rican statehood. Although the official stance on the Republican Party is to support whatever choice the electorate of Puerto Rico votes on in their referendum, many party leaders and members of the Republican Party have spoken out about their opposition to supporting the statehood of the territory. I will be investigating why these party leaders and general party members are against its statehood by looking at the Republican Party’s ideologically derived positions rooted in conservativism and the electoral incentive perspective to not have Puerto Rico as a state. How do leading Republican Party representatives justify their position against the addition of Puerto Rico as a U.S. state? How can the members of the Republican Party’s position on Puerto Rico statehood be understood by both party incentives and disincentives on expected electoral outcomes? It is noteworthy to look at what causes this paradox between the Republican Party’s official stance on Puerto Rican statehood and party leaders’ open opinions on the matter.
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2

Burns, Patrick Lee. "Religion and Party Realignment: Are Catholics Realigning into the Republican Party?" unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11292006-225050/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Allison Calhoun-Brown, committee chair; Michael Binford, Richard Engstrom, committee members. Electronic text (83 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 10, 2207; title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-81).
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3

Mair, Patrick, Thomas Rusch, and Kurt Hornik. "The grand old party - a party of values?" Springer, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/2193-1801-3-697.

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In this article we explore the semantic space spanned by self-reported statements of Republican voters. Our semantic structure analysis uses multidimensional scaling and social network analysis to extract, explore, and visualize word patterns and word associations in response to the stimulus statement "I'm a Republican, because ..." which were collected from the official website of the Republican Party. With psychological value theory as our backdrop, we examine the association of specific keywords within and across the statements, compute clusters of statements based on these associations, and explore common word sequences Republican voters use to characterize their political association with the Party. (authors' abstract)
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4

Topping, Simon David. "The Republican Party and civil rights, 1928-1948." Thesis, University of Hull, 2002. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:14424.

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5

Miller, Patrick Ryan Rabinowitz George. "What's the matter with the Republican Party? factionalism in party primaries, 1976-2000 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,888.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Political Science in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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6

Coil, William Russell. ""New Deal Republican" James Allen Rhodes and the transformation of the Republican Party, 1933-1983 /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1124117381.

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7

Bailey, C. J. "The Republican Party in the U.S. Senate, 1876-1982." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371600.

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8

Shoemaker, Fred C. "Mark Hanna and the Transformation of the Republican Party." Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220461619.

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9

Kajeckas, Jonathan Gabriel. "Perot Activism in 1992: Implications for the Republican Party." W&M ScholarWorks, 1996. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626066.

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10

Griffin, Cameron N. "Lincoln, the Republican Party and The Drastic Shift From Voting Republican by Black Voters, to Calhoun Conservatism and Voting for the Democratic Party Among Black Voters: The Republican Party’s Loss of the Black Vote (1865 – 2016)." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1426.

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The thesis of this paper is that the evolution of the black vote from Republicanism to the Democratic Party was determined by several causes, and these are the subjects of my paper. Following Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the Civil War, African Americans in the United States joined the Republican Party and by and large voted for Republican candidates, both in the North and South. Following the end of Reconstruction in 1876, the pressures or renewal of social conservatism, Southern localism, and the re-emergence of so-called “Calhoun” politics, along with main spread interference with African-American voting, all combined to establish the beginnings of a transition from Republican Party affiliation to increasing membership in the Democratic Party.
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11

Costa, Milene Ribas da. "A implosão da ordem: a crise final do Império e o Movimento republicano paulista." Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-28052007-141852/.

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Analisamos neste trabalho como as transformações econômicas e sociais, que ocorreram no Segundo Reinado, contribuíram para desestabilizar a ordem imperial e, ao mesmo tempo, fortalecer o movimento republicano. As mudanças relacionadas à manutenção do trabalho escravo, que se colocava como o principal pilar de sustentação da ordem imperial, desencadearam necessidades divergentes que não podiam ser satisfatoriamente atendidas pela monarquia brasileira. Com isso, o movimento republicano que se organiza a partir de 1870 busca nas fragilidades do Império o seu espaço de atuação. Os republicanos, sentindo-se excluídos do jogo político imperial, viram na República Federativa a alternativa para a centralização política e administrativa do Império. Mas, é em São Paulo, onde os efeitos negativos dessa centralização eram mais sentidos, que se desenvolve o partido republicano mais forte e organizado do movimento. O republicano paulista Alberto Sales, dialogando com a insatisfação da elite econômica de São Paulo, envolve-se no trabalho doutrinário, que tinha como objetivo construir um programa capaz de orientar a ação republicana e torná-la coesa. Entretanto, os rumos que a República tomou na sua primeira década de vigência contribuíram para que esse propagandista paulista se desencantasse com ela. Buscamos aqui explorar o contexto político, econômico e social em que o movimento republicano emerge e investigar, a partir da teoria que orientou o movimento em São Paulo, as razões que poderiam explicar o desencantamento de um dos seus principais propagandistas com a República que se efetivou.
The objective of this paper is to analyze how the economical and social changes which occurred in the Second Empire helped to destabilize the imperial order and, at the same time, strengthen the republican movement. The changes related to the maintenance of slavery, which was the foundation of the imperial order, yielded divergent needs that could not be met satisfactorily by the Brazilian monarchy. Thus, the republican movement that became organized after 1870 tried to find in the empires´ weaknesses its field of action. The republicans, feeling excluded from the imperial political game, saw in the Federal Republic an alternative for the administrative and political centralization of the Empire. But, in Sao Paulo, where the negative effects of this centralization were most seriously felt, the strongest and best organized Republican Party arose. Alberto Sales, a republican from Sao Paulo, conversing with the dissatisfied economically elite there, got involved in political indoctrination to build a program capable of guiding the republican action and making it consistent. Nevertheless, the direction taken by the Republic in its first decade led the propagandist Alberto Sales to disappointment. We wish here to explore the political, economical and social contexts in which the republican movement emerged and to investigate, by taking as a starting point the theory that guided the movement in Sao Paulo, the reasons that could explain the disappointment of one of the Republic\'s most important propagandists.
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12

