Journal articles on the topic 'Research Chefs Association'

PurposeThis paper aims to understand the relationships among calling, employee engagement, work-life balance and life satisfaction for executive chefs based on role theory and spillover theory.Design/methodology/approachSurveys were completed by members of the American Culinary Federation in North America, the Nevada Restaurant Association and attendees at the ChefConnect Annual Conference. The data were analysed with confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modelling.FindingsAll relationships in the model were significantly positive except for calling to life satisfaction. Importantly work-life balance was a significant mediator between calling and life satisfaction as well as for employee engagement and life satisfaction.Research limitations/implicationsThe research provides a more comprehensive framework for hospitality scholars to understand the outcomes of work as a calling through meaningfulness. The sample of executive chef limits generalizability.Practical implicationsThe identification of a calling through in-depth interviews is recommended. Once recognized, managers should further foster chef’s passion through employee engagement facilitated by workplace autonomy and continuing education and work-life balance supported with human resource management practices including time off for critical life events. This will allow calling to flourish, increase life satisfaction and reduce the likelihood of turnover and burnout.Originality/valueOutcomes reveal the complexity of the relationship between calling and life satisfaction. Contrary to previous findings, the presence of positive work-life balance was critical to attain life satisfaction, even when work was viewed as a calling.

A commercial kitchen can be an aggressive environment. Research on aggression in kitchens and the hospitality sector is important as it illuminates environmental, vocational and cultural issues. This article explores how upmarket chefs, many of whom are now proprietors, have experienced aggression. Information for this article was collected during a wider study on how the impact of compulsory celebrity within kitchen culture has affected upmarket chef proprietors [1]. Its contribution is in providing a New Zealand context to research on kitchen aggression. Data were analysed, grouped and coded using grounded theory methods, which allow findings to be extracted from the data without using any preconceived theoretical framework [2]. Analysis revealed that all chefs had experienced aggressive behaviour or had been the perpetrators themselves. Research such as this hopes to encourage frank discussion that can demystify aggression and reduce harm. Aggressive behaviour within kitchens can be faced by all, including kitchen workers, front of house staff, management, proprietors and suppliers. It can be a factor in poor staff morale and result in staff turnover [1, 3]. The inclination for a person to act aggressively in a kitchen can be influenced by environmental conditions including an uneven workload, low margins, poor wages, irregular working hours, and difficult working conditions such as insufficient space and heat. All of these factors create an ‘aggression-ready’ environment [4]. Further, kitchens are hierarchical in structure with those who may be the most susceptible to aggressive acts also being those least likely to have the confidence, status or ability to voice their concerns. It takes years of training to be a chef, and it is during this process that aggression is most likely to be experienced [5]. Well-known chef Gordon Ramsay calls this “the knowledge”, stating: ‘‘this job is the pits when you’re learning. You have to bow down and stay focused until the knowledge is tucked away … The weak disappear off the face of the earth” [6]. However, aggression within kitchens is now being publicly discussed, with websites such as ‘FairKitchens’ (https://www.fairkitchens.com) spotlighting negative kitchen culture and creating a space for shared stories and industry unity. Other research is taking place, such as the five-year-funded, Australian-wide industry study focusing on the mental health of chefs and examining adverse practices within kitchen culture [7]. Initiatives and research such as this seek to contribute to real-world solutions. The research above strongly suggests that the culture and environmental conditions that result in aggressive acts in commercial kitchens are real. From a New Zealand perspective, all 20 chefs interviewed had experienced aggression. Reflecting on his early vocational experiences, one interviewee, James, stated: “It was a tough environment; I got my hand fractured by one of the head apprentices with one of those big wooden spoons. Probably I said something I shouldn’t of. I got hit. However, I thrived in it.” Troy supported the assumption that part of the learning involved accepting physical aggression: “It was discipline. We didn’t think about it like being hit, you expect it, but it taught you, because you had to be perfect all the time.” Because this research focussed on chef proprietors, these comments may reflect a time when aggression was seen as an important part of being a chef. However, with experience and on reflection, several participants lamented their own aggressive actions. June stated, “It was just natural … I stomped on a lot of people. I thought that everybody else wanted to get to the top so therefore I was probably harsher on people than what I needed to be.” Some chefs now focus on their own and their staffs’ general well-being. Jeremy discussed that, “I always like to work with people that didn’t yell and scream. I don’t think that’s appropriate in a kitchen because it is already hard enough. Without some chef yelling and screaming at you … staff are the most important.” These statements perhaps reflect a desire, a need, and the will for kitchen cultural change. Additionally, it shows the importance of educating individuals entering the commercial kitchen environment about the stressors that they will face and how to deal with them, with the aim of reducing the occurrences, severity and overall harm that aggressive acts cause. It is only through the education and support of young chefs entering kitchens, and acknowledgement by more experienced chefs that the kitchen culture needs to change, that lasting benefits for all will occur. Read the full research here: https://openrepository.aut.ac.nz/handle/10292/9559 Corresponding author Scott Wright can be contacted at: scott.wright@aut.ac.nz References (1) Wright, S. D. The Compulcelebrity Effect: Upmarket Chef Proprietors and Compulsory Celebrity. Master’s Thesis, Auckland University of Technology, 2015. https://openrepository.aut.ac.nz/handle/10292/9559 (accessed Nov 25, 2017). (2) Díaz-Andrade, A. (2009). Interpretive Research Aiming at Theory Building: Adopting and Adapting the Case Study Design. The Qualitative Report 2009, 14 (1), 42–60. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol14/iss1/3 (3) Johns, N.; Menzel, P. J. (1999). If You Can’t Stand the Heat!: Kitchen Violence and Culinary Art. Hospitality Management 1999, 18 (2), 99–109. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0278-4319(99)00013-4 (4) Meloury, J.; Signal, T. (2014). When the Plate is Full: Aggression among Chefs. International Journal of Hospitality Management 2014, 41, 97–103. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijhm.2014.05.006 (5) James, S. (2006). Learning to Cook: Production Learning Environment in Kitchens. Learning Environments Research 2006, 9 (1), 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10984-005-9001-5 (6) Duncan, A. Andrew Duncan Meets Gordon Ramsay. Radio Times Feb, 2001, 10 (16), 8–12. (7) Robinson, R.; Whitelaw, P.; Lyman, D.; Rogers, L. (2019). Are Things Just Too Hot in the Kitchen? Chefs’ Mental Health & Wellbeing. Presented at the Travel and Tourism Research Association Conference, June 25–27, Melbourne, Australia.

