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Journal articles on the topic 'Republican Party. South Carolina'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Steed, Robert P., and Laurence W. Moreland. "South Carolina: Party Development in the Palmetto State." American Review of Politics 24 (April 1, 2003): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.91-108.

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Paralleling developments in other southern states over the past three to four decades, South Carolina’s political system has undergone dramatic change. One of the more significant components of this change has been the partisan realignment from a one-party system dominated by the Democrats to a competitive two-party system in which Republicans have come to hold the upper hand. This increased electoral competitiveness has been accompanied by an increased organizational effort by both parties in the state. An examination of local party activists in 2001 points to a continuation of this pattern over the past ten years. In comparison with data from the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Survey, the 2001 data show the following: (1) the Republican Party has sustained its electoral and organizational gains of recent years; (2) the parties continue to attract activists who differ across party lines on a number of important demographic and socioeconomic variables; (3) there has been a continued sorting of political orientations and cues marked by sharply different inter-party ideological and issue positions; (4) the Democratic Party has become more ideologically homogeneous and more in line with the national party than previously; and (5) since 1991 perceptions of factionalism have declined in both parties, but still remain higher among Democrats than among Republicans.

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2

Kelly, Brian. "Black Laborers, the Republican Party, and the Crisis of Reconstruction in Lowcountry South Carolina." International Review of Social History 51, no. 3 (November 1, 2006): 375–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002537.

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The wave of strikes that swept across the South Carolina rice fields in late 1876 offer rich material for revisiting the most compelling issues in the postwar Reconstruction of the US's former slave states. They expose sharp tensions between the Republican Party's black, working-class constituency and its mostly white, bourgeois leadership. Recent studies, based almost entirely on Northern published opinion, have made the case that Northern Republican elites were driven to “abandon the mid-century vision of an egalitarian free labor society” by assertive ex-slaves oblivious to the “mutual interests” that ostensibly bound them and their employers. This article, based on extensive archival research, asserts that similar fissures opened up between freedpeople and southern Republican officials. In a series of highly effective mobilizations against local planters and determined attempts to block party officials from betraying their interests, rice fieldhands demonstrated a clear understanding of the critical issues at stake during the months leading up to the collapse of Reconstruction. Their intervention contrasted not only with the feeble holding operation pursued by moderates in the upper levels of the Republican party, but also with the timidity of many locally rooted black officials nearer to the grassroots.

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3

Huffmon, Scott H., H. Gibbs Knotts, and Seth C. McKee. "History Made: The Rise of Republican Tim Scott." PS: Political Science & Politics 49, no. 03 (July 2016): 405–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096516000779.

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ABSTRACTIn a time of unprecedented racial polarization in partisan voting, and in a staunchly Republican Deep South state, one black Republican managed to reach the pinnacle of public office. This article examines Tim Scott’s rise by analyzing precinct-level data to better understand his 2010 election to the US House and data from the Winthrop Poll to explore his more recent US Senate victory. To better understand support for Scott, we also report results from an embedded-survey experiment to assess respondents’ favorability toward Scott when he is characterized by two different frames: (1) “Tea Party favorite,” and (2) “first African American Senator from South Carolina since Reconstruction.” We found that conservatives, evangelicals, and less-educated individuals respond more positively to Scott when he is described as a “Tea Party favorite.” More than an intriguing case study, Scott’s rise tells a broader story of the complicated relationships among race, ideology, and partisanship in the contemporary American South.

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4

Huffmon, Scott H., H. Gibbs Knotts, and Seth C. McKee. "Similarities and Differences in Support of Minority and White Republican Candidates." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 1, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2015.5.

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AbstractHistory has shown that voters tend to support candidates of their own race. This reality has proven particularly challenging for black candidates who have often had difficulty running for office in majority white electorates. However, the vast majority of research on this topic has focused on minority Democrats, not minority Republicans. In this study, we take advantage of a unique set of circumstances in South Carolina's (SC's) 2014 elections where voters had the opportunity to cast ballots for an Indian-American Republican Governor and an African-American Republican Senator. Additionally, the presence of a white Republican Senator seeking reelection provides an important comparison case for determining if there is significant variation in support of these candidates given their different racial profiles, but shared party affiliation. Using unique data from The Winthrop Poll, we find that the determinants of approving of, and voting for, minority Republican candidates, are quite similar to support for the white Republican candidate. It appears that party and ideology are foremost in guiding approval and vote choice decisions among voters in contemporary American politics. Hence, even in SC, support for minority Republicans approximates that given to a white Republican.