Perkins, David John Cochrane. "The Republican party and the South c.1952-c.1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.625013.

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13

Smith, Zachary C. "From the Well of the House: remaking the House Republican party, 1978-1994." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32065.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
From the Well of the House analyzes the remaking of the House Republican Party into an aggressive, partisan organization. It explores how a new generation of Representatives elected after 1978 transformed the GOP, instituting a style of congressional politics that favored confrontation, media spectacle, and personal scandal. Following key actors, including Newt Gingrich, Bob Walker, Vin Weber, and the Conservative Opportunity Society, this dissertation explores key events and illustrates how the House Republican Conference changed from passive acceptance of their minority status to pugnacious fighters for the majority. Throughout their careers Gingrich and his Congressional allies promoted a style of politics in the House, first as backbenchers then from leadership positions, which advocated conflict and attack. They showed that aggression was a winning strategy and other Congressmen followed their lead. By examining in depth events that led the House Republican Conference to adopt a more confrontational stance, including the formation of the Conservative Opportunity Society, the use ofC-SPAN as an effective political weapon, the House Bank scandal, and conflicts with Speakers Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright and Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, this dissertation demonstrates that the 1994 Republican Revolution was the product of more than a decade of dedication and hard work. While numerous scholars have analyzed the rise ofthe New Right and the conservative ascendancy in American politics after the 1970s, From the Well of the House breaks new ground by exploring this shift in the arena of Congressional politics. In so doing, it both elucidates the deep background of the House Republican Party's successful efforts to become a majority and establishes the significance of Congress in the transformation of recent American politics.
2031-01-02
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14

Tagtmeyer, Sarah K. "Dialogic communication and the Grand Old Party a content analysis of the Republican Party web sites /." Muncie, Ind. : Ball State University, 2008. http://cardinalscholar.bsu.edu/371.

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15

Craven, Michael John. "A Conservative Enigma: Barry Goldwater and the Republican Party, 1953-1974." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625923.

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16

Ellis, Blake Hankins Barry. "God's army : religious conservatives at the 1992 Republican National Convention /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4835.

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17

Gulmez, Seckin Baris. "The Republican People." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607640/index.pdf.

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This study aims to examine the foreign policy orientation of the Republican People&rsquo
s Party (CHP) during 2003 and 2005. Thus, four major foreign policy issues during this period will be scrutinized. These issues are namely, Turkey&rsquo
s EU membership process, the Cyprus problem, the US-Turkey relations and the Armenian question. Taking into consideration the current development concerning these issues, this study will focus on the views and reactions of the CHP. In this respect, the main determinant factors behind the foreign policy stance of the party will be discussed. Finally, comparing the foreign policy understanding of the CHP in the past, the study will focus on the question whether the CHP of today constitutes continuation or a shift from the past CHP administrations. At the end of the study, the results of a research issued at the current CHP deputies so as to evaluate their foreign policy orientations will be revealed.
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18

Dunbar, Crystal Rose Turner Elizabeth Hayes. "The rise of a two-party state a case study of Houston and Harris County, Texas, 1952-1962 /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-6145.

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19

Conger, Kimberly H. "Grassroots Activism and Party Politics: The Christian Right in State Republican Parties." Columbus, OH : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1048714674.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 244 p.: ill. (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 236-244).
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20

Rae, Nicol C. "The decline of the liberal wing of the Republican Party, 1960-1984." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670397.

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21

Hames, Tim. "Power without politics : the Republican National Committee in American political life and the debate over party renewal." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670307.

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22

Barnett, Timothy J. "Legislative learning the 104th Republican freshmen in the House /." New York : Garland Pub, 1999. http://site.ebrary.com/lib/librarytitles/Doc?id=10054672.