This research includes findings and interpretations aiming to determine theoretical information on gastronomy tourism and international visitors’ gastronomy behaviors and expectations in terms of Aydın province model. The problem sentence of the research in which Aydın province’s gastronomic properties are aimed to be determined and the fulfillment level of the international visitors’ gastronomy behaviors and expectations are aimed to be measured accordingly has been determined as: “what is the fulfillment level of the international visitors’ gastronomy preferences and expectations within the scope of Aydın province gastronomic properties?”. Along with this general problem sentence, other sub-problems have been tried to be replied as well. The first stage of the research was completed with a questionnaire applied to tourists staying in Kuşadası in order to determine the preferences and expectations of the tourists who visited the region. At the second stage of the research, a semi-structured interview form was applied to the participants in order to determine Aydın province’s gastronomic properties from a qualitative point of view. At the third stage of the research, international food festival attendants were requested to make an assessment on the menu which reflects the gastronomic properties of Aydın province through the assessment form of the World Association of Chefs' Societies with the intention of assessment of the determined gastronomic properties of the province.

Culinary tourism also referred to as food tourism or gastronomy tourism, is engaged in by individuals who seek out culinary experiences to broaden their understanding of food culture or lifestyle while travelling. Tourism is very lucrative to local, state and national economies. Over the past decade, tourists have transitioned to seeking cultural experiences, where individuals immerse themselves in the cuisine and lifestyle of a culture, from street food to gourmet and fine dining. According to World Food Travel Association (WFTA), 80% of travellers research food and drink options while travelling to a new destination. Moreover, the organization states that 53% of these travellers consider themselves “culinary travellers.” With the COVID-19 pandemic limiting international travel, the impact has been greatly felt across all industries. The use of technology has been widespread during this time. During the height of lock-downs, with some of our favourite restaurants and food services unavailable, many people turned to social media to learn how to make their favourite dishes at home. So, from virtual cooking shows and tutorials, to live tastings and remote social eating have all been used to keep people engaged and interactive temporarily replacing the traditional experience. In support of the United Nations World Tourism Organization’s #TravelTomorrow campaign, chefs from around the world, including UNWTO Ambassadors for gastronomy tourism, shared their local recipes, giving audience a taste of what to expect when people start to travel again, and highlighting the unique potential of culinary. This paper using integrative literature review will highlight some of the impacts and challenges that food business especially small and medium establishments faced as a result of this pandemic. Caring about local food businesses and markets can help preserve our culinary roots. The recovery plan might be slow, but the tourism industry has always been resilient, it will survive. Key Words: business, challenges, culinary, impact, tourism JEL Classification: M19, L83

Immigration New Zealand (INZ) recently announced changes to the skilled migrant residence and essential-skills work visas based on a strong association between skills and salary. This shift will impact both employers and migrants, especially in hospitality. According to the INZ, the hospitality sector was the fourth-largest recipient of skilled migrant residence visas in their last reporting year [1,2]. INZ expects migrants employed as chefs, café/restaurant managers and retail managers to be the hardest hit by these changes [1,2]. Residence under the skilled migrant policy can be gained for jobs in skill levels 1–3 as defined in the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations (ANZSCO). Traditionally, hotel managers, chefs, and café/restaurant managers have been classed as level 2, and bakers at level 3 in accordance with ANZSCO. However, skills levels are now also assessed based on salary (at least $23.49 p/h) and specialist skills obtained through qualifications and/or work experience. Migrants paid a justifiable $35.24 p/h for a position previously considered unskilled (levels 4–5), or those with positions unclassified by ANZSCO, could gain residence under the new policy shift. While this could mean a residence visa for people whose jobs do not neatly fit within ANZSCO, INZ are not easily deceived. Indeed, the Labour Inspectorate reports that 20 percent of the published list of employers currently barred from recruiting migrants (due to breaches of employment and immigration laws) are in the hospitality sector. Accordingly, there is little to be gained by migrants claiming to be paid $80,000 for a housekeeping position. Approximately 21 percent of essential-skills work visas issued by Immigration New Zealand in the last reporting year were for migrants in the hospitality sector [1,2]. Essential-skills work visas cover five skills levels (as indicated by ANZSCO) but now have accompanying salary thresholds. The main change affects migrants earning below $19.97 p/h because they will now be unable to sponsor their partner’s work visa or child’s domestic student visa. While their partner and child would still be able to apply for visas, the partner would have to meet the visa requirements in their own right to obtain a work visa, and their child could only obtain an international student visa – the costs associated with which would likely consume the ‘low’ salary of the migrant worker. Additionally, this ‘low-skilled’ migrant will only be able to obtain one ‘low-skilled’ essential-skills work visa of three-year duration before experiencing a 12-month stand-down period, during which they would be barred from applying for another low-skilled essential-skills work visa. This does not, however, prevent the migrant from applying for an essential-skills visa at a higher skill level or for a visa in another category entirely. Those in positions assessed as skill levels 4–5 under ANZSCO and paid below $19.97p/h will only be issued a 12-month work visa, and will be unable to sponsor a partner for a work visa or a child for domestic student status. There are some elements of the policy change that are not retrospective. It is, therefore, vital to seek specific advice in each case. Many employers will now be faced with the prospect of increasing salaries to attract migrants or expending more time and resources to recruit and train New Zealanders. However, it is recalled that many employers, particularly in the regions, have experienced recruitment difficulties for decades. It is, therefore, unclear whether these changes will produce the desired increase in job opportunities and salaries for New Zealanders or whether they will only add to the recruitment woes of employers. Corresponding author Stewart is a Senior Solicitor with Ryken and Associates (www.rykenlaw.co.nz). He assists in all aspects of immigration and refugee law, including advising on visas, deportation and humanitarian claims. He has experience in representing clients at the Immigration and Protection Tribunal, Family Court, District Court and High Court. Stewart is an active member of the Auckland District Law Society’s Immigration and Refugee Law Committee, where he engages with Immigration New Zealand, the Immigration Protection Tribunal, and other outside organisations, to help shape and inform discussion on immigration and refugee-related policy matters. His work has been published in the New Zealand Law Society’s official magazine (LawTalk) and the New Zealand Law Journal. Stewart Dalley can be contacted at: stewart@rykenlaw.co.nz References (1) New Zealand Immigration. www.immigration.govt.nz/about-us/research-and-statistics/statistics (2) Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment. Aide Memoire Information for Ministers: Composition of the Skilled Migrant Category – updated slide pack, May 26, 2016.