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5

Bedingfield, Sid. "Partisan Journalism and the Rise of the Republican Party in South Carolina, 1959–1962." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 90, no. 1 (January 10, 2013): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699012468697.

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When political journalist William D. Workman, Jr., resigned from Charleston’s News and Courier and announced plans to run for the U.S. Senate in 1962, he said it would be “unethical” to combine “objective reporting with partisan politics.” Yet Workman’s personal papers reveal that, for three years, he and editor Thomas R. Waring, Jr., had been working with Republican leaders to build a conservative party to challenge Deep South Democrats. Workman’s story provides an example of how partisan activism survived in the twentieth-century American press, despite the rise of professional standards prohibiting political engagement.

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6

Hood, M. V., and Seth C. McKee. "What Made Carolina Blue? In-Migration and the 2008 North Carolina Presidential Vote." American Politics Research 38, no. 2 (March 2010): 266–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x09359379.

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In this article, we examine the role that in-migration played in contributing to the 2008 Democratic presidential victory in North Carolina. Prior to Barack Obama, the last time the Tar Heel State was carried by a Democrat was Jimmy Carter in 1976. Since the late 1980s, North Carolina has undergone tremendous demographic change. In addition to a growing Hispanic population that is primarily comprised of noncitizens, the state has witnessed a very large increase in the number of residents who were born and raised in Northern states such as New York. Historically, in much of the postwar South, Northern migrants helped grow the Republican Party. We find that in North Carolina this pattern no longer holds. In contemporary North Carolina, migrants born outside the South are more likely to identify and register as politically unaffiliated, and their growing share of the state’s electorate directly contributed to Obama’s narrow win.

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7

Collins, Bruce. "Richard H. Abbott, The Republican Party and the South, 1855–1877. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986, £35). Pp. 500. ISBN 0 300 03548 9." Journal of American Studies 21, no. 2 (August 1987): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800029467.

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8

BADGER, TONY. "SOUTHERNERS WHO REFUSED TO SIGN THE SOUTHERN MANIFESTO." Historical Journal 42, no. 2 (June 1999): 517–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008346.

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The aim of those drafting the Southern Manifesto of 1956 was to coerce wavering Southern politicians into supporting a united regional campaign of defiance of the Supreme Court's school desegregation ruling. The Manifesto largely succeeded. Most Southern congressmen, including leading moderates, felt they had no alternative but to succumb to what they perceived to be mass popular segregationist sentiment and sign the Manifesto. This paper examines the cases of those who refused to sign: what were the sources of their racial moderation, did they face electoral retribution, or did their careers suggest there was a political alternative to massive resistance? The evidence from Texas, Tennessee, Florida, and North Carolina highlights the diversity of political opinion among the non-signers – from New Deal liberal to right-wing Republican ideologue – and the disparate sources for their racial moderation – national political ambitions, party loyalty, experience in the Second World War, Cold War fears, religious belief, and an urban political base. Their fate suggests, at the very least, that outside the Deep South there was room for political manoeuvre, especially if state political leaders took a united moderate stance. Nevertheless, the cautious and gradualist stance of the moderates did not offer a convincing alternative to the massive resistance strategy so passionately advocated by the conservatives.

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9

Moreland, Laurence W., and Robert P. Steed. "South Carolina: Republican Success, Democratic Decline." American Review of Politics 26 (April 1, 2005): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005.26.0.109-130.

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In 2004 South Carolina continued to play an increasingly familiar role: a critical battleground state in the presidential nomination process but a minor, generally ignored player in the general election. South Carolina has become such a reliable source of eight electoral votes for Republican presidential candidates that the state no longer figures in presidential campaign strategies. Republican presidential candidates assume that the state will be a nearly fail-safe “red state” with little or no effort, and Democratic presidential candidates assume with a high degree of certainty that the state will once again be a Republican stronghold, regard-less of what happens elsewhere. In the 2004 presidential election these assumptions quickly turned into hard facts early on in the election cycle. Indeed, beginning with the 1964 presidential election, Republican presidential candidates have carried the state in ten of the eleven presidential contests to date, with only 1976 standing as the lone exception (when Georgia neighbor Jimmy Carter carried the state).