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23

Thompson, Tess. "An Assessment of the Republican and Democratic Party Platforms with Respect to Justice." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3080.

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Thesis advisor: Michael Kelly
This thesis is an assessment of the notion of justice through the eyes of various philosophers including Aristotle, Montesquieu, the Federalists/Anti-Federalists, Rawls, and Sandel. These philosophies of justice are then applied to the Republican and Democratic platforms to assess which platform is the most just
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Carroll School of Management Honors Program
Discipline: Philosophy Honors Program
Discipline: Philosophy
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24

Pigg, Jason Christopher. "The party in principle : issues and ideals of the democratic and republican parties /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488202678773115.

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25

Vidal, Camila Feix. "Polarização partidária e ascensão conservadora : uma análise das plataformas nacionais republicanas e democratas nos Estados Unidos (1963-2012)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/140175.

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A tese aqui exposta dedica-se ao estudo e à maior compreensão da política norte-americana. Mais especificamente, dedica-se ao estudo da suposta polarização partidária e ascensão conservadora Republicana no período recente. Tratados como fato pela literatura especializada, o estudo aqui feito trata esses dois fenômenos como hipóteses a serem testadas. Desse modo, por meio de uma maior apreensão do que se entende por ideologias políticas como Conservadorismo e Liberalismo no contexto dos Estados Unidos, bem como de uma metodologia que privilegia o uso de plataformas nacionais como indicativo de retrato ideológico partidário; esse estudo busca evidenciar empiricamente aproximações e/ou distanciamentos entre os partidos políticos e, consequentemente, a ascensão ou o declínio de ideologias tal como o Conservadorismo no que tange ao Partido Rebublicano. Através de indicadores de gradação, rede e frequência de palavras a partir das plataformas nacionais de ambos os partidos políticos (Democrata e Republicano) no período entre 1936 a 2012; se busca evidenciar de modo mais empírico esses dois fenômenos. Os resultados nos indicam que, de fato, há uma polarização partidária no período recente; no entanto, essa não é única na história desse país. Da mesma forma, percebe-se que há uma ascensão conservadora por parte do Partido Republicano, sobretudo no que diz respeito a certas categorias de análise tal como as questões sociais.
The work exposed here is dedicated to the study and to a greater understanding of the North-American politics. More specifically, intends to study the suposedly recent party polarization and Republican conservative ascendancy. Treated as a fact by the specialized literature, the study here done treats these two phenomena as hypothesis to be tested. As such, through a greater understanding of ideologies such as Conservatism and Liberalism in the context of the United States, as well as a methodology that favors the use of national platforms as an indicative of party ideological portrait; this work seeks to empirically evidence points of similiarities and differences between the political parties and, as a consequence, the ascent or decline of ideologies such as Conservatism in reference to the Republican Party. Through indicators of gradation, wordtree and word frequency from the national platforms of the two political parties (Democratic and Republican) between 1936 and 2012; this work seeks to evidence in a more empirical way these two phenomena. The results show us that, indeed, there is a party polarization in the recent period; nevertheless, this is not the only one in the history of this country. In the same way, it can be perceived that there is a conservative ascendancy by the Republican Party, especially when dealing with some categories of analysis such as social policies.
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Pinto, C. R. J. "The positivist discourse of the Republican Party of Rio Grande do Sul : A successful political project in the Brazilian Old Republic." Thesis, University of Essex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371895.

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27

Cunha, Carlos Otoniel Pacheco da. "“Moço, intelligente e médico de competência notável”: antecedentes da trajetória política republicana de Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves (segunda metade do século XlX)." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2018. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/7342.