Purpose Trastuzumab is effective in treating human epidermal growth factor receptor 2 (HER2) –positive breast cancer, but it increases frequency of cardiac dysfunction (CD) when used with or after anthracyclines. Patients and Methods National Surgical Adjuvant Breast and Bowel Project trial B-31 compared doxorubicin and cyclophosphamide (AC) followed by paclitaxel with AC followed by paclitaxel plus 52 weeks of trastuzumab beginning concurrently with paclitaxel in patients with node-positive, HER2-positive breast cancer. Initiation of trastuzumab required normal post-AC left ventricular ejection fraction (LVEF) on multiple-gated acquisition scan. If symptoms suggestive of congestive heart failure (CHF) developed, source documents were blindly reviewed by an independent panel of cardiologists to determine whether criteria were met for a cardiac event (CE), which was defined as New York Heart Association class III or IV CHF or possible/probable cardiac death. Frequencies of CEs were compared between arms. Results Among patients with normal post-AC LVEF who began post-AC treatment, five of 814 control patients subsequently had confirmed CEs (four CHFs and one cardiac death) compared with 31 of 850 trastuzumab-treated patients (31 CHFs and no cardiac deaths). The difference in cumulative incidence at 3 years was 3.3% (4.1% for trastuzumab-treated patients minus 0.8% for control patients; 95% CI, 1.7% to 4.9%). Twenty-seven of the 31 patients in the trastuzumab arm have been followed for ≥ 6 months after diagnosis of a CE; 26 were asymptomatic at last assessment, and 18 remained on cardiac medication. CHFs were more frequent in older patients and patients with marginal post-AC LVEF. Fourteen percent of patients discontinued trastuzumab because of asymptomatic decreases in LVEF; 4% discontinued trastuzumab because of symptomatic cardiotoxicity. Conclusion Administering trastuzumab with paclitaxel after AC increases incidence of CHF and lesser CD. Potential cardiotoxicity should be carefully considered when discussing benefits and risks of this therapy.

Very little is known about officer-involved domestic violence (OIDV). Although the International Association for Chiefs of Police has developed model policies about OIDV, the extent to which agencies adopted these policies across the United States remains unclear. Similarly, research on and attention to OIDV have diminished substantially since the 1990s. Officer training on OIDV is also rare, but pilot studies examining the use of new curriculum show promise. Yet, there is so much more to be done. This article reviews research and policy on OIDV and seeks to provide motivation for uniformity of policy implementation and officer response to OIDV, calling for transparency via research and reporting.

Introduction Severe hemophilia A (SHA) is characterized by spontaneous (non-trauma related) bleeding episodes into the joint space and muscle tissue, leading to progressive joint deterioration and chronic pain. Chronic joint damage is most often associated with severe hemophilia, however more recent research has illustrated that people with moderate hemophilia A (MHA) also experience hemophilic arthropathy and functional impairment. The need to measure joint health in children as well as adults, is underscored by findings from the Joint Outcome Continuation Study, which found that FVIII prophylaxis was insufficient to protect joints from damage, from childhood through adolescence in severe HA (Warren et al., 2020). The objective of this analysis is to gain a more patient-centric understanding of the clinical, economic and humanistic burden associated with 'Problem Joints', a measure of joint morbidity developed in consultation with an expert panel to overcome limitations with existing measures, in people with MHA and SHA. Methods A descriptive cohort analysis was conducted, utilizing retrospective, cross-sectional real-world data from the 'Cost of Haemophilia in Europe: a Socioeconomic Survey' (CHESS Paeds and CHESS II), studies of adult and pediatric persons with hemophilia. The analysis population is comprised of children (17 and below) with MHA or SHA in CHESS Paeds, and adults aged 20 and over with MHA or SHA in CHESS II. To account for the possibility that persons aged 18 or 19 in CHESS II may have participated in CHESS Paeds, these individuals were excluded from the analysis. Physician-reported clinical outcome data and patient/caregiver-reported quality of life were analyzed. A problem joint (PJ) is defined as having chronic joint pain and/or limited range of movement due to compromised joint integrity (i.e. chronic synovitis and/or hemophilic arthropathy). Analyses were stratified by number of PJs: none, 1 PJ, and 2+ PJs. We report retrospective data of the 12 months prior to study enrollment, on annualized bleeding rate (ABR), prevalence of target joints (TJ), as defined by the International Society on Thrombosis and Haemostasis, and EQ-5D-/5L/Y/Proxy score. Results are presented as mean (standard deviation) or N (%). Results Among 785 participants (N = 464 SHA; N = 321 MHA) in CHESS Paeds, mean age and BMI were 10.33 (4.63) and 22.50 (17.07), respectively. Of 493 participants (aged 20 and above) in CHESS II (N = 298 SHA; N = 195 MHA), the mean age and BMI were 38.61 (14.06) and 24.55 (2.92), respectively. Current inhibitor to FVIII replacement was more prevalent in children than in adults (10% vs. 5%). In CHESS II, approximately 40% of people with MHA and 49% with SHA had one or more PJs, respectively [1 PJ (23% vs. 28%); 2+ PJs (16% vs. 21%)]. In CHESS Paeds, approximately 14% of children with MHA and 18% with SHA had at least one PJ, respectively [1 PJ (9% vs. 14%); 2+ PJs (5% vs. 3%)]. TJs were less prevalent with MHA in comparison to SHA, in both adults (24% vs. 45%) and children (13% vs. 22%). Clinical burden was higher among both children and adults with PJs compared to those with no PJs. ABR correlates with the number of PJs, in those with MHA and SHA in CHESS II (Figure 1). Similarly, PJs were associated with higher ABR across MHA and SHA in CHESS Paeds (Figure 2). Hemophilia-related hospitalizations were higher in both adult and pediatric participants with PJs. In CHESS II, MHA with no PJs had fewer [0.73 (1.23)] hospitalizations compared to having those with 1 PJ [1.38 (1.11)] or 2+ PJs [1.28 (1.25)]. Similarly, children with MHA with 2+ PJs had 1.60 (1.92) hemophilia-related hospitalizations, compared to 1.38 (1.92) with 1 PJ and 0.71 (1.14) with no PJs. PJs were associated with impaired quality of life. In CHESS II, MHA and SHA EQ-5D-5L values in persons with no PJs were 0.81 (0.19) and 0.79 (0.18), respectively, compared to 0.65 (0.16) and 0.62 (0.23) with 1 PJ, and 0.65 (0.14) and 0.51 (0.33) in with 2+ PJs. A similar trend was observed in EQ-5D-Y and EQ-5D-proxy scores in CHESS Paeds. Conclusions Data from CHESS Paeds and CHESS II demonstrate an association between chronic joint damage, as measured by the 'problem joint' definition, and worsening clinical and quality of life outcomes, across both MHA and SHA. Further analyses will seek to expand upon the initial results presented here, to investigate the wider elements of burden associated with compromised long-term joint health. Disclosures McLaughlin: BioMarin: Consultancy; Novo Nordisk: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Sobi: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Roche/Chugai: Speakers Bureau; Takeda: Speakers Bureau. Hermans:Novo Nordisk: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Roche: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Sobi: Consultancy, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Biogen: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; CAF-DCF: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; CSL Behring: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Shire, a Takeda company: Consultancy, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Pfizer: Consultancy, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Bayer: Consultancy, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; WFH: Other; EAHAD: Other; Octapharma: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Kedrion: Speakers Bureau; LFB: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau. Asghar:HCD Economics: Current Employment. Burke:HCD Economics: Current Employment; University of Chester: Current Employment; F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Consultancy. Nissen:GSK: Research Funding; Novartis: Research Funding; Actelion: Consultancy; F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Current Employment. Aizenas:F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Meier:F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Dhillon:HCD Economics: Current Employment; F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Other: All authors received editorial support for this abstract, furnished by Scott Battle, funded by F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd, Basel, Switzerland. . O'Hara:F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Consultancy; HCD Economics: Current Employment, Current equity holder in private company.

