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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Republican Party (N.C.)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Republican Party (N.C.)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Republican Party (N.C.)"

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Pennycook, Gordon, and David G. Rand. "Cognitive Reflection and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 45, no. 2 (2018): 224–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167218783192.

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We present a large exploratory study ( N = 15,001) investigating the relationship between cognitive reflection and political affiliation, ideology, and voting in the 2016 Presidential Election. We find that Trump voters are less reflective than Clinton voters or third-party voters. However, much (although not all) of this difference was driven by Democrats who chose Trump. Among Republicans, conversely, Clinton and Trump voters were similar, whereas third-party voters were more reflective. Furthermore, although Democrats/liberals were somewhat more reflective than Republicans/conservatives overall, political moderates and nonvoters were least reflective, whereas libertarians were most reflective. Thus, beyond the previously theorized correlation between analytic thinking and liberalism, these data suggest three additional consequences of reflectiveness (or lack thereof) for political cognition: (a) facilitating political apathy versus engagement, (b) supporting the adoption of orthodoxy versus heterodoxy, and (c) drawing individuals toward candidates who share their cognitive style and toward policy proposals that are intuitively compelling.

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Der-Karabetian, Aghop, and Jack Metzer. "The Cross-Cultural World-Mindedness Scale and Political Party Affiliation." Psychological Reports 72, no. 3_suppl (1993): 1069–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1993.72.3c.1069.

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Supporters of the Democratic, Republican, and neither parties from Southern California ( n = 178) and Texas ( n = 136) were administered the Cross-cultural World-mindedness scale. The former sample scored higher than the latter. Supporters of the different parties did not score differently within the Texas sample; however, supporters of the Republican party in the Southern California sample scored lower than the other two groups who were not different from each other, providing partial evidence of criterion validity.

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Clarke, Edward J. R., Anna Klas, Morgana Lizzio-Wilson, and Emily J. Kothe. "Partisan bias in responses to sexual misconduct allegations against male politicians." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 10, no. 2 (2022): 706–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.6371.

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Across two studies, we tested whether evaluations of sexual misconduct allegations against male politicians are made in a partisan biased manner. First, we investigated the likelihood a sexual misconduct allegation made by a female staffer was perceived as legitimate by Democratic and Republican participants when the accused politician’s party affiliation was aligned (versus unaligned) with the participant’s own affiliation (Study 1). We also tested whether partisan bias was conditional on the strength of the participant’s expressive partisanship (Study 2). In Study 1, 182 Democratic and 159 Republican affiliates (N = 341), recruited via Amazon Mechanical Turk, were randomly allocated to one of three conditions (Democratic, Republican, or unaffiliated accused politician). Findings indicated that Republican participants were less likely than Democrats to perceive a sexual misconduct allegation as legitimate, irrespective of the politician’s party affiliation. Nonetheless, participants were not more likely to perceive a sexual misconduct allegation against an unaligned politician as more legitimate than against a politician of their own party. However, in a replication of Study 1 with a larger sample (301 Democratic and 301 Republican affiliates), Republicans (but not Democrats) demonstrated partisan bias in judgements of the legitimacy of misconduct allegations. Expressive partisanship did not moderate this partisan effect.

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Espinosa, Gastón. "Latinos Shifting Republican?" Pneuma 44, no. 3-4 (2022): 380–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10079.

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Abstract This article utilizes the Latino Religions and Politics National Survey (n = 1,292) to provide a preliminary investigation into Latino religious and political identity and voting results in the 2020 Election. It provides important new data on the Latino vote lean by religion (Catholic, Protestant, Evangelical, Pentecostal, Catholic Charismatic), with special attention to the critical role that religion in general and Evangelicals and Pentecostals/Charismatics in particular may have played in helping to increase Latino Republican support for President Trump across the nation from 28 percent in 2016 to 32 percent in 2020 and increase his levels of support in Florida and Texas. While religion is just one of many important variables and factors that may help explain the recent if subtle Latino shift towards the Republican Party, it is nonetheless important.

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Pink, Sophia L., James Chu, James N. Druckman, David G. Rand, and Robb Willer. "Elite party cues increase vaccination intentions among Republicans." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 32 (2021): e2106559118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2106559118.