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Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-10-10T12:52:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Otoniel Pacheco da Cunha_.pdf: 3407911 bytes, checksum: 249372af96a89ccc0787f8a23798bb8e (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-10T12:52:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Otoniel Pacheco da Cunha_.pdf: 3407911 bytes, checksum: 249372af96a89ccc0787f8a23798bb8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-18
CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
O médico e político Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves experienciou uma carreira política de relevo durante a Primeira República. Neste período, ocupou os cargos de deputado estadual, vice-presidente e presidente do estado e senador. No entanto, acreditamos que o sucesso político experimentado durante o período republicano só foi possível pela ascensão do Partido Republicano Rio-grandense (PRR) ao poder – ocasionada pela Proclamação da República – e também porque Barbosa possuía os requisitos necessários para tanto. Sendo assim, o objetivo deste trabalho é investigar quais recursos (econômicos, políticos, sociais e simbólicos) Barbosa herdou e empenhou-se em adquirir para que pudesse ocupar a posição de líder político local de Jaguarão, bem como ter sucesso em outras esferas políticas durante o período republicano. Para que isso fosse possível, analisamos – através de inúmeros tipos de fontes – diferentes momentos, tanto dos Gonçalves da Silva, quanto de Barbosa. Com relação aos antecedentes familiares, investigamos as relações da família com Jaguarão e a Guerra dos Farrapos, como também a situação econômica familiar. Quando tratamos especificamente de Barbosa, o acompanhamos nos estudos realizados no Rio de Janeiro, na propaganda republicana em Jaguarão e também a atuação médica.
The doctor and politician Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves experienced a political career of relief during the First Republic. During this period, he held the positions of state deputy, state president and senator. However, we believe that the political success experienced during the republican period was only possible by the rise of the Rio-grandense Republican Party (PRR) to power – occasioned by the Proclamation of the Republic – and also because Barbosa had the necessary requirements for it. Thus, the objective of this work is to investigate which resources (economic, political, social and symbolic) Barbosa inherited and committed himself to acquire so that he could occupy the position of local political leader of Jaguarão, as well as to succeed in other political spheres during the republican period. For this to be possible, we analyzed – through many types of sources – different moments, both from Gonçalves da Silva and Barbosa. Regarding the family history, we investigated the family's relations with Jaguarão and the Farrapos War, as well as the familiar economic situation. When we deal specifically with Barbosa, we accompany him in his studies in Rio de Janeiro, in republican propaganda in Jaguarão, and also in medical practice.
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28

Collinson, S. "Political culture and popular consciousness in the 1790s : the Republican Party in Pennsylvania and Virginia." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597875.

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This study examines the turbulent American polity of the 1790s. Specifically, it analyses the electoral competition of the Federalist and Republican parties which dominated that polity between the inauguration of George Washington as president in 1789 and of Thomas Jefferson as president in 1801. Its chief concern is emphatically the Republican party and the politicisation and mobilisation strategies thereof. Over the course of its four chapters, each extensively subdivided to explore particular aspects and themes, it will argue that the key to the Republican party's success lay in the domain of language. By aggressively revivifying the conventional language of the American Revolution, and thereby mobilising its underlying ideological structures, the Republicans were able to construct a standardised, normative language of political action with transcended local variations in political culture and provided the foundations for a formidable, nationally-conscious electoral alliance. This language, thoroughly partisan by the late 1790s, could not be adequately met by an increasing anathematised Federalist administration. Indeed, a central element of that language was the stigmatisation of the incumbent administration as Anglophile, aristocratic, and monarchic. Two states, Pennsylvania and Virginia, conventionally regarded as evincing quite distinct political cultures during the eighteenth century, provide the evidential basis for the study's contention that a Republican-sponsored political language served to standardise political cognitions and (electoral) behaviour. In brief, the chapters will examine the structure and historical sources of Republican language, and the manner in which signification itself became an arena for political conflict (Chapter One); the central role of state legislatures as sources of local political cues in early national America, and their early absorption into the partisan conflict (Chapter Two); the pivotal role played by international relations, particularly as they concerned France and Great Britain, in sharpening partisan and rhetorical differences (Chapter Three); and, finally, the function of non-linguistic communicative forms in the Republican symbolic repertoire; certain groups, it will be argued, were to be excluded from an already potentially dangerous egalitarian discourse, whatever the symbolic form its articulation took (Chapter Four). Each chapter, while exploring diverse aspects of the political landscape on which Federalists and Republicans waged electoral war in the 1790s, will seek to maintain the central place of language in its topography.
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Pfeffer, Stephen T. "Hostile Takeover: The New Right Insurgent Movement, Ronald Reagan, and the Republican Party, 1977-1984." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1345147645.

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30

Rae, Nicol C. "The decline and fall of the liberal republicans : from 1952 to the present /." New York ; Oxford : Oxford university press, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37381986s.

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31

Miller, Edward Herbert. "Mavericks of the Metroplex: Dallas Republicans, the Southern Strategy, and the American Right." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3705.

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Thesis advisor: Cynthia L. Lyerly
This dissertation explores the ultraconservative Republican and moderate conservative Republican movements in Dallas, Texas between 1952 and 1964, an essential period in which the GOP abandoned its longstanding identification as the party of President Lincoln and Reconstruction and adopted the Southern Strategy. While the first generation of scholars of American conservatism recognized the influence of ultraconservatives who embraced conspiracy theory, absolutist thinking, and apocalyptic rhetoric, the most recent scholarship has tended to downplay the impact of this ultraconservative worldview and stress moderate conservatives' upward mobility and mainstream and modern values. Through the lens of the Republican Party in Dallas, Texas--an epicenter of American conservative Republicanism in the 1950s and 1960s--this dissertation argues that while moderate conservative Republicans were important, ultraconservatives Republicans were more essential to the conservative Republican ascendancy. The dissertation shows that ultraconservative Republicans standing on the "fringe" of mainstream conservatism served not only to push many Republicans to embrace right-wing ideas, but mainstreamed and legitimated the moderate conservative Republicans in the 1950s and 1960s. In showing that ultraconservatives mattered more than historians previously thought, the dissertation suggests that the most recent scholarship has overcompensated for the first generation of historians, who tended to pathologize the Right and dismiss its staying power
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
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King, Marvin. "A Black/Non-Black Theory of African-American Partisanship: Hostility, Racial Consciousness and the Republican Party." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5264/.