The Commission on the Accreditation of Law Enforcement (CALEA) employs rigorous evaluation techniques. Objective accreditation, such as made possible by CALEA, is important from the public’s perspective and in the national community of law enforcement.To counteract a general distrust of law enforcement agencies, the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) developed a grant to develop standards by which the quality and performance of law enforcement could be measured. LEAA developed 107 standards and, though well received by the law enforcement community, no single group or agency took the initiative to begin a program to evaluate and implement the standards. In 1979, the Department of Justice established an additional grant that effectively organized the four major law enforcement groups: the International Association of Chiefs of Police, the National Sheriff’s Association, the National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives, and the Police Executive Research Forum.

BackgroundLactation consultants understand the mechanisms and research supporting breastfeeding's positive impact on infant mortality reduction, including lifelong health outcomes and associated cost savings. Lactation services can enhance the success of programs intended to improve infant mortality rates, health outcomes, and cost effectiveness.ProgramAs leaders serving the Ohio Lactation Consultant Association (OLCA), we pursued engagement with Ohio Department of Medicaid policy chiefs to ensure incorporation of these facts as programs are created to improve health and optimize allocation of Medicaid resources.ResultAfter a productive meeting, we specifically proposed that professional lactation services be standard care and fully integrated across the healthcare continuum regardless of setting and ability to pay.

The expansion in globalization has made it fundamental for associations by and large to manage a social various workforce. Without a doubt, these increments are compelling both little and enormous assembling to perceive the significance of managing social assorted variety (CD) by growing new methods and arrangements to direct representatives. As of late, expanding working environment CD has become a critical issue for some chiefs of a decent number of associations in Kurdistan because of an expansion of the presence of global assembling. The motivation behind this paper, accordingly, is to analyze the issue that verges on the assorted variety of societies since research around there is nearly non-existent in Kurdistan. The paper investigations the impacts of CD on execution through some haphazardly chosen associations in the Kurdistan Dominion of Iraq. The information from our discoveries show that there is a positive connection among's CD and hierarchical execution.

Perceived synchrony varies depending on the audiovisual event. Typically, asynchrony is tolerated at greater lead- and lag-times for speech and music than for action events. The tolerance for asynchrony in speech has been attributed to the unity assumption, which proposes a bonding of auditory and visual speech cues through associations in several dimensions. However, the variations in synchrony perception for different audiovisual events may simply be related to their complexity; where speech and music fluctuate naturally, actions involve isolated events and anticipated moments of impact. The current study measured perception of synchrony for long (13 s) and short (1 s) variants of three types of stimuli: (1) action, represented by a game of chess, (2) music, played by a drummer and (3) speech, presented by an anchorwoman in a newscast. The long variants allowed events to play out with their natural dynamics, whereas short variants offered controlled and predictable single actions or events, selected from the longer segments. Results show that among the long stimuli, lead asynchrony was detected sooner for speech than for chess. This contrasts both with previous research and our own predictions, although it may be related to characteristics of the selected chess scene. Interestingly, tolerance to asynchrony was generally greater for short, than for long, stimuli, especially for speech. These findings suggest that the dynamics of complex events cannot account for previously observed differences in synchrony perception between speech and action events.

This study is based on the impact of working capital management on financial performance of the firm. For pursuing the research data has been collected through the financial statements of lucky cement and attock cement. In this study one hypothesis has established. .the outcomes demonstrates working capital had huge effect on company's money related execution ye, it’s fluctuate from association to association comparably, in this examination we contrast fortunate concrete and attock bond and each different as the outcomes indicates fortunate bond is more stable and manage association than the attock concrete. An effective working capital administration, positioning and controlling of present resources and existing debts in a way that executes the danger of letdown to meet due here and now assurances from one perspective and keep away from over the top interest in these benefits then again. Many overviews have confirmed that chiefs spend remarkable time on everyday matters that include working capital selections. . Liquidity for the firm of going isn't dependent on the liquidation estimation of its advantages, but instead on the worming money streams created by those advantages.

The issue of mental health and wellness has gained greater attention in society as a whole in the past decade. The Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police (CACP) has had this topic on its radar for even longer, and continued this sustained emphasis at the 13–15 February 2017 conference entitled “The Mental Health of Police Personnel: What We Know & What We Need to Know and Do”. The dynamic and fast-paced conference was organized by the CACP and moderated by Norman E. Taylor. It brought together 222 delegates and speakers representing the broad sectors of policing, mental health and research, with equal numbers of men and women, at the Hilton Lac-Leamy in Gatineau, Quebec. Collaborating in this initiative were the Mental Health Commission of Canada (MHCC), Canadian Police Association (CPA), the Canadian Association of Police Governance (CAPG), the CACP Research Foundation (CACP-RF), the Canadian Institute for Public Safety Research and Treatment (CIPSRT), and Public Safety Canada (PSC). This paper provides a comprehensive report on the proceedings as submitted, and has been approved for publication in this Journal by the board of directors of the CACP.Some speakers provided the CACP with permission to post the visual aids they used for their presentations. These are available on the CACP website at https://www.dropbox.com/sh/pfjkme79redafo/AADGWJPod7K2jOJzlmwnFIsEa?dl=0