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10

McSweeney, Dean. "Republicans in the South." Politics 14, no. 1 (June 1994): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00004.x.

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This article explains the failure of the Republican party to reproduce their dominance of the South in presidential elections at lower electoral levels. First, the foreign policy and social issues that have benefitted Republican presidential candidates have lower salience in state and congressional elections. Second, sustained Republican control of the White House has exposed the party to recurrent mid-term setbacks at lower electoral levels. Third, deficiencies of local party organization and a paucity of identifiers deprives the Republicans of candidates in sufficient quantity and quality to be competitive with Democrats.

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11

Abramowitz, Alan I. "From Strom to Barack: Race, Ideology, and the Transformation of the Southern Party System." American Review of Politics 34 (June 20, 2018): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2013.34.0.207-226.

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The southern party system has undergone a dramatic transformation since the 1960s, a transformation that has affected both the electoral bases of the parties and their leadership. This transformation has involved two related trends-a shift in the racial composition of the Democratic Party at the mass and elite levels and an ideological realignment that has produced a much wider gap between the ideological orientations and policy preferences of Democratic and Republican leaders and voters. In the South, to an even greater extent than in the rest of the nation, the Democratic Party has become increasingly dependent on the support of nonwhite voters. Meanwhile, despite the growing size of the nonwhite electorate in the South, the Republican base has remained overwhelmingly white. The growing dependence of the Democratic Party in the South on African-American and more recently Hispanic votes has contributed to the party's increasing liberalism because African-American and Hispanic voters tend to strongly support activist government. And this trend has also contributed to the growing conservatism of the Republican base as conservative whites have continued to flee the Democratic Party for the GOP. As a result, the two-party system in the South now consists of a Democratic Party dominated by nonwhites and white liberals and a Republican Party dominated by white conservatives.

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12

McKee, Seth C. "Majority Black Districts, Republican Ascendancy, and Party Competition in the South, 1988-2000." American Review of Politics 23 (July 1, 2002): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.123-139.

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This article analyzes the impact of race-based redistricting and the Republican trend on party competition in races for the U.S. House of Representatives in the South from 1988 to 2000. The region is divided into sub-regions (Deep and Peripheral) in order to show that the combination of reapportionment and newly created majority black districts disproportionately crowds out white Democratic representatives in the Deep South. It is argued that race-based redistricting serves as an accelerating mechanism that hastens the secular realignment of whites into the Republican Party. Aggregate and individual level data are presented to illustrate the effect of the Republican trend and majority black districts on party competition and voting behavior in congressional elections.

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13

Heersink, Boris, and Jeffery A. Jenkins. "Whiteness and the Emergence of the Republican Party in the Early Twentieth-Century South." Studies in American Political Development 34, no. 1 (January 6, 2020): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000208.

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In the post-Reconstruction South, two Republican factions vied for control of state party organizations. The Black-and-Tans sought to keep the party inclusive and integrated, while the Lily-Whites worked to turn the GOP into a whites-only party. The Lily-Whites ultimately emerged victorious, as they took over most state parties by the early twentieth century. Yet no comprehensive data exist to measure how the conflict played out in each state. To fill this void, we present original data that track the racial composition of Republican National Convention delegations from the South between 1868 and 1952. We then use these data in a set of statistical analyses to show that, once disfranchising laws were put into place, the “whitening” of the GOP in the South led to a significant increase in the Republican Party's vote totals in the region. Overall, our results suggest that the Lily-White takeover of the Southern GOP was a necessary step in the Republican Party's reemergence—and eventual dominance—in the region during the second half of the twentieth century.

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14

Knuckey, Jonathan. "Dixie Backlash? Anti-Southern Affect and Party Support Outside the South." American Review of Politics 34 (June 20, 2018): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2013.34.0.179-206.

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The literature on partisan change in the American electorate has devoted considerable attention to explaining Republican gains in the South. Less time has been devoted to examining changes outside of the South, where a Democratic majority has persisted-and indeed grown-over the past two decades. This article examines whether the realignment toward the Republican Party in the South has resulted in a move toward the Democratic Party outside the South. Specifically, it is posited that the growing influence of the South within the Republican Party has resulted in a backlash against the GOP. Using data from the American National Election Studies, this article examines affect toward southerners as a determinant of the political behavior of non-southerners. Findings indicate that even after controlling for other explanatory variables, affect toward southerners is a significant predictor of how non-southerners evaluate the political parties, as well as vote choice in the 2008 presidential election. While partisanship and ideology remain the best predictors of vote choice among non-southerners, anti-southern backlash should not be discounted for the GOP's "Northern problem" in recent elections.