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Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.
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33

Gawell, Andreas. "Politisk partiskhet i underhållning : En kvantiativ innehållsanalys av The Daily Show." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-124505.

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AbstractTitle: Political Bias in Entertainment (Politisk partiskhet i underhållning)Number of pages: 38Author: Andreas GawellTutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: Fall 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/Aim: The purpose of this research paper was to investigate political bias in TheDaily Show before the presidential election 2008.Material/Method: With a quantitative content analyze based on variables connected withtheory from investigating bias in news, I am looking at 19 episodes of The Daily Showstarting one month before the presidential election 2008.Main results: The results of this research indicated a liberal bias in The Daily Show favoringthe Democratic Party. Both parties was made fun of and joked about, but the Republican Partyand its candidates was a lot more frequently laughed at then its Democratic equivalent. Alsolooking at the issues that came up in the show you can see Republicans getting to talk aboutissues not on their own agenda more frequently than Democrats.Keywords: The Daily Show, political bias, presidential election 2008, Republican Party,Democratic Party
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34

Fahnestock, Aidan S. "Taking Back America: The Republican Freshmen of the 104th & 112th Congresses." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/884.

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The 2010 freshman class bears an uncanny resemble to their idealistic counterparts from 1994. Their campaign rhetoric, motivations and beliefs are almost interchangeable. The triumphs and especially frustrations and failures of their first terms also bear stark similarities. Most critically, the freshmen's conservative agenda suffered a disappointing electoral rebuke in their first elections as incumbents. Both the 1996 and 2012 presidential year congressional elections halted the respective momentum of the Republican Revolution and the Tea Party. The lessons of the 104th Congress offer many lessons to the freshmen of the 112th, namely that ideological "revolutions" in America (in this case, those of a conservative nature) struggle to deal with the challenges of governing. This thesis will examine and compare the rhetoric and motivations of the freshmen during their initial campaigns, and the triumphs and tribulations of their first terms in a city that is resistant to sudden and sweeping changes. The title of this work, "Taking Back America," reflects the sense of urgency and gravitas that spiritually united both classes of freshmen. The personal observations recorded in Linda Killian‘s The Freshman (1998) and Robert Draper‘s When the Tea Party Came to Town (2012) form the foundation of this examination, which focuses entirely on the U.S. House of Representatives.
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McAdams, Erin Stamatia. "The Psychological Dynamics of Group-based Considerations on Partisanship: A Case Study of Christian Conservatives and Conflict in the Republican Party." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243376142.

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36

Strickland, Kristi Throne. "The Significance and Impact of Women on the Rise of the Republican Party in Twentieth Century Texas." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2597/.

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During the early twentieth century, the Democratic party dominated the conservative political landscape of Texas. Through the 1920s, members of the Republican party focused on patronage and seemed content to maintain the position of minority party. A growing dissatisfaction with the liberal policies of the New Deal during the 1930s created opportunities for state Republicans to woo dissenting Democrats to their side. With a change of leadership within the state GOP after 1950, the Republicans waged serious campaigns for offices for the first time. Republican men exercised their political yearnings through leadership positions. Women, on the other hand, were shut out of the leadership ranks, and, as a consequence, they chose a traditional female strategy. They organized clubs in order to support the new leadership and rising candidates. Against formidable odds, Republican women acted as foot soldiers and worked diligently to attain their objectives. As early as 1920, Texas Republican women began to organize. In 1938 they joined the newly chartered National Federation of Republican Women. In 1955 Texas women organized the Texas Federation of Republican Women (TFRW). Working through the TFRW, the women became the catalysts that broke the Republican party from its state of inertia, and they significantly contributed to the breakdown of the one-party system in Texas. Willing to do the "shoe leather politicking" necessary for victory, women became invaluable to GOP candidates, who began their campaigns in the clubhouses of Republican women. In 1978, with the election of the first Republican governor in a century, Republicans finally brought competitive politics to Texas. By the 1990s, the GOP became the majority party in the state. Republican women were not only important to the growth of the party, they were the driving force that broke the state from the shackles of one-party rule by winning elections through grassroots efforts. This study fully recognizes the rich contribution women made to Texas politics throughout the twentieth century.
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37

Sprague, Stacey. "James Evetts Haley and the New Deal: Laying the Foundations for the Modern Republican Party in Texas." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4573/.