The study was conducted to find out the impacts of Self Help Groups (SHGs) Approach in the lives of beneficiaries at household level: in case of Hosanna Family Empowerment Program which is part of the development projects of Children’s Home Societies and Family Services (CHSFS). Children’s Home Society and Family Services (CHSFS) is one of the international not-for profit organizations in Ethiopia which are promoting SHG approach as a model for transformational development. Self-Help Group is an informal association of people in a village, hamlet or urban neighborhood with the principal objective of empowering destitute women economically, socially, politically, institutionally and spiritually. The researcher focused on analyzing the significant impacts of SHGs compared to other developmental endeavors undertaken by the organization under the study with the following specific objectives in mind: To investigate if the economic aspects of the beneficiaries at household level demonstrated improvement. To assess if SHG approach has brought the desired results on the lives of the beneficiaries in the social, political and leadership aspects of their lives. To recommend if SHG could be adopted as a development model for mitigating poverty at the national level. The researcher used questionnaire for educated respondents and scheduled interview for illiterate respondents. In order to enhance the validity of the research, both qualitative and quantitative methods were applied in the research. The analysis of the findings of the research reveals that involvement in SHGs has significant economic and social contributions on the lives of poor women.

The National Framework for Collaborative Police Action to Intimate Partner Violence is a document designed to provide police services across Canada with a guide to leading practices to address intimate partner violence (IPV) and to help police leaders better inform policy development and subsequent police action. The National Framework espouses the importance of a multi-agency, multi-pronged collaborative model designed to keep individuals, families, and communities safe. The document provides a shared language and understanding of IPV that can be used among police agencies and with community partners. The National Framework is the result of collective efforts involving subject matter experts from policing, academia, and community organizations, and was rooted in research funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada made available to the Canadian Observatory on the Justice System’s Response to Intimate Partner Violence at the University of New Brunswick. In August 2016, the National Framework (NF) was officially endorsed by the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police.

The Executive Global Studies Program is an experiential and research-driven learning model for succession-ready police leaders and related executives across Canada, operating since 2003. Its research themes for each cohort are assigned by the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police (CACP). Nominees are each named and funded by their respective agencies with a view to informing domestic public policy and practice, while also providing a developmental framework for building global networks, shared geo-political awareness, and advanced executive competencies among the police leadership community. The program’s tenth cohort completed a 15-country study on the subject of public trust in policing, and they recently presented their summarized research results to the CACP for consideration and action. In this paper, these results are summarized and discussed for their potential implications for policy, practice, and continuing study. The primary focus of these authors, all of whom are Global 2017 team members, is to trace and explain the qualitative research process applied by their full cohort as they uncovered and conceived what the team ultimately characterized as ‘the genetic code of public trust’, a new grounded theory meant to inform and guide those continuing policy and practice considerations in Canada and beyond.

Assessing whether individual characteristics of police officers such as age, race, and prior performance influence police behavior has been a long-standing topic of social science research. The effect of officer characteristics on their risk of shooting people is confounded by police assignments and by the environmental factors associated with those assignments. This article provides a method to separate out the influence of individual officer characteristics from environmental factors. Using data from the New York City Police Department (NYPD) and the Major Cities’ Chiefs Association (MCCA), the analysis finds that police officers who join the NYPD later in their careers have a lower shooting risk: for each additional year of their recruitment age, the odds of being shooters declines by 10 percent. Both officer race and prior problem behavior (e.g., losing a firearm, crashing a department vehicle) predict up to three times greater odds of shooting, yet officers who made numerous misdemeanor arrests were four times less likely to shoot.

Canadian police leadership is in the spotlight. In May 2017, three Canadian government studies concluded that the organizational culture inside Canada’s national police force was dysfunctional and appeared to lack a culture of leader­ship. Similar criticisms were levelled against other Canadian police agencies, and the new Commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police was specifically mandated to address workplace bullying, harassment, and abuse of authority. In August 2018, the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police 2018 Executive Global Studies program called on police leaders to demonstrate “courageous leadership’” to address the predatory and exclusionary behaviours found inside their agencies. In this concept paper, an alternative view of leadership is put forward as a framework to address these chal­lenges. Servant leadership is a moral/ethical perspective that should intuitively resonate with police officers, particularly the next generation of police leaders. To explore the case for adopting this leadership approach in Canadian policing, its foundational concepts are presented. A description of the limited academic research on servant leadership in policing is described, and the article concludes with recommendations and questions to direct future research on exploring servant leadership in the context of Canadian policing.

Geographical research and production in France have known a remarkable development during the last half century. One of the leaders of this contemporary movement bas been Professor Raoul Blanchard who was not only a chef d'école, but also a leader for his students and colleagues. Professor Blanchard has shown the way himself in publishing numerous important works on several parts of the world, and, of special interest to Canadians, his collection of regional monographs about French Canada. Not so well known to Canadian geographers and readers are his works (12 volumes) on the Alpes occidentales. In this article, a prominent French geographer, Professor Maurice Parde, of Grenoble, studies the influence of Professor Blanchard on the contemporary geographical movement in France. He also analyses more especially the sixth and last part of this monumental work on the Alps. Mr. Blanchard, who is an honorary president of the Canadian Association of Geographers, has recently been awarded a golden medal by the American Geographical Society.

Background: This study aimed to validate the Brazilian version of EORTC CAT Core and compare the Brazilian results with those from the original European EORTC CAT Core validation study. Methods: After validated translation, 168 cancer patients from Brazil receiving radiation therapy with or without chemotherapy was assessed. Translated EORTC CAT Core and all QLQ-C30 items were administered to patients using CHES (Computer-Based Health Evaluation System) before (T0) and after (T1) treatment initiation. The association between QLQ-C30 and CAT scores and ceiling/floor effects were estimated. Based on estimates of relative validity (cross-sectional, known-group differences and changes over time), relative sample-size requirements for CAT compared to QLQ-C30 were estimated. Results: Correlation coefficients between CAT and QLQ-C30 domains ranged from 0.63 to 0.93; except for dyspnoea, all coefficients were >0.82 (corresponding figures were 0.81–0.93 in the European study). On average across domains, floor/ceiling was reduced by 10% using CAT (9% in the European study) corresponding to a relative reduction of 32% (37% in the European study). Analyses of known-group validity and responsiveness indicated that, on average across domains, the sample-size requirements may be reduced by 17% using CAT rather than QLQ-C30, without loss of power (28% in the European study). The Brazilian sample had less symptom/quality of life impairment than the European sample, which likely explains the lower sample-size reduction using CAT when comparing with the European sample. Conclusions: The results in the Brazilian cohort were generally similar to those from the European sample and confirm the validity and usefulness of the EORTC CAT Core.