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Overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic requires motivating the vast majority of Americans to get vaccinated. However, vaccination rates have become politically polarized, and a substantial proportion of Republicans have remained vaccine hesitant for months. Here, we explore how endorsements by party elites affect Republicans’ COVID-19 vaccination intentions and attitudes. In a preregistered survey experiment (n = 1,480), we varied whether self-identified Republicans saw endorsements of the vaccine from prominent Republicans (including video of a speech by former President Donald Trump), from the Democratic Party (including video of a speech by President Joseph Biden), or a neutral control condition including no endorsements. Unvaccinated Republicans who were exposed to the Republican elite endorsement reported 7.0% higher vaccination intentions than those who viewed the Democratic elite endorsement and 5.7% higher than those in the neutral control condition. These effects were statistically mediated by participants’ reports of how much they thought Republican politicians would want them to get vaccinated. We also found evidence of backlash effects against Democratic elites: Republicans who viewed the Democratic elite endorsement reported they would be significantly less likely to encourage others to vaccinate and had more negative attitudes toward the vaccine, compared with those who viewed the Republican elite endorsement or the neutral control. These results demonstrate the relative advantage of cues from Republican elites—and the risks of messaging from Democrats currently in power—for promoting vaccination among the largest vaccine-hesitant subgroup in the United States.

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Weiss, Matthew. "Book Review: Walter C. Clemens, Jr., The Republican War on America: Dangers of Trump and Trumpism, Washington, DC: Westphalia Press, 2023." Netsol: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 8, no. 2 (2023): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2023.10.

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Walter C. Clemens Jr.’s The Republican War on America: Dangers of Trump and Trumpism provides a timely, rich, and insightful contribution to our understanding of the components, causes, and consequences of Trumpism against the backdrop of a towering political figure, the 45th U.S. President, Donald J. Trump, who refuses to go quietly into the night, as so many other former presidents have. Facing three unprecedented felony indictments at the federal and state levels and having thrown his hat into the ring once again as a Republican presidential contender in 2024, Trump and the ideology he spawned, Trumpism, will continue to cast a huge shadow over American politics for the foreseeable future. That few other Republican presidential aspirants have dared call Trump out for the illegal conduct that is at the center of the indictments is a testament to the iron grip Trump and his acolytes continue to exercise on the Republican Party.

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Clayton, Katherine, and Robb Willer. "Endorsements from Republican politicians can increase confidence in U.S. elections." Research & Politics 10, no. 1 (2023): 205316802211489. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221148967.

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Since the 2020 U.S. presidential election, perceptions of the validity of the outcome and broader trust in the American electoral process have reached historically low levels among Republicans. While this trend has potentially harmful consequences for democratic stability, there is little research on how beliefs that an election was fair—and trust in the electoral process more generally—can be restored. In a preregistered survey experiment ( n = 2101), we find that viewing real messages from Republican politicians defending the legitimacy of the 2020 election increased faith in the election’s outcome and in the broader electoral process among Republican voters, compared to either a neutral control condition or to comparable messages from Democratic politicians. These effects are statistically mediated by shifts in voters’ perceptions of elite Republican opinion about the 2020 election, highlighting a potentially useful intervention for efforts to restore faith in elections going forward. Notably, exposure to messages from Republican politicians affirming the election’s legitimacy did not significantly decrease support for the Republican Party, suggesting that Republican politicians who endorse the 2020 election results might not face backlash from voters.

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Adorf, Philipp. "Die Republikanische Partei nach den Wahlen 2020: Nach oder inmitten der Trump-Ära?" Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 2 (2021): 289–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-2-289.

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Donald Trump’s loss in conjunction with the outcome of congressional elections has left the Republican Party entirely removed from the political levers of power in Washington, D .C . - a mere four years after they had obtained unified control of government at the federal level. What are the lessons Republicans can draw from these results? How can a President who engaged in open efforts to overturn a democratic election result continue to elicit a degree of support among the party’s rank-and-file that has made him the current favorite to win the Republican Party’s presidential nomination in 2024? Explanations are found both in the 45th President’s governing record as well as in the composition of today’s Republican electorate, which largely subscribes to Donald Trump’s nativist populist worldview. The attitudes present among Republican voters were one of the key reasons why most Republican officials in Washington ultimately decided to at least tacitly support Trump’s anti-democratic lie of a “stolen election”. This may only have been a harbinger of the future threat Republicans pose to US democracy.