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James Evetts Haley, a West Texas rancher and historian, balked at the liberalism promoted by President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal. Haley grew concerned about increased federal control over states and believed Roosevelt was leading the country toward bankruptcy. In 1936, Haley, a life-long Democrat, led the Jeffersonian Democrats in Texas, who worked to defeat Roosevelt and supported the Republican candidate, Alf Landon. He continued to lead a small faction of anti-New Deal Texans in various movements through the 1960s. Haley espoused and defended certain conservative principles over the course of his life and the development of these ideas created the philosophical base of the modern Republican Party in Texas.
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38

Rowley, Loretta J. "Reconstituting the republican party| Senators Marco Rubio and Rand Paul's speeches at the 2013 Conservative Political Action Conference." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1571466.

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This thesis examined the ways in which Senators Marco Rubio and Rand Paul sought to reconstitute the Republican Party at the 2013 Conservative Political Action Conference. After discussing the dual exigences that faced these senators after the GOP's loss in the 2012 presidential election and the rise of the Tea Party Movement and explicating a methodology of reconstitutive rhetoric which combined Maurice Charland's theory of constitutive rhetoric and Celeste Condit's critique of concordance, this thesis analyzes the ways in which Senators Paul and Rubio attempted to reposition the Republican Party within an ideology that addressed the party's ideological discord and disconnect with the changing electorate in the United States. This analysis led to several significant implications about reconstitutive rhetorical strategies, the use of ideographs within a reconstitutive and accommodationist model, and United States political discourse.

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39

Oppenheimer, Rachel Alayna. "Of Prisons and Polities: The Black Panther Party, Irish Republican Army and Radical Socio-Political organization, 1966-1983." Research Showcase @ CMU, 2017. http://repository.cmu.edu/dissertations/979.

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This dissertation uses the idea of a moral polity as an organizing concept to help understand how the Irish Republican Army and Black Panther Party understood their own actions and the imprisonment of large numbers of their members. In referring to the “moral polity” this study describes socio-political structures and relations created by people who are animated by a series of collectively held ideas about how authorities and populations should interact. The collectively held ideas that provide the foundation for a moral polity emphasize reciprocities between authorities and a population living under those authorities, fairness and justice between these two parties, and trust between the authorities and that population. Moral Polities promote human dignity and the welfare of the community, and the beliefs that undergird them are formed in opposition to established socio-political structures. The first chapters reveal the moral polities created by the BPP and IRA, looking first at precursors of these moral polities and then focusing on the opposition their creators faced from the governments and security forces of the United States, Northern Ireland, and Britain. As the Panthers and IRA espoused a radical reordering of society based on their collectively held beliefs, they threatened power structures who resorted to counterintelligence and internment without trial in their attempts to quell the threats they saw coming from the BPP an IRA, which in turn resulted in in large numbers of prisoners. The last chapters examine the decline of the Black Panther Party and the rise of the Irish republican prisoner. The BPP was unable to overcome the divisions within their party which the FBI exploited in the years before 1973. This left them unable to uphold the moral polity they had created around chapters across the nation. Although some members of the Party struggled to keep the Party and its envisioned society afloat, the BPP did not last beyond 1982. Conversely, when British authorities revoked special category status in Northern Irish prisons, and therefore, destroyed the IRA’s reordering of prison society, the IRA embarked on five years of sustained protest which resulted in a recreation of their moral polity.
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Bridges, Kenneth William. "The Twilight of the Texas Democrats: The 1978 Governor's Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4435/.

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This dissertation examines the results and strategies used in the 1978 Texas gubernatorial election to determine what issues, demographics, and campaign strategies led the Republican Party nominee, Dallas businessman Bill Clements, to defeat the Democratic nominee, Attorney General John Hill, to break the 105-year old Democratic lock on the governorship and how this victory affected the evolution of Texas into a two-party state. Research materials include manuscripts and published speeches, letters, oral interviews, elections results, and secondary materials.
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Barbe, Patricia Kaylene. "Metaphorically speaking : the metaphor as a frame of political action during the 1988 Democratic and Republican National Party Conventions /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1990.

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42

Huggins, Benjamin L. "Republican principles, opposition revolutions, and Southern Whigs Nathaniel Macon, Willie Mangum, and the course of North Carolina politics, 1800-1853 /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3310.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 669. Thesis director: Jane T. Censer. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jan. 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 657-668). Also issued in print.
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Waguespack, Jason. "An Examination of Voter Groups That Make Up the Emerging Democratic Majority Thesis." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2117.