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15

Miller, Warren E. "Party Identification, Realignment, and Party Voting: Back to the Basics." American Political Science Review 85, no. 2 (June 1991): 557–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963175.

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The argument is presented for defining party identification by the root question, “Generally speaking, do you usually think of yourself as a Republican, a Democrat, an independent, or what?” With this definitional base, the partisan balance between Democrats and Republicans between 1952 and 1980 shows no evidence of realignment outside the South, belying the implications of the Markus-Converse and Fiorina analyses that suggest volatility in response to short-term influences. It also appears that the correlation between party identification and voter choices for president are very constant over time in the South as well as outside the South. Party line voting by party identifiers varies by region and party but did not decrease between 1952 and 1988.

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16

Heersink, Boris, and Jeffery A. Jenkins. "Southern Delegates and Republican National Convention Politics, 1880–1928." Studies in American Political Development 29, no. 1 (March 6, 2015): 68–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x14000157.

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Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Republican Party dominated American elections in all geographical areas except the former Confederacy, which remained solidly Democratic. Despite this, Southern states were consistently provided with a sizable delegation to the Republican National Convention (as much as 26 percent of the total). This raises the question: Why would a region that delivered no votes on Election Day be given a substantial say in the selection of the party's presidential candidate? Previous research on the role Southern delegates played in Republican conventions has been limited to individual cases or to studies only tangentially related to this question. We explore the continuous and sizable presence of Southern delegates at Republican conventions by conducting a historical overview of the 1880–1928 period. We find that Republican Party leaders—and particularly presidents—adopted a “Southern strategy” by investing heavily in maintaining a minor party organization in the South, as a way to create a reliable voting base at conventions. We also show that as the Republican Party's strength across the country grew under the “System of 1896,” challenges to the delegate apportionment method—and thereby efforts to minimize Southern influence at Republican conventions—increased substantially.

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17

Castle, David S. "The Republican Party and the South, 1855-1877.Richard H. Abbott." Journal of Politics 49, no. 2 (May 1987): 641–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131333.

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18

Mackey, Eric M. "Industrialization and Two-Party Democracy." American Review of Politics 12 (November 1, 1991): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1991.12.0.100-112.

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This paper analyzes the impact of industrial change on partisan transitions in the American South. Using aggregate data from the decennial censes from 1940 to 1980 and aggregate election returns for roughly this same period, the primary finding is a weak and often contradictory bivariate relationship between industrial employment and partisan support in the South. The results were usually much worse for a typical economic development thesis when the dependent and independent variables were operationalized dynamically and when presidential voting and congressional voting were analyzed separately. Overall, the evidence in this paper does not suggest that the Republican party is necessarily or often a beneficiary of industrialization. Neither does it speak well for the possibility of pursuing industrial development as a means of promoting partisan democracy in the South or any other geopolitical context.

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19

Baumgartner, Jody C., Peter L. Francia, Brad Lockerbie, and Jonathan S. Morris. "Back to Blue? Shifting Tides of Red and Blue and the Dole-Hagan Senate Race in North Carolina." American Review of Politics 30 (July 1, 2009): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.213-228.

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At the start of the 2008 election cycle, not many observers or analysts would have predicted that Senator Elizabeth Dole would lose her seat. Indeed, in their January 2008 analysis of U.S. Senate races, the non-partisan Cook Political Report rated Dole’s seat “solid Republican.” However, the dynamics in North Carolina began to change and Dole was on the long list of Republicans who had the potential to lose; by May the race had shifted to the “likely Republican” category, by the end of summer Dole’s seat was classified as “lean Republican,” and in the middle of the fall campaign it was judged as a “toss up.” This article explores the contest between Elizabeth Dole and Kay Hagan by tracing the factors that allowed this apparently “safe” Republican seat to be captured by Democrats in 2008. While we discuss a number of factors that help to explain Hagan’s victory, we suggest that a changing partisan electoral environment resulting from the immigration of non-Southerners to the state not only favored this outcome, but may auger well for the Democratic Party in the future. In other words, a state that had shifted red during the past several decades may be reverting back to blue.