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T. Gresh, James, Michiko Iwasaki, Diana Betz, Jeffrey M. Lating, and Raiannamei Elad. "Online Dating in The U.S. During This Politically Divided Time: Association Among Political Affiliation, Gender Role Beliefs, And Partner Preferences." International Journal of Arts, Humanities & Social Science 05, no. 07 (2024): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.56734/ijahss.v5n7a3.

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While there has been a surge in popularity of online dating, the current polarized political climate in the U.S. may influence how online daters select a desired partner. The present study examined the relation between political affiliation, partner preferences, and gender beliefs with a sample of 373 online dating users. Democrats (n = 196) showed stronger preference for an intimate partner of the same party compared to Republicans (n = 90). Democrats (particularly women) also identified that having a different political affiliation as a deal-breaker more so than Republicans. Regarding gender role beliefs, Republicans (particularly men) showed significantly higher traditional gender role beliefs than Democrats. However, gender-based differences were not observed among Democrats; both Democratic men and women showed equally less traditional gender role beliefs compared to Republican women and men. Implications for dating prospects, particularly for Republican men, are discussed.

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Balliet, Daniel, Joshua M. Tybur, Junhui Wu, Christian Antonellis, and Paul A. M. Van Lange. "Political Ideology, Trust, and Cooperation." Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no. 4 (2016): 797–818. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002716658694.

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Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before ( n = 362) and after ( n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners’ outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis ( r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Republican Party (N.C.)"

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Perkins, David John Cochrane. "The Republican party and the South c.1952-c.1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.625013.

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Coil, William Russell. ""New Deal Republican" James Allen Rhodes and the transformation of the Republican Party, 1933-1983 /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1124117381.

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Korf, Lindie. "D.F. Malan : a political biography." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3991.

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Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.

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Karadjis, Michael. "The Vietnamese Communist Party debate and the leading role of the state sector : ideological straight-jacket, vested interests or real social progress?" Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150164.

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Discussion of 'economies in transition' often assumes movement from socialist planning to free market capitalism. Vietnam has moved significantly in this direction, but the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) claims the long-term transition is to a higher form of socialism than in the past. CPV cadres list a variety of aspects that differentiate their 'socialist-oriented market economy' from a 'capitalist market economy'. What this orientation consists of, and whether there is anything "socialist" about it, is however much debated. This dissertation focuses on the state-owned enterprises as one way to assess whether any authentic socialist orientation exists. It finds considerable complexity in state enterprises, so the assessment is not straight forward. But the complexity includes significant socialist substance. Their decisions regarding investment or profit distribution are not purely commercially driven, and their purported "inefficiency" is often connected to socially beneficial activity, not only for their own workers but within society at large. This helps explain the stubborn tenacity of the state sector, despite years of "liberalising" legislative changes. This is not merely elites who "oppose reform" due to their vested interests. Significant sectors of society also have an interest in opposing the kind of "reform" that would be detrimental to their interests and the social good overall. These conflicting pressures on and in state enterprises are reflected in the debates within the CPV about socialist orientation. One central feature of this orientation is that public forms of ownership must predominate even while capitalism forms part of the economy. But challenging this is a minority who blur the distinction between the socialist-oriented and a capitalist market economy. These two broad tendencies are often labelled "conservatives" and "reformers," implying a value judgement. I propose to rename them the Socialist-Orientation Tendency (SOT), and the Market-Orientation Tendency (MOT), signifying opposing emphases within the "market economy with a socialist orientation" equation. They do not represent hard and fast factional groupings, but rather tendencies of thought; many cadres incorporate elements of both, and both have sprouted sub-tendencies. The role of the state enterprises is often central to the debate between these tendencies and among analysts of Vietnam's political economy. Much has been written showing that they fall short of their socialist purpose. That they allegedly have little relation to social progress is often seen as evidence that the Socialist Orientationists are merely elite ideologues or corrupt officials who use the socialist label to cover their intransigence or malfeasance. This dissertation takes issue with this view.

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Books on the topic "Republican Party (N.C.)"

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Hershey, William L. Mr. Chairman: The life and times of Ray C. Bliss. University of Akron Press, 2017.

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Holshouser, Jim. Oral history interview with James E. Holshouser Jr., May 9, 1998: Interview C-0328-3, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2008.

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Hawke, Russell Jackson. Oral history interview with Jack Hawke, June 7, 1990: Interview C-0087, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2007.

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Holshouser, Jim. Oral history interview with James E. Holshouser Jr., June 4, 1998: Interview C-0328-4, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2008.

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Holshouser, Jim. Oral history interview with James E. Holshouser Jr., January 31, 1998: Interview C-0328-1, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2008.

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Keesee-Forrester, Margaret. Oral history interview with Margaret Keesee-Forrester, April 21, 1989: Interview C-0065, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2006.

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Rohrer, Grace Jemison. Oral history interview with Grace Jemison Rohrer, March 16, 1989: Interview C-0069, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2006.

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Miller, Bruce Joshua. Take them at their words: Shocking, amusing and baffling quotations from the GOP and their friends, 1994-2004. Academy Chicago Publishers, 2004.

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Joshua, Miller Bruce, and Maio Diana, eds. Take them at their words: Shocking, amusing and baffling quotations from the GOP and their friends, 1994-2004. Academy Chicago Publishers, 2004.

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Inc, Game Counselor. Game Counselor's Answer Book for Nintendo Players. Microsoft Pr, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Republican Party (N.C.)"

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Mason, Robert. "Transatlantic Dimensions of Electoral Strategy: Republican Party Interpretations of UK Politics, 1936–c. 1960." In Postwar Conservatism, A Transnational Investigation. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-40271-0_10.

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Mason, Robert. "New Deal Liberalism and ‘Creeping Socialism’: The Republican Party and the Construction of Modern American Conservatism, c. 1933–c. 1960." In Liberalism and Socialism since the Nineteenth Century. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41233-2_12.

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"The Conservatism of Northern Radicals." In The Lost Lectures of C. Vann Woodward, edited by Natalie J. Ring and Sarah E. Gardner. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190863951.003.0012.

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In this lecture Woodward reviews the weaknesses of the current historiography on Reconstruction as well as examines the internal political debates within the Republican Party during Congressional Reconstruction. He highlights three looming issues: what would the process of Reconstruction look like, who should govern the country, and what rights would be extended to the freedpeople. The third issue proved to be the most vexing because the party relied on northern voters who believed in white supremacy. Woodward found little evidence to support the claim that the Republican Party was united in purpose. In fact, he highlights the ways in which the bulk of the party failed to fully commit to the Civil Rights Act (1866) and the Fourteenth Amendment. He admires the vision of Charles Sumner and Thaddeus Stevens but regrets they were ignored by the moderate Republicans.

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Stancliff, Michael. "Nature’s President." In The Oxford Handbook of Ralph Waldo Emerson. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192894373.013.20.

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Abstract When news of Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation finally came to those assembled at the Boston Music Hall late on January 1, 1863, Emerson read “Boston Hymn” to mark the occasion, heralding the executive order as the “word of the Lord,” a substitution that casts Lincoln in a divine light. Emerson’s praise of Lincoln provides a key for understanding the tensions and contradictions that bind nature and civilization as interdependent categories in his canon. Moreover, the Western orientation of the poem’s free-labor geography recalls Emerson’s admiration for John C. Fremont, whose exploits as a Western explorer in the 1840s and 50s captured the attention of a new Republican Party seeking its first presidential candidate. This chapter traces Emerson’s enthusiasm for presidents from Fremont’s 1856 campaign to Lincoln’s death in 1865, grounding his Transcendental theory of emancipation in the antislavery platform of the Republican Party and the settler-colonial discourse of racial progress.

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Lynch, John Roy. "1875: Democratic Victory." In Reminiscences of an Active Life, edited by John Hope Franklin. University Press of Mississippi, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781604731149.003.0022.

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This chapter looks at the Democratic victory in 1875. Although as a result of the sanguinary revolution in 1875 there was no hope or prospect of future Republican success in Mississippi, the Republican leaders in that state did not abandon their efforts to bring about and reestablish friendly relations between Senator Alcorn and Governor Ames. With that end in view, both were made delegates to the National Republican Convention of 1876 from the state at large. But this failed to accomplish the purpose desired. When the newly elected legislature met the first Monday in January of 1876, the fact was developed that the Lamar faction was slightly in the ascendancy in the Democratic party. This, of course, resulted in the election of Mr. L. Q. C. Lamar to the United States Senate to succeed Senator Alcorn whose term would expire on March 4, 1877.

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Barney, William L. "Waiting for Lincoln." In Rebels in the Making. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076085.003.0004.

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The election of Abraham Lincoln, an antislavery Republican, was the catalyst secessionists had long sought for arousing Southern whites behind disunion. Southern radicals split the Democratic Party at its Charleston Convention in April by laying down an ultimatum over the federal protection of slavery in the territories, thus greatly increasing the odds for a Republican victory. Two sectional Democrats, John C. Breckinridge for the South and Stephen A. Douglas for the North; a conservative Whig, John Bell; and Lincoln ran for the presidency, and each had a distinctive stand on the slavery issue. Food shortages in the midst of a prolonged drought and near panic over slave insurrections rumored to be incited by abolitionist emissaries gripped the South. Slaves grew more defiant and were blamed for a series of major fires. Whites responded by forming vigilance committees that punished slaves and any outsiders seen as a danger to the security of their communities. Proclaiming that the South could never submit to the shame and degradation of living under an abolitionist president threatening slavery and its way of life, Southern Democrats called for secession should Lincoln win.

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Wilford, Rick. "Aspects of the Belfast Agreement." In Aspects of the Belfast Agreement. Oxford University PressOxford, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199242627.003.0001.

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Abstract On 30 November 1999, in moving the Order to devolve powers to Northern Ireland, Peter Mandelson remarked: ‘After a quarter of a century the curtain is finally coming down on Direct Rule’. It was a suitably theatrical phrase for a moment of constitutional drama, both within and beyond Parliament, yet sub sequent events were to rob it of prophetic value. Three days earlier, the Ulster Unionist Council (UU C) had endorsed the decision of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) leader, David Trimble, to ‘jump first’ by participating in the creation of the power-sharing Executive—on the understanding that the process of decom missioning paramilitary weapons by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) would begin at the end of January 2000.

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Chang, Chia-Heng. "The Gendered Electoral Choices: Insights from an Experiment on Gender Stereotypes in Political Issues, Parties, and the Voters Preferences for Candidates." In Sustainable Development. IntechOpen, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.111803.

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Political issues and political parties in the United States have been connected to different gender labels, which further influences voters’ electoral choices. This study utilized an online survey and experiment (N = 1238) with hypothetical congressional candidates to examine the influence of gender stereotypes in ten political issues and the two main political parties on individuals’ electoral choices when only limited information is offered. Results found gender stereotypes attached to political parties and topics worked as cognitive shortcuts, affecting individuals’ perception of male and female capability of handling different issues. Participants reported a higher likelihood of voting for female candidates when they showed concern for feminine topics and affiliation with the Democratic party; they also preferred male candidates when it comes to masculine issues and the Republican party. Male and female participants further reported different voting preferences, and females reported baseline preferences for female candidates.

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Griffin, Roger. "Afrikaner-Weerstandsbeweging, God’s Own." In Fascism. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192892492.003.0212.

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Abstract Permission was refused to quote from the AWB’s party programme, Programme of the AWB (Aurora, Pretoria, nd., c.1991). The letter from Oxford University Press was returned with the laconic comment written at the bottom ‘The AWB is not a fascist movement, thus under no condition will permission be granted for publication.’ In terms of the ideal type on which this anthology is based the AWB is technically correct, for it is a separatist nationalist movement, and does not strive to regenerate an existing nation-state drawing on the myth of a past (pre-modern) golden age. In the words of its own programme the movement’s main goal is ‘The founding of an independent Christian, republican Afrikaner-Boer national state, separate from the RSA, on the basis of the inalienable claim of the people according to history and international law to the Boer Republics’.

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Jirku, V. "Effect of C/N ratio and cellulose type on the cellulolytic activity of free and immobilized Trichoderma reesei." In Immobilized Cells - Basics and Applications, Proceedings of an International Symposium organized under auspices of The Working Party on Applied Biocatalysis of the European Federation of Biotechnology Noordwijkerhout. Elsevier, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0921-0423(96)80020-7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Republican Party (N.C.)"

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Botnari, Liliana. "The Difficult Route of Romanian from the Bessarabia and the Guardians of the Scientific Truth." In Conferinta stiintifica nationala "Lecturi în memoriam acad. Silviu Berejan", Ediția 6. “Bogdan Petriceicu-Hasdeu” Institute of Romanian Philology, Republic of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/lecturi.2023.06.13.

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The creation of a „Moldavian language”, with new grammatical rules and a lexicon focused on popular speech, occurred in order to delimit the Moldavian identity from the Romanian one, insisting on the theory that they are distinct and have separate evolutions. The Soviet authorities promoted the idea of a fundamental difference between the natives situated in the east of the Prut and the Romanians from Romania, repressing any outburst of Romanian identity and consciousness in the RSSM or RASSM. In these hostile times, linguists, writers, publicists and artists in general knew a rigorous censorship, carrying the burden of Moldovanism. In the 1940s-1960s, when the Russian language forcibly became the official language in the Bessarabian territory, linguists such as N. Corlăteanu, I. C. Varticean or S. Berejan had an intense and tumultuous philological activity, constrained by the creeds and grievances of the party and ideology Soviets, who were forced to work under conditions of an unhealthy bilingualism.

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Chhetri, Chola, and Vivian Genaro Motti. "Privacy Concerns about Smart Home Devices: A Comparative Analysis between Non-Users and Users." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002207.

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Abstract:

Privacy concerns of smart home device (SHD) users have been largely explored but those of non-users are under-explored. The success of smart home technology comes to fruition only when concerns of both users and non-users are addressed. Understanding of non-user concerns is essential to inform the design of user-centric privacy-preserving SHDs, facilitate acceptance, and bridge the digital divide between non-users and users. To address this gap, we conducted a survey of SHD non-users and comparatively analyzed their privacy concerns with those of users.Methods: We used university email list-servs, snowball sampling and random sampling methods to recruit participants (n=91) for an IRB-approved online survey, titled ‘smart home study’. Our pre-tested questionnaire asked about SHD (non-)usage, privacy concerns (open-ended), suggestions for developers and demographics. We followed a mixed-methods approach to analyze privacy concerns (qualitative/thematic), explore non-use reasons (qualitative/thematic), compare non-users and users concerns (quantitative), and analyze design suggestions (qualitative/thematic). Results: Thematic analysis of privacy concerns of non-users (n=41) and users (n=50) by two researchers performing open-coding (Cohen’s kappa = 0.8) resulted in 17 codes. We then performed axial coding to generate three thematic areas of privacy concerns. The first theme was ‘data collection concerns’ which included five codes: recording audio/video, tracking occupancy, listening to private conversations, monitoring usage/behavior, and identity theft. The second theme was ‘data sharing concerns’ which included four codes: selling data, third party data access, leakage without consent, and marketing data. The third theme was ‘data protection concerns’ which included eight codes: hacking, data handling, protecting data, secondary use, aggregation, data abuse, data loss, and fraud. The three privacy concerns themes belong to the personal communication and personal data privacy dimensions of privacy. Chi-square test between non-users and users showed the privacy concerns of non-users differed significantly (X2=8.46, p<0.05) from users. Non-users reported higher level of concerns in data collection and data protection themes than those of users (46% vs 24% and 34% vs 30% respectively). However, non-users reported fewer concerns in the data sharing theme than those of users (15% vs 28% respectively).Most non-users reported their non-use reason to be privacy concerns (68%). Other non-use reasons included lack of interest in SHDs (32%), cost (22%), lack of perceived usefulness (12%), insecurity or potential of hacking (10%), and perceived difficulty of usage (7%).The thematic analysis of participants’ suggestions for developers resulted in four main themes: (a) data anonymization and minimization, (b) data protection and security, (c) transparent data use policies, and (d) user-centric practices. Based on our findings, we recommend that developers address the data collection and data protection concerns to allow SHD non-users to consider using them. In addition, we recommend addressing data sharing concerns to retain trust of current users. We discuss some guidelines in the paper.Conclusion: This paper contributes by eliciting SHD non-user privacy concerns and provides insights on addressing the concerns, which will be useful for developers towards the design of user-centric privacy-preserving SHDs.

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