Introduction Severe hemophilia (FVIII/FIX level <1%) is characterized by spontaneous hemarthrosis leading to progressive joint deterioration and chronic pain in the affected individual. Unless these recurrent hemarthroses can be prevented, e.g. with the use of prophylactic factor replacement therapy, these patients will develop chronic synovitis, pain, and eventually destruction of the joint. Current metrics such as 'Target joint' and other clinical measures of joint morbidity are prevalent and widely accepted. Measures focused solely on bleeding activity, such as the 'Target joint' metric, are arguably becoming less sensitive as current treatment strategies look to significantly reduce or eradicate joint bleeds, though they maintain clinically relevant and complementary to delivery of comprehensive hemophilia care. Key opinion leaders in the haemophilia field have debated the need for a more patient relevant measure of haemophilia-related joint morbidity. 'Problem Joint' (PJ), which is defined as having chronic joint pain and/or limited range of movement due to compromised joint integrity (chronic synovitis and/or haemophilic arthropathy), with or without persistent bleeding was derived through consensus. The objectives of this working group are to examine the usefulness and validity of the PJ metric. Initial research presented here was used to test the sensitivity of PJ as a patient relevant metric with respect to key outcomes for US haemophilia patients. Methods Data on PJs, as well as demographic, clinical and socio-economic variables was captured within the 'Cost of Haemophilia Across Europe: A Socioeconomic Survey' datasets (CHESS: I, II, Paediatric, and US studies). These data contain a total of 992 paediatric (age 1-17) and 2,437 adults (age 18+) with haemophilia from eight European countries and the US. Statistical analysis explored the association of PJ count and location with respect to two key outcomes: quality of life, as measured by an EQ-5D score, and overall work impairment, measured by the Work Productivity and Activity Impairment Questionnaire (WPAI). Those with current inhibitors were excluded from the analysis, and the US cohort comprised the focus of this initial research into the topic. Results The US cohort contained information on 345 people with haemophilia (PwH) and captured adults only, with a mean age of 35 years. Approximately, 43% of PwH had one or more PJs. Lower body PJs were more prevalent than upper body: 40% had one or more lower body PJs vs. 27% upper body. The majority of PJs were located in the ankles, knees and elbows. The relationship between EQ-5D and number of PJs showed a negative trend (see Figure 1): the average EQ-5D score was: 0.81 for those with zero PJs (N=197); 0.79 for those with one PJ (N=24); 0.70 for two PJs (N=29); 0.68 for three PJs (N=24) and 0.49 for those patients with four of more PJs (N=59). Similarly, an increase in number of PJs meant greater work productivity impairment versus no PJs recorded: 30.08% (N=102) vs. 19.51% (N=137), respectively. Discussion Results from the US cohort found that an increase in the number of PJs was associated with an increasing humanistic burden in PwH. The proposed Problem Joint definition takes a holistic viewpoint and provides a patient relevant perspective. Further work is planned to evaluate the appropriateness of the measure, and test the sensitivity in European and pediatric cohorts. Disclosures Burke: HCD Economics: Current Employment; University of Chester: Current Employment; F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Consultancy. Rodriguez Santana:HCD Economics: Current Employment. Chowdary:Pfizer: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Sobi: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Roche: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Speakers Bureau; Sanofi: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Shire (Baxalta): Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Spark: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; BioMarin: Honoraria; Novo Nordisk: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; CSL Behring: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Chugai: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Speakers Bureau; Freeline: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding; Bayer: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding. Curtis:Bayer: Consultancy; Novo Nordisk: Consultancy; Patient Reported Outcomes, Burdens and Experiences: Consultancy; USC Hemophilia Utilization Group Study (HUGS): Consultancy. Khair:Haemnet: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Biomarin: Consultancy; HCD Economics: Consultancy; Novo Nordisk: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Medikhair: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Sobi: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; CSL Behring: Honoraria, Research Funding; F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Honoraria, Research Funding; Takeda: Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; Bayer: Consultancy, Honoraria, Speakers Bureau. Laffan:Shire: Consultancy; LFB: Consultancy; Roche: Consultancy; Sobi: Consultancy; Pfizer: Consultancy; CSL: Consultancy; Pfizer: Speakers Bureau; Bayer: Speakers Bureau; Roche-Chugai: Speakers Bureau; Takeda: Speakers Bureau; Leo-Pharma: Speakers Bureau; Octapharma: Consultancy. McLaughlin:BioMarin: Consultancy; Novo Nordisk: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Sobi: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Roche/Chugai: Speakers Bureau; Takeda: Speakers Bureau. Noone:European Haemophilia Consortium: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Research Investigator PROBE: Research Funding; Healthcare Decision Consultants: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. O'Mahony:Biomarin: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Freeline: Honoraria; UniQure: Honoraria. Pasi:BioMarin: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Grants, personal fees, and nonfinancial support; honoraria as member of scientific advisory boards and symposia; uniQure: Other: Grants and nonfinancial support , Research Funding; ApcinteX: Consultancy, Other: Personal fees ; Octapharma: Honoraria, Other: Personal fees and nonfinancial support; honoraria as member of scientific advisory boards and symposia , Speakers Bureau; Novo Nordisk: Honoraria, Other: Personal fees and nonfinancial support; honoraria as member of scientific advisory boards and symposia ; Catalyst Biosciences: Consultancy, Other: Personal fees and nonfinancial support; honoraria as member of scientific advisory boards and symposia; Biotest: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Personal fees and nonfinancial support; honoraria as member of scientific advisory boards and symposia; Alnylam (Sanofi): Other: Personal fees and nonfinancial support ; Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Personal fees; honoraria as member of scientific advisory boards and symposia ; Sanofi: Honoraria, Other: Personal fees and nonfinancial support; honoraria as member of scientific advisory boards and symposia, Research Funding; Sigilon: Research Funding; Tremeau: Research Funding; Sobi: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other; Roche: Honoraria, Other; Pfizer: Other. Skinner:Genentech: Consultancy, Honoraria; Spark Therapeutics: Other, Speakers Bureau; Pfizer: Other, Speakers Bureau; Takeda: Honoraria, Research Funding; uniQure: Research Funding; Biomarin: Consultancy, Research Funding; CSL Behring: Research Funding; Freeline Therapeutics: Research Funding; Novo Nordisk: Honoraria, Research Funding; Roche: Honoraria, Research Funding; Sanofi: Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Sobi: Research Funding; Bayer: Consultancy, Research Funding. O'Hara:HCD Economics: Current Employment, Current equity holder in private company; F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Consultancy.