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20

McGerr, Michael E., and Richard H. Abbott. "The Republican Party and the South, 1855-1877: The First Southern Strategy." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 19, no. 2 (1988): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204701.

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21

Alexander, Thomas B., and Richard H. Abott. "The Republican Party and the South, 1855-1877: The First Southern Strategy." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (December 1987): 1281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868641.

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22

Perman, Michael, and Richard H. Abbott. "The Republican Party and the South, 1855-1877: The First Southern Strategy." Journal of American History 73, no. 4 (March 1987): 1039. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1904106.

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23

Lowe, Richard, and Richard H. Abbott. "The Republican Party and the South, 1855-1877: The First Southern Strategy." Journal of Southern History 53, no. 3 (August 1987): 492. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209379.

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24

Yoshinaka, Antoine, and Seth C. McKee. "Short-Term Pain for Long-Term Gain: The Logic of Legislative Party Switching in the Contemporary American South." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 19, no. 2 (February 8, 2019): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440019826062.

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One of the most important career decisions for a legislator is the decision to switch parties, and it raises a theoretical puzzle: it carries significant risk, yet sometimes legislators do change partisan affiliation. We elucidate this puzzle with the first-ever systematic comparison of the entire careers of state legislative switchers and non-switchers in the American South, where the high prevalence of party switching coincided with rapid realignment toward the Republican Party. Our analysis is the first to evaluate all post-switch career decisions (retiring, running for reelection, running for higher office) simultaneously, and it is the broadest in its scope with two full decades of career data. We demonstrate that converts to the Grand Old Party (GOP) pay a reelection cost. However, they are less likely to retire than Democratic non-switchers and more likely to seek higher office. This latter finding is especially strong during the earlier part of our study—when the Republican bench in the South was not as deep and competition for the party label was not as intense. Our findings suggest that political ambition motivates legislators to trade short-term electoral costs for a more promising long-term electoral career with the ascendant party.

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25

Rea, Robert R., and John C. Meleney. "The Public Life of Aedanus Burke: Revolutionary Republican in Post-Revolutionary South Carolina." Journal of American History 78, no. 3 (December 1991): 1057. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078835.

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Spalding, Phinizy, and John C. Meleney. "The Public Life of Aedanus Burke: Revolutionary Republican in Post- Revolutionary South Carolina." American Historical Review 96, no. 2 (April 1991): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163399.

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27

Stagg, J. C. A., and John C. Meleney. "The Public Life of Aedanus Burke: Revolutionary Republican in Post-Revolutionary South Carolina." Journal of the Early Republic 10, no. 1 (1990): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3123283.

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28

Nadelhaft, Jerome J., and John C. Meleney. "The Public Life of Aedanus Burke: Revolutionary Republican in Post-Revolutionary South Carolina." William and Mary Quarterly 48, no. 1 (January 1991): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938015.

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29

Boyd, Steven R., and John C. Meleney. "The Public Life of Aedanus Burke: Revolutionary Republican in Post- Revolutionary South Carolina." Journal of Southern History 57, no. 2 (May 1991): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210426.

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30

Maxwell, Angie. "Why Trump Became a ‘Confederate’ President." Forum 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 493–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2107.

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Abstract This article explores the causes for and the contemporary ramifications of the realignment of the American South with the Republican Party. Using the American National Election Surveys (ANES) Time Series Cumulative Data File (1948–2016), the 2016 and 2020 Blair Center Polls, and the election tracking data compiled by Richard Berg-Andersson and Tony Roza at www.thegreenpapers.com, the author first explores the role that racial animus, anti-feminism, and religious fundamentalism played in white southern voters’ emergence as the Republican Party base. Second, the author considers the structural advantages that this prominence in the GOP gives southern whites in the primary nomination process and to what degree these advantages benefitted Donald Trump in 2016. Finally, the author explores the influence of Racial Resentment, Modern Sexism, and Christian Fundamentalism on the 2016 Republican primary elections and the 2016 and 2020 General Elections.

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31

Carey, Robert T., Bruce W. Ransom, and J. David Woodard. "Growth in Party Competition and the Transformation of Southern Politics." American Review of Politics 23 (July 1, 2002): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.93-121.