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In 2002, John Judis and Ruy Teixeira published The Emerging Democratic Majority, a book that postulated that the United States was in the beginning of a political realignment that would spell the end of the Reagan-era coalition that gave Republicans an electoral advantage on the presidency. The authors claimed an electorate that would favor the Democratic Party would emerge to take its place. Since Senator Barack Obama’s victory in the 2008 presidential election was powered by a coalition that looked much like the one Judis and Teixeira described, it appeared the authors’ thesis was being borne out by actual election results. However, the events of the 2000s and early 2010s have lent both credibility and doubt to this possible realignment, and have drawn attention to the problems of regular realignment theory. Exploring the premise laid out by Judis and Teixeira from their work, The Emerging Democratic Majority, as well as observations about the changing composition of the American electorate, I analyze key groups in the American electorate to determine if these groups are trending more Democratic in presidential and congressional races since the 1988 presidential election. Findings showed several of these groups regularly supported Democratic candidates but did not consistently trend to the Democrats from year to year. Changes across time often depended on match-ups of nonconsecutive years, with Democrats in the year 2008 drawing especially strong support from hypothesized voter groups. While Democrats can count on the support of groups such as voters who achieve high levels of college education or voters with secular outlooks on life, their success still depends highly on candidate quality and advantage on issues and cannot be taken for granted.
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Dunbar, Crystal Rose. "The Rise of a Two-Party State: A Case Study of Houston and Harris County, Texas, 1952-1962." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6145/.

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This thesis discusses the rise of the Republican party in Texas and specifically Harris County. The time period is the decade between the Presidential election of Dwight D. Eisenhower and the campaign of Jack Cox for Governor. Changes in the structure and leadership of the Republican party at the state level and specific precincts are examined in detail in chapter one. Leaders in Houston during this time period, such as Jesse Jones, Roy Cullen, and Oveta Culp Hobby are discussed in chapter two. The elections of Eisenhower, Cox, and Republican John Tower are analyzed in chapter three. The conclusion finds six major factors for the political changes occurring in Harris County, including economic and demographic changes. Main sources for this work included the Harris County Democratic party records and the Jack Cox Papers at the Center for American History, the Eisenhower Library, and the John Tower Papers.
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Cantone, Amy Elizabeth. "The Republicans’ civil war: Dwight D. Eisenhower and the fight to halt conservatism, 1952–1969." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/14164.

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Master of Arts
Department of History
Derek S. Hoff
In the years immediately after World War II, Dwight D. Eisenhower insisted that he did not want to run for office. However, the general, persuaded by the efforts of Citizens for Eisenhower groups, reversed his decision before the 1952 election. The new politician did not take an easy path to the White House, however, as Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, the leading conservative Republican, fought to represent the GOP. Eisenhower aligned with the moderate faction, the party’s traditional source of power, and joined the Republicans during the early stages of a civil war in the party. From the time Eisenhower received the presidential nomination in 1952 until his death in 1969, he committed himself to leading the GOP and establishing moderate, not conservative, Republicanism as the party’s ideology. However, this aspect of Eisenhower’s political career has largely been ignored by historians. The analyses of Eisenhower that focus on his presidency, rather than his military career, concentrate on policy decisions, omitting the president’s role as party leader during a transformative era. This oversight not only skews Eisenhower’s legacy but also renders analyses of the conservative revolution in American politics incomplete. Before conservative Senator Barry Goldwater secured the Republican nomination in 1964, a very important moment that augured —but did not guarantee — the future triumph of the conservative wing, Eisenhower worked to stop his campaign. Had Eisenhower succeeded, the GOP and American politics could have followed a much different trajectory in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Utilizing documents from throughout Eisenhower’s political career, this study argues that although Eisenhower failed to halt conservatism, he influenced the course of the GOP. During the 1950s and 1960s, Eisenhower helped revitalize the party, improved the party’s organization, and contributed to conservatism’s delayed ascendancy. Furthermore, Eisenhower merits recognition as a party leader who worked tirelessly on behalf of moderate Republicanism, not just as a man with impressive coattails for Republicans to cling to during elections.
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46

Niemi, Michael Frederick Hart. "REMAKING REPUBLICANISM: JOBS, TAXES AND SUBURBIA IN MICHIGAN, 1954-1962." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1470302817.

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47

Wu, Guanda. "Negotiations of cultural aesthetics in the "reforms" of Mei Lanfang and the "Mei Party" members to jingju in China's early republican era (1912-1937)." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1271281752.

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48

Wu, Guanda. "Negotiations of Cultural Aesthetics in the “Reforms” of Mei Lanfang and the “Mei Party” Members to Jingju in China’s Early Republican Era (1912-1937)." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1271281752.

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49

Achouri, Amira. "Une étude du mouvement des Tea Parties et son impact sur la politique étasunienne : une analyse qui dépasse le simple conservatisme populiste." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020GRALL012.