Over the last few years, there has been a series of high-profile, premeditated ambush attacks on police, which has led some to conclude there is a “war on cops.” Unfortunately, prior research has not examined the prevalence of police ambushes over an extended period of time, and the most recent study only analyzed the phenomenon through 2013. Moreover, the “war on cops” thesis implies a very specific motivation for an ambush: hatred of police or desire to seek vengeance in response to police killings of citizens. Prior research has not sufficiently explored the motivations of ambush attacks, or whether recent trends in ambushes are linked to a “war on cops” motive. I investigate ambush killings of police from 1970 to 2018 using data from the Officer Down Memorial Page in an attempt to address these research gaps. I apply a temporal coding scheme of when the attack occurred to isolate killings of police that are consistent with the International Association of Chiefs of Police definition of an ambush. Results from linear regression show that the annual rates of ambush killings of police have declined by more than 90% since 1970. Although ambushes spiked in 2016 and 2018 to the highest rates in 20 years, interrupted time series analysis indicates no statistically significant increase post-2013. Spikes have also occurred in nonambush killings since 2014. Police leaders and researchers should monitor trends in ambush and nonambush killings of police, as the recent spikes may presage the emergence of a chronic problem.

PurposeAssociation rule mining generates the patterns and correlations from the database, which requires large scanning time, and the cost of computation associated with the generation of the rules is quite high. On the other hand, the candidate rules generated using the traditional association rules mining face a huge challenge in terms of time and space, and the process is lengthy. In order to tackle the issues of the existing methods and to render the privacy rules, the paper proposes the grid-based privacy association rule mining.Design/methodology/approachThe primary intention of the research is to design and develop a distributed elephant herding optimization (EHO) for grid-based privacy association rule mining from the database. The proposed method of rule generation is processed as two steps: in the first step, the rules are generated using apriori algorithm, which is the effective association rule mining algorithm. In general, the extraction of the association rules from the input database is based on confidence and support that is replaced with new terms, such as probability-based confidence and holo-entropy. Thus, in the proposed model, the extraction of the association rules is based on probability-based confidence and holo-entropy. In the second step, the generated rules are given to the grid-based privacy rule mining, which produces privacy-dependent rules based on a novel optimization algorithm and grid-based fitness. The novel optimization algorithm is developed by integrating the distributed concept in EHO algorithm.FindingsThe experimentation of the method using the databases taken from the Frequent Itemset Mining Dataset Repository to prove the effectiveness of the distributed grid-based privacy association rule mining includes the retail, chess, T10I4D100K and T40I10D100K databases. The proposed method outperformed the existing methods through offering a higher degree of privacy and utility, and moreover, it is noted that the distributed nature of the association rule mining facilitates the parallel processing and generates the privacy rules without much computational burden. The rate of hiding capacity, the rate of information preservation and rate of the false rules generated for the proposed method are found to be 0.4468, 0.4488 and 0.0654, respectively, which is better compared with the existing rule mining methods.Originality/valueData mining is performed in a distributed manner through the grids that subdivide the input data, and the rules are framed using the apriori-based association mining, which is the modification of the standard apriori with the holo-entropy and probability-based confidence replacing the support and confidence in the standard apriori algorithm. The mined rules do not assure the privacy, and hence, the grid-based privacy rules are employed that utilize the adaptive elephant herding optimization (AEHO) for generating the privacy rules. The AEHO inherits the adaptive nature in the standard EHO, which renders the global optimal solution.

e20693 Background: Immune checkpoint inhibitors (ICIs) have revoluzionized the therapeutic paradigm for different types of cancer including NSCLC. Clinical benefit, however, is limited to a minority of patients. The only adopted predictive biomarker, PD-L1 IHC testing, suffers from some limitations. A better understanding of biomarkers associated with response to ICIs is needed. Here, we studied immune gene expression profile and association with clinical response to immunotherapy in advanced NSCLC patients (pts) treated with ICI. Methods: A total of 37 Formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded (FFPE) samples from advanced NSCLCs were analyzed by RNA-Seq using the Oncomine Immuno Response Assay (OIRRA) (ThermoFisher Scientific) to measure the expression level of 395 genes associated with 36 functional groups including checkpoint pathways, lymphocyte regulation and cytokine interactions, using the Ion Chef and Ion Torrent PGM. Gene level differential expression analysis were performed with the Torrent Suite and Transcriptome Analysis Console (TAC) 4.0 Software. Gene network analysis based on Bayesian algorithm was performed by GeneMANIA database querying with the genes selected through mRNA expression analysis. Results: Among 37 FFPE samples only 18 showed more than 300 OIRRA detectable target genes. In this subgroup, gene expression analysis revealed 7 genes (CCR2, CRTAM, FASLG, SELL, TIGIT, TNFRSF4, and TP63) up-regulated and one gene (CXCL8) down-regulated (p-value < 0.05) in ICI-responders compare to ICI-no responders. Bayesian enrichment computational analysis of the eight gene expression signature showed a more complex network which involves other 10 genes (SIRPG, GZMK, XCL2, CD8A, CD2, IFNG, SIT1, TAGAP, PTPRC and GZMH), correlated with different functional groups. Three main immune-pathways were identified (p < 0.01) (T cell activation, leucocyte activation and migration) involving TIGIT, TNFRSF4, CCR2 and CXCL8 genes among the gene expression signature identified. Conclusions: Our results revealed an immune response gene expression signature of 8 genes differentially expressed between ICI and ICI-no responders. Cancer systems biology analysis approach strengthen our findings identifying an immune molecular network and confirm the correlation of the gene expression signature with relevant immune regulatory functions. If validated, our results may have an important role for the development of a robust test to select patients properly and predict immune response to enable precision immunotherapy.

Despite the establishment of the Nyumba Kumi initiative and concerted efforts by interested stakeholders to cushion crime in order to flatten the insecurity curve, crime and social disorder still stands out in Kenya, thus making it an area of interest to carry out further investigation in this area. With the growing urbanization and national development, there are signs of complexity and multiplicity of criminal offences and actions raising questions about whether the initiative is achieving its set objectives. It is a policing in which police and citizens take a central role in the affairs of security; one rationale for public involvement is the realization that police alone cannot either guarantee nor create safe communities. Therefore, the study sought to find out information sharing as a determinant of implementation of the Nyumba Kumi community policing initiative in Kericho County, Kenya. This study was guided by Broken Windows Theory. A descriptive research design was adopted; the study used both qualitative and quantitative data. A target population was 1,842 households in the four villages. A simple random technique was used to get information from the sample size of 328 household members distributed proportionally across the villages in Nyagacho in the case of probability sampling. Purposive sampling technique was used to get information from two administrative officers that are area Chief and Assistant Chief, four chairpersons of Nyumba Kumi clusters in the area. Descriptive statistics and measures of association were used to examine the relationship between independent and dependent variables. It was followed by analysis using inferential statistics such as regression analysis to examine the effects of independent variables on the Nyumba Kumi security initiative. Presentation of qualitative data was done in the form of themes, figures and tables. The findings revealed that information sharing improves security through the circulation of information. Nyumba Kumi initiative uses the door-to-door strategies as well as meetings set by chiefs and Assistant Chiefs. However, there are no sufficient financial resources as well as equipment that could be utilized in crime prevention among the Nyumba Kumi initiative. The study concluded that information sharing had a significant influence on the implementation of Nyumba Kumi policing. The study recommended that government should provide resources as well as facilitate cohesion within the Nyumba Kumi through developing structures and sufficient policies to guide in the implementation of the Nyumba Kumi Community Policing initiative.

Purpose The aim of this paper is to conduct an initial exploratory investigation to systematically identify and classify the stakeholders associated with the mining sector in West Africa into key and non-key stakeholders through the use of the comprehensive project stakeholder management tools and processes. The results can be used as an initial identification and classification of stakeholders associated with a typical mining project and can also be used as a basis for confirmation analysis to develop further knowledge and an improved understanding of the management of multiple stakeholders in mining sector projects. Design/methodology/approach This exploratory work used mine managers from West Africa, asking them to identify stakeholders that are of importance to a typical open pit mining project and also to make some objective assessments of their attitudes and influence of the stakeholders identified. From this, a stakeholder power/interest grid was developed to classify stakeholders into key and non-key stakeholders. Findings The findings present an initial exploratory result indicating that the key stakeholders for a mining project are the Environmental Protection Agency, Minerals Commission, Geological Survey Department, Member of Parliament, the Ministry in charge of mining, Forestry Commission, farmers, Lands Commission, non-governmental organizations, Department of Feeder Roads, traditional chiefs, district or municipal assembly and youth associations within the concession area. Research limitations/implications The research was limited to only respondents working in the mining sector in three West African countries. Practical implications Practically, this study highlights for mining companies and operators, some preliminary understanding of stakeholders that are critical for engagements to be successful in their operations. Social implications This study, essentially, reveals the importance of the various stakeholder groups interested in a mining project and the level of influence. Originality/value This study contributes to the debate on project stakeholder management in the mining sector, especially from a developing country’s point of view.

Brands are built by “wrapping mediocre products in emotive and social associations” (Galloway, 2016). Nike and Coca-Cola differentiate through the emotional benefits associated with their brand, not their products functional benefit — with the latter long considered the worlds’ most valuable brand (Interbrand, 2016). This brand-building model has not been scrutinised in an environment where technology is a primary driver of organisational success, not merely a support function (E&Y, 2011). Artificial Intelligence (AI) has made “giant leaps” (Hosea, 2016) — algorithms — fly our planes and beat us at chess. Organisational spending on AI is set to reach $47 billion by 2020 (Ismail, 2017) with many (32%) claiming its biggest impact will be in marketing. Marketing communities conject that AI will “revolutionise” marketing (John, 2015) and while companies like Amazon appear to use a different model — utilizing AI to fulfil customer’s functional needs (commerce) — AI’s impact on brand has seldom been explored in an academic context. This paper aims to establish the implementation of AI as a source of brand success — recommending to marketing professionals how to allocate resources to sustain brand effectiveness. Grounded theory research was used; semi-structured interviews were conducted and data collection/analysis was done concurrently. There were three major findings: AI can improve operational efficiency — improving the consistency in which a brand delivers their promise. Natural Language Processing (NLP) can improve elements of customer service. And Machine Learning enables personalized offerings, but organizations are limited by data quality/quantity and knowledge of the technologies applications.

According to published studies in the field, random choice and random estimation are the only options for tackling judgment and decision-making tasks where the elements from which to infer a required criteria are not recognized. In Campitelli and Labollita (2010), participants were asked to estimate the nationality and Elo rating of chess players based on their surnames. In the present study I re-analyze those 123 participants from Campitelli and Labollita (2010) who declared not to have recognized any player. Even in this scenario of null recognition, they managed to correctly infer the Russian players' nationality and Elo ratings; it is likely that successful and ecologically rational heuristics were used. I found evidence of new structured probabilistic environments external to the lab, likely to have generated a number of undirected and involuntary associations in the memories of the participants, who may have used them in their heuristics to infer the criteria requested. The results support the models of limited rationality: despite the scarcity of available information, the fact that the heuristics did not guarantee success, and the risk of overestimating the heuristics’ effectiveness while underestimating their own biases, participants still favored them over random guesswork, thus suggesting an adaptive use. I invite a revision of what is considered “good reasoning” when applied to problems in environments of uncertainty that call for satisfactory, rather than optimal, solutions. This research provides the basis for new studies in the field of heuristics under previously unexplored conditions, and a new perspective for the analysis of prior works, towards a better understanding of the relationship between cognition and the environment.

Uterine myoma is a benign tumor of the uterine muscle, accompanied by connective tissue so that it can be in solid form, because the connective tissue is dominant and soft. The incidence of uterine myoma in Indonesia at 2013 showed found 2,39 % - 11,70% in all gynecological cases suffererswhich generally occur in women age > 35 years. This study aims to determine the risk factors associated with the incidence of uterine myoma in patients at RSUD Prof. Dr. W.Z. JOHANNES kupang in 2019. This type of research is observational analytic with a case control design. The number of samples were 41 respondents who suffered from uterine myoma and 41 respondents who did not suffer from uterine myoma, who were randomly selected and total sampling with a level of confidence α = 0.05. Each variable examined was tested using the chi-square test to find out the relationship of risk factors for the occurrence of uterine myoma. The results showed parity variables, (p = 0.014, OR = 4.132, and 95% CI = 1.423-11.996), age of menarche (p = 0.001, OR = 5,624, and 95% CI = 2,030-15,583) and family history (p = 0.008, OR = 4,565, and 95% CI = 1,577-13,219) had a relationship with the incidence of uterine myoma, while the old variables were the use