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The political landscape of the South traditionally has been dominated by the monolith of the Democratic Party. In the last decades of the twentieth century, the political climate was reversed, with many southern states voting Republican, especially in national elections. This political shift is examined in the context of economic, social, and cultural shifts in the South, beginning in 1950, the end of V.O. Key’s seminal work, and ending in 2000. This political shift is quantified with an adaptation of the Ranney Index of Party Competition.

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32

Heersink, Boris. "Party Leaders and Electoral Realignment: Democratic and Republican Southern Strategies, 1948–1968." Forum 15, no. 4 (December 20, 2017): 631–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2017-0042.

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Abstract Political scientists who have studied electoral realignments in the American party system increasingly focus on explaining such changes as the result of major historical developments outside of the control of party leaders. Using both national parties’ approaches to the South in the period 1948–1968, I argue that while party leaders may be unable to cause or prevent a realignment, they do attempt to affect the way in which that process plays out. That is, while the shift of Southern White voters from the Democratic to the Republican Party itself was a largely inevitable process, the timing and context in which it played out was affected by competing strategies from both parties. Specifically, I show that between 1948 and 1964, Democratic leaders hedged their bets between attempting to keep white Southern voters in the party, or expel them in favor of black voters in the Northeast based on their assessments of the party’s electoral position. At the same time, between 1948 and 1968, Republican leaders struggled to balance an appeal to segregationist Southerners and voters in other regions before finding a winning formula in Richard Nixon’s 1968 ‘Southern strategy.’

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33

Rorabaugh, W. J. "Critical Perspectives: Did Prosperity Contribute to the South's Abandonment of the Democratic Party?" Journal of Policy History 17, no. 4 (October 2005): 425–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0023.

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During the past generation the South largely has abandoned its traditional commitment to the Democratic Party and emerged as an increasingly strong bastion of the Republican party. In 2004, George Bush won 58 percent in the South but only 48 percent in the rest of the country. (Throughout this article the South is defined as the former Confederate states plus Kentucky and Oklahoma.) In contrast, as recently as 1960, John Kennedy carried the South; excluding the South, Nixon beat Kennedy. The South's commitment to the Democrats lasted more than 150 years, from the days of Thomas Jefferson until the 1960s. How, then, do we explain the decline of the Democrats and the rise of the Republicans in the South in the past forty years?

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34

Hood, M. V., Quentin Kidd, and Irwin L. Morris. "Two Sides of the Same Coin? Employing Granger Causality Tests in a Time Series Cross-Section Framework." Political Analysis 16, no. 3 (2008): 324–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn002.

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In this paper, we introduce a recently developed methodology for assessing the assumption of causal homogeneity in a time series cross-section Granger framework. Following a description of the procedure and the analytical contexts for which it is appropriate, we implement this new approach to examine the transformation of the post-World War II party system in the South. Specifically, we analyze the causal relationship between black mobilization and GOP growth in the region. We find that black mobilization Granger caused Republican growth throughout the South, whereas Republican growth Granger caused black mobilization only in the deep South. We discuss the substantive significance of our results and conclude with guidelines for the appropriate use of this procedure and suggestions for future extensions of the method.

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35

Bullock, Charles S. "Comment: The Gift that Keeps on Giving? Consequences of Affirmative Action Gerrymandering." American Review of Politics 16 (April 1, 1995): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.33-39.

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Various interpretations are being given to the 1994 elections. Aside from President Clinton’s unpopularity and an expanding Republican base, some Republicans running in the U.S. House and state legislative contests benefitted from redistricting decisions made two or three years earlier. A number of observers agree with an unsigned observation in The New Republic that "The racial gerrymandering of 1990 was key to this year’s Republican victory" (Anonymous 1994, 12). At a minimum, the Faustian agreement between Republicans and black Democrats contributed to the continuing implosion of the Democratic party in the South.

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Hadley, Charles D. "Southern Politics After the Election of Presidential Clinton: Continued Transformation Toward the Republican Party?" American Review of Politics 14 (July 1, 1993): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.197-212.

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To whom does the South belong politically, now that an all-southern ticket has reclaimed the White House for the Democratic party? Review of 1992 voting returns for national, statewide, and legislative races in the South, contrasted with those from earlier presidential years, lead to only one conclusion: the South continues to move toward the Republican party. The Clinton-Gore ticket ran behind its percentage of the national vote in most southern states, as well as behind all Democratic candidates in statewide races, and would have won without any southern electoral votes; whereas Bush-Quayle ran ahead of their percentage of the national vote in every southern state except Clinton’s Arkansas, while Republicans gained seats in southern legislatures and congressional delegations. It is suggested that southern electoral college votes won by Democratic presidential candidates in 1976 and 1992 hinged upon Democratic vote-getters in races for statewide offices in each state carried except the presidential candidates’ home states.

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Jaung, Hoon. "The Historical Origins of Frail Party Politics in South Korea: The Abortive Experiment of Democratic Republican Party, 1963-1979." Journal of Parliamentary Research 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 313–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18808/jopr.2015.2.12.

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Jaung, Hoon. "The Historical Origins of Frail Party Politics in South Korea: The Abortive Experiment of Democratic Republican Party, 1963-1979." Journal of Parliamentary Research 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 313–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18808/jopr.2015.2.12.

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Ardoin, Phillip J., and Ronald J. Vogel. "African Americans in the Republican Party: Taking the Road Less Traveled." American Review of Politics 27 (July 1, 2006): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2006.27.0.93-113.

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While most African Americans identify with the Democratic Party, a small minority chooses to identify and support the party of Lincoln. However, very little is known about the demographic make-up or policy preferences of these individuals. Utilizing the 1992-2002 American National Election Studies, we provide a multivariate analysis of the demographic characteristics and policy leanings of African American Republicans. Our analysis suggests several systematic patterns regarding African Americans Republican Party identification. First, as with the general population, we find they are more likely to be male, from the South and to identify themselves as conservatives. However, unlike the general population, we find they are not more likely to maintain upper or middle incomes or to view religion as an important guide in their life. Third, we find African Americans born after 1950 are more likely to identify themselves as Republican. Fourth, we find African American Republicans feel less warmth toward blacks than the majority of their brethren and are less likely to view race or social welfare issues as significant problems in America. Ultimately, we conclude racial issues are still the key to understanding African American Partisanship.

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Clark, John A., and Charles Prysby. "Introduction: Studying Southern Political Party Activists." American Review of Politics 24 (April 1, 2003): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.1-19.

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The political changes that have occurred in the South over the past several decades have affected the political party organizations in the region. A region once marked by a weak and highly factionalized Democratic Party organization and an almost non-existent Republican Party organization now has two significant party organizations operating in each state. Examining the development of party organizations in the region should tell us much about both political party organizations and southern politics. This study, the Southern Grassroots Party Activists 2001 Project, focuses on political party activists active at the county level. Over 7,000 activists in the eleven southern states were surveyed in 2001. This study is linked to the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Project, which surveyed a similar group of activists, using a similar questionnaire. The following articles both analyze the 2001 data patterns and compare the 2001 results to the 1991 patterns.

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Seip, Terry L. "The Republican Party and the South, 1855-1877: The First Southern Strategy (review)." Civil War History 34, no. 3 (1988): 281–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.1988.0019.

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Jardina, Ashley. "Boris Heersink and Jeffrey A. Jenkins: Republican Party Politics and The American South 1865–1968." Forum 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 651–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2106.

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Moore, William V., and Thomas M. Pinckey. "GRASSROOTS POLITICS IN THE CONTEMPORARY SOUTH: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSE OF PARTY CHAIRMEN IN TENNESSEE AND SOUTH CAROLINA." Southeastern Political Review 9, no. 2 (November 12, 2008): 90–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1981.tb00761.x.

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Frantz, Edward O. "Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865–1968 by Boris Heersink and Jeffery A. Jenkins." Journal of Southern History 87, no. 3 (2021): 532–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2021.0104.

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Baumgardner, James L. "Civil Rights, Culture Wars, Voting and the Downfall of the Democratic Party in the South." American Review of Politics 25 (April 1, 2004): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.5-23.

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Throughout much of its existence, the Democratic Party was heavily dependent upon the votes of the white South for its electoral success. In the last forty years, that situation has changed drastically. The erstwhile Democratic Solid South has been transformed into a Republican bastion. While many commentators still seek to explain this phenomenon in terms of race, white Southerners publicly are able to maintain political correctness by setting their change of political heart in a quite different context. This paper seeks to place the current political situation in the South in a historical context that explains how the racial issues that actually launched the downfall of the Democratic Party in that region became eclipsed by a national cultural conflict that has allowed an ever increasing number of white voters in the South to explain themselves in the transcending language of morality that comes so easily to Republicans rather than in the debasing context of race.

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Schickler, Eric. "New Deal Liberalism and Racial Liberalism in the Mass Public, 1937–1968." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 1 (March 2013): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712003659.

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Few transformations have been as important in American politics as the incorporation of African Americans into the Democratic Party over the course of the 1930s–60s and the Republican Party's growing association with more conservative positions on race-related policies. This paper traces the relationship between New Deal economic liberalism and racial liberalism in the mass public. A key finding is that by about 1940, economically-liberal northern white Democratic voters were substantially more pro-civil rights than were economically-conservative northern Republican voters. While partisanship and civil rights views were unrelated among southern whites, economic conservatives were more racially conservative than their economically liberal counterparts, even in the south. These findings suggest that there was a connection between attitudes towards the economic programs of the New Deal and racial liberalism early on, well before national party elites took distinct positions on civil rights. Along with grassroots pressure from African American voters who increasingly voted Democratic in the 1930s–40s, this change among white voters likely contributed to northern Democratic politicians' gradual embrace of civil rights liberalism and Republican politicians' interest in forging a coalition with conservative white southerners. In attempting to explain these linkages, I argue that the ideological meaning of New Deal liberalism sharpened in the late 1930s due to changes in the groups identified with Roosevelt's program and due to the controversies embroiling New Dealers in 1937–38.

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Tolbert, Caroline J., David P. Redlawsk, and Daniel C. Bowen. "Reforming Presidential Nominations: Rotating State Primaries or a National Primary?" PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 01 (January 2009): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090088.

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As part of their ongoing efforts to address frontloading and other perceived problems, both the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Republican National Committee (RNC) proposed revised schedules and rules for 2008. The major changes for the Democrats were that two new states were allowed to join Iowa and New Hampshire in violating the official February 5 start date. The idea was that these states—Nevada from the West and South Carolina from the South—would enhance participation by more diverse populations (Latinos and African Americans). While the Republican rules called for states to lose half of their delegate vote if they violated the timing rules, the Democrats implemented a “death penalty” requiring any state violating the timing rules to lose all of its delegates. TheNew York Timescalled these changes the biggest shift in the way Democrats have nominated their presidential candidates in 30 years. Yet in the end these changes did little to lessen frontloading, as 70% of all delegates were actually chosen by the beginning of March. Two large states (Michigan and Florida) defied both national parties and voted before February 5.

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Solomon, Mark. "Gregory S. Taylor . The History of the North Carolina Communist Party . Columbia : University of South Carolina Press . 2009 . Pp. 258. $39.95." American Historical Review 116, no. 2 (April 2011): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.2.473a.

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Mayer, Frederick. "Trading Blows: Party Competition and U.S. Trade Policy in a Globalizing Era. By James Shoch. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001. 388p. $59.95 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 833–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402580461.

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In this history of American trade politics, James Shoch argues for the centrality of political parties in the making of trade policy. His thesis, simply stated, is that parties matter, and matter a good deal more than the literature generally acknowledges. As he depicts it, the historical record is something like a heavyweight prizefight, in which the Democratic and Republican Parties, driven by constituency pressures, ideological differences, and, especially, the quest for political advantage, spar ceaselessly over trade issues.

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Griffin, Larry J. "Commentary." Social Science History 24, no. 2 (2000): 423–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010221.

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Colorblind Injustice is an angry, ambitious, and very valuable book. In it,Kousser argues that the Second Reconstruction—that is, the post-1965 edifice of law and institutions securing essential African American and Latino civil rights and effective political voice—has been disastrously undermined, possibly mortally so, by the distorted, ignorant, or malicious (and, ultimately, to Kousser, dangerous) misinterpretations of the history of American race relations and of the meaning of the nation’s voting rights laws and Reconstruction-era constitutional amendments.The culprits in this tale include, among other members of the Rehnquist Supreme Court, Justices Sandra Day O’Connor and ClarenceThomas; political scientist AbigailThernstrom,who believes that past discrimination against racial minorities never justifies raceconscious remedies; overzealous Republican (and Democratic, though more of the former than the latter) party partisans; and a lot of additional white politicians, officials, and judges ranging in localities from Los Angeles to North Carolina.

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