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1

South Carolina scalawags. Columbia, S.C: University of South Carolina Press, 2006.

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2

Moses of South Carolina: A jewish scalawag during radical reconstruction. Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010.

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3

Ginsberg, Benjamin. Moses of South Carolina: A Jewish scalawag during radical reconstruction. Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010.

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4

Rawl, Paul T. Are the Republicans losing the education battle in South Carolina?: The failure of the Nielsen administration : a documentary. [South Carolina?]: P.T. Rawl, 1997.

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5

The Republican South: Democratization and partisan change. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2004.

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6

Abbott, Richard H. The Republican Party and the South, 1855-1877: The first Southern strategy. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986.

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7

The Republican Party and the South, 1855-1877: The first Southern strategy. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986.

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8

Catalyst: Jim Martin and the rise of North Carolina Republicans. Winston-Salem, North Carolina: John F. Blair, Publisher, 2015.

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9

1960-, Quist John W., ed. For free press and equal rights: Republican newspapers in the Reconstruction South. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2004.

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10

Painting Dixie red: When, where, why, and how the South became Republican. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2011.

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11

Meleney, John C. The public life of Aedanus Burke: Revolutionary republican in post-revolutionary South Carolina. Columbia, S.C: University of South Carolina Press, 1989.

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12

The southern strategy revisited: Republican top-down advancement in the South. Lexington, Ky: University Press of Kentucky, 1996.

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13

Quentin, Kidd, and Morris, Irwin L. (Irwin Lester), 1967-, eds. The rational southerner: Black mobilization, republican growth, and the partisan transformation of the American south. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012.

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14

The origins of the southern strategy: Two-party competition in South Carolina, 1950-1972. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2001.

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15

Radical reform: Interracial politics in post-emancipation North Carolina. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2011.

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16

Corrigan, Matthew T. Race, religion, and economic change in the Republican South: A case study of a southern city. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2008.

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17

Corrigan, Matthew T. Race, religion, and economic change in the Republican South: A case study of a southern city. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007.

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18

Jarding, Steve. Foxes in the henhouse: How the Republicans stole the South and the Heartland and what the Democrats must do to run 'em out. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006.

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19

Jarding, Steve. Foxes in the henhouse: How the Republicans stole the South and the Heartland and what the Democrats must do to run 'em out. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006.

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20

Alent'eva, Tat'yana. Public opinion in the United States on the eve of the Civil war (1850-1861), was. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1068789.

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The monograph first examines American public opinion as a major factor of social and political life in the period of the maturing of the Civil war (1861-1865 gg.). Special value it is given by the study of the struggle in the South and in the North, consideration of the process of formation of two socio-cultural models. On the wide canvas of the socio-economic and political history in the monograph analyses the state and development of public opinion in the United States, sequentially from the compromise of 1850, a small civil war in Kansas, the uprising of John brown, of the maturing of "inevitable conflict," the secession of the southern States to the formation of the southern Confederacy and the Civil war. Reveals a fierce struggle, which was accompanied by the adoption of the compromise Kansas-Nebraska and the Supreme court decision in the Dred Scott case of 1857, which annulled the action of the famous Missouri compromise. Special attention is paid to the formation of the Republican party and the presidential elections of 1856 and 1860 Shown, as were incitement to hatred between citizens of the same country, which were used propaganda and manipulative techniques. The totality of facts gleaned from primary sources, especially the materials about these manipulations give an opportunity to look behind the scenes politics that led to the outbreak of the Civil war in the United States, a deeper understanding of its causes. For students of historical faculties and departments of sociology and political Sciences, and anyone interested in American history.
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21

McRae, Elizabeth Gillespie. Campaigning for a Jim Crow South. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190271718.003.0004.

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In the interwar period, Florence Sillers Ogden, Mary Dawson Cain, and Cornelia Dabney Tucker, segregationists in the Deep South, capitalized on their enfranchisement to mobilize voters to shape the system of Jim Crow at the polls. They encouraged women to uphold segregation through political parties, but their politics were as varied as the Jim Crow order they sought to serve. Ogden supported President Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal for helping out Mississippians and for following the dictates of racial segregation. Cain opposed the Roosevelt’s expansion of social services and worked against the national party as a Jeffersonian Democrat. After Roosevelt’s proposal to re-organize the Supreme Court, Tucker organized a national anti–court-packing campaign, became a Republican, and lobbied for a secret ballot in South Carolina. These women criticized state-level officials for sacrificing conservative political principles for political gain and nourished the seeds of partisan dissent in the Solid South.
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22

Lublin, David. The Republican South: Democratization and Partisan Change. Princeton University Press, 2007.