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Le 16 décembre 2009, quelques semaines avant les primaires qui devaient désigner le candidat officiel des partis démocrate et républicain aux États-Unis, quelques habitants de Boston se sont inspirés de la Révolution américaine dans leurs habits. En effet, les drapeaux qu'ils portaient symbolisaient un serpent à sonnette noir sur fond jaune, ayant comme slogan « Don’t Tread on Me » (Ne marchez pas sur moi), en s’inspirant du Boston Tea Party de 1773. Le rassemblement public, qui était initialement et principalement structuré dans la demeure du représentant Républicain Ron Paul, a été organisé conjointement avec une campagne de collecte de fonds lancée par des activistes. Cette campagne permettrait de collecter 6 millions de dollars de fonds sur Internet en une seule journée, grâce à des dons individuels de 50 dollars (Sinderband, 2007). Un an plus tard, un groupe de candidats républicains a balayé la majorité démocrate aux élections de mi-mandat de novembre 2010 et a remporté 60 sièges supplémentaires à la Chambre des représentants, célébrant ainsi l'un des plus grands triomphes républicains de ces cinquante dernières années (Zernike, 2010). Loin d'être un mouvement anodin en 2009, le mouvement Tea Party est considéré par beaucoup comme ayant eu un impact significatif sur cette victoire. La cristallisation du débat sur la réforme de santé avait conféré au mouvement un pouvoir et une influence inattendus. Aujourd'hui, ils représentent un nouveau mouvement conservateur, pourtant bien établi dans le pays.Le but de cette thèse est d'analyser la montée des idées et des politiques de la nouvelle droite depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale aux Etats-Unis. Au lieu de considérer la droite contemporaine comme fondamentalement sans rapport avec l’économie et la société conventionnelles des États-Unis, on analyse les nombreuses manières dont le nouveau conservatisme s’inspire profondément dans les débats politiques américains. On considère trois grandes questions : Ces questions sont les suivantes : (1) Existe-t-il une nouvelle droite et, dans l'affirmative, en quoi consiste-t-elle et pourquoi est-elle qualifiée de « nouvelle »? (2) Quel est le rôle des idées dans la formation de la politique gouvernementale ? Et (3) quelles sont les implications du nouveau conservatisme sur l’avenir de la démocratie américaine ?Après l'échec des néoconservateurs sous l'administration Bush et la victoire de Barack Obama en tant que premier président noir de l'histoire américaine, les commentateurs ont déclaré la fin du conservatisme aux États-Unis. Cependant, l’émergence du Tea Party en tant que mouvement populaire influent a tout simplement prouvé le contraire. Dès son apparition, le Tea Party était simplement considéré comme un groupe raciste, craignant l'autorité croissante d'un président noir. La thèse vise donc à révéler que les éléments entourant la réaction du mouvement du Tea Party étaient en réalité plus profonds, allant au-delà d’une simple réaction raciste et remontant à des décennies d’un mouvement conservateur de longue date enraciné dans la vie et la politique américaines.La thèse vise également à examiner les sources de soutien du mouvement Tea Party dans la sphère politique américaine. Entre les événements émergents de 2008 et les élections à mi-parcours de 2010, le mouvement Tea Party est devenu une force de mobilisation importante qui a suscité un intérêt considérable pour la politique américaine. On explique l’origine de la naissance du mouvement Tea Party qui est apparu à ce moment-là, tout de suite après l'élection d'un président démocrate en 2008. Ainsi, afin de comprendre les origines du mouvement, on met en évidence les facteurs qui ont contribué à l'émergence de ce phénomène politique
: December 16, 2009, a few weeks prior to the primaries that would agree on the official contestant of the Democratic and Republican parties in the U.S., a group of people in Boston dressed in a way inspired by the American Revolution era. The flags they held symbolized a black rattlesnake on a yellow setting, by means of the slogan “Do not Tread on Me,” in the same manner asthe Boston Tea Party of 1773. The public meeting, which was initially and principally an evident movement in the dwelling of the U.S. representative Ron Paul, was held together with a fundraising campaign prearranged by activists, which would make available a 6 million dollars fundraising on the Internet in only one day, owing to 50 individual donations. One year later, a group of Republican candidates swept the Democratic majority in the midterm elections of November 2010 and won 60 more seats in the House of Representatives, celebrating one of the biggest Republican triumphs during the last fifty years. Far from being a trivial movement in 2009, the Tea Party movement, is considered by many to have had a significant impact in this victory. The crystallization of the debate on the health care reform had given the movement unexpected power and influence. Today, they represent a new conservative movement, yet formerly well established in the country.This dissertation explores the rise of Conservative social movements since WWII and the motives behind this. In the last chapter, it focuses on the Tea Party movement asthe latest chapter in the history of the populist conservative movement as the “Party of No.”Ianalyze (1) the historical background of the Right’s economic theories and ideologies, (2) how the U.S. society has been pulled to the right since the late 1970s in the most continuous political reaction since the Reconstruction era after the Civil War, (3) how welfare programs - as a unifying factor - have been used as a source of fear and fantasy for the Right, and (4) the origins of the movement: the who, what and why of the Tea Party movement and how they changed the American political landscape
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Ross, Joseph Thomas. ""Landed Republick": Squatters, Speculators, and the Early American West." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1525087345378912.

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