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23

Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865-1968. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2020.

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24

Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865-1968. Cambridge University Press, 2020.

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25

Heyman, Warren Williams. Constraints to Republican development: The Deep South states, 1966-1988. 1993.

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26

Painting Dixie Red: When, Where, Why, and How the South Became Republican. University Press of Florida, 2014.

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27

Hood, M. V., Quentin Kidd, and Irwin L. Morris. The Republican Party in the American South: From Radical Fringe to Conservative Mainstream. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195381948.013.0015.

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28

Aistrup, Joseph A. The Southern Strategy Revisited: Republican Top-Down Advancement in the South. University Press of Kentucky, 1995.

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29

Irony of the Solid South: Democrats, Republicans, and Race, 1865-1944. University of Alabama Press, 2013.

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30

Rhodes, Terrel L. Republicans in the South: Voting for the State House, Voting for the White House. Praeger Publishers, 2000.

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31

Race, Religion, and Economic Change in the Republican South: A Study of a Southern City. University Press of Florida, 2008.

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32

Race, Religion, and Economic Change in the Republican South: A Study of a Southern City. University Press of Florida, 2007.

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33

Birney, William. James G. Birney And His Times: The Genesis Of The Republican Party With Some Account Of Abolition Movements In The South Before 1828. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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34

Birney, William. James G. Birney And His Times: The Genesis Of The Republican Party With Some Account Of Abolition Movements In The South Before 1828. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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35

Onaci, Edward. Free the Land. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656144.001.0001.

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On March 31, 1968, over 500 Black nationalists convened in Detroit to begin the process of securing independence from the United States. Many concluded that Black Americans' best remaining hope for liberation was the creation of a sovereign nation-state, the Republic of New Afrika (RNA). New Afrikan citizens traced boundaries that encompassed a large portion of the South--including South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana--as part of their demand for reparation. As champions of these goals, they framed their struggle as one that would allow the descendants of enslaved people to choose freely whether they should be citizens of the United States. New Afrikans also argued for financial restitution for the enslavement and subsequent inhumane treatment of Black Americans. The struggle to "Free the Land" remains active to this day. This book is the first to tell the full history of the RNA and the New Afrikan Independence Movement. Edward Onaci shows how New Afrikans remade their lifestyles and daily activities to create a self-consciously revolutionary culture, and it argues that the RNA's tactics and ideology were essential to the evolution of Black political struggles. Onaci expands the story of Black Power politics, shedding new light on the long-term legacies of mid-century Black Nationalism.
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36

The Door of Hope New Perspectives on the History of the South Hardcover. University Press of Florida, 2011.

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37

Splendid Failure: Postwar Reconstruction in the American South (American Ways Series). Ivan R. Dee, Publisher, 2007.

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38

Jarding, Steve, and Dave Saunders. Foxes in the Henhouse: How the Republicans Stole the South and the Heartland and What the Democrats Must Do to Run 'em Out. Touchstone, 2006.

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39

Accidental Candidate: The Rise and Fall of Alvin Greene. McFarland & Company, Incorporated Publishers, 2012.

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40

Axe, David, Blue Delliquanti, Corey Hutchins, and Dre Lopez. The Accidental Candidate: The Rise and Fall of Alvin Greene. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012.

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41

Mulqueen, John. 'An Alien Ideology'. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.001.0001.

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This book focuses on the strand of the Irish republican left which followed the ‘alien ideology’ of Soviet-inspired Marxism. Moscow-led communism had few adherents in Ireland, but Irish and British officials were concerned about the possibility that communists could infiltrate the republican movement, the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Another concern arose for British and American observers from 1969: would the Soviets resist the temptation to meddle during the Northern Ireland Troubles and cause trouble for Britain as a geo-political crisis unfolded? The book considers questions arising from the involvement of left-wing republicans, and what became the Official republican movement, in events before and during the early years of the Troubles. Could Ireland’s communists and left-wing republicans be viewed as strategic allies of Moscow who might create an ‘Irish Cuba’? The book examines another question: could a Marxist party with a parliamentary presence in the militarily-neutral Irish state – the Workers’ Party (WP) – be useful to the Soviets during the 1980s? This book, based on original sources rather than interviews, is significant in that it analyses the perspectives of the various governments concerned with subversion in Ireland. This is a study of perceptions. The book concludes that the Soviet Union had been happy to exploit the Troubles in its Cold War propaganda, but, excepting supplying arms to the Official IRA, it did not seek to maximise difficulties whenever it could in Ireland, north or south.
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42

Morris, Irwin L. Movers and Stayers. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190052898.001.0001.

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Democrats once dominated the “Solid South.” By the turn of the 21st century, Republicans had taken control. We are in the midst of the dawning of new, more progressive era. Theories explaining Republican growth provide little guidance, but a new perspective—Movers and Stayers theory—explains this recent growth in Democratic support and the ways in which population growth has produced it. Migratory patterns play a significant role in southern politics. Young, well-educated in-migrants fostered Republican growth in the last century. Today, these increasingly progressive young, well-educated movers are growing the Democratic Party. Movers bring their politics to their new communities. Their progressivism fosters the same among long-term residents (stayers) in their new communities. But the declining communities they left show the effects of their exit. In our racialized partisan environment, white stayers respond to the threat of declining communities by shifting to the right and identifying with the Republican Party. Conversely, African Americans respond to community threat by maintaining their progressivism. Few Latinos live in declining communities; Latino stayers in fast growing communities become more Democratic. While movers of retirement age are more conservative than younger movers, they are more liberal than those who retire in place—not quite the demographic windfall Republicans in aging areas have hoped for. These dynamics are altering the southern political landscape, and differences between growing areas and declining areas are accelerating. Absent a wholesale reinvention of southern politics along the lines of class or (possibly) age, the current partisan trajectory does not bode well for Republicans. The COVID-19 pandemic will not change that.
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43

Boje, John. The Aftermath of War. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039560.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the aftermath of the South African War, focusing on the period from the conclusion of peace, when Lord (Horatio) Kitchener shook hands with the Boer delegates and pledged, “We are good friends now,” to the establishment of the National Party with anti-British and anti-black bias. The chapter begins with a discussion of the postwar reconstruction, the reintegration of hendsoppers (surrendered Boers) and joiners, and the consolidation of Afrikaners’ national identity. It then considers the role of the Dutch Reformed Church in rebuilding community, along with the political resurgence of the adversaries of “protected burghers” in the Free State. It also looks at the 1914 rebellion that articulated a republican protest against the modernizing state. Finally, it highlights the postwar trauma suffered by blacks, their political marginalization, and the establishment of the African National Congress (ANC).
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44

Maxwell, Angie, and Todd Shields. The Long Southern Strategy. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265960.001.0001.

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Beginning with Barry Goldwater’s Operation Dixie in 1964, the Republican Party targeted disaffected white voters in the Democratic stronghold of the American South. To realign these voters with the GOP, the party capitalized on white racial angst that threatened southern white control. However—and this is critical—that decision was but one in a series of decisions the GOP made not just on race, but on feminism and religion as well, in what is called here the “Long Southern Strategy.” In the wake of Second-Wave Feminism, the GOP dropped the Equal Rights Amendment from its platform and promoted traditional gender roles in an effort to appeal to anti-feminist white southerners, and it politicized evangelical fundamentalist Christianity as represented by the Southern Baptist Convention. All three of those decisions were necessary for the South to turn from blue to red. To make inroads in the South, however, GOP politicians not only had to take these positions, but they also had to sell them with a southern “accent.” Republicans had to mirror southern white culture by emphasizing an “us vs. them” outlook, preaching absolutes, accusing the media of bias, prioritizing identity over the economy, depicting one’s way of life as under attack, encouraging defensiveness toward social changes, and championing a politics of vengeance. Over time, that made the party southern, not in terms of place, but in its vision, in its demands, in its rhetoric, and in its spirit. In doing so, it nationalized southern white identity, and that has changed American politics.
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45

Nelson, William E. Terminating the Ties of Empire. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190850487.003.0009.

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This chapter discusses a series of armed rebellions involving the Paxton Boys in Pennsylvania, the Regulators in North and South Carolina, and rent strikers in New York that foreshadowed the War for Independence. It also discusses a series of cases and controversies occurring between 1766 and 1776, a period of truce, in which lawyers, often representing the economic interests of their clients, made constitutional arguments in support of established localist and common law practices. The chapter ends with an analysis of legal breakdowns in the imperial system occurring between the time of the Boston Tea Party and the Declaration of Independence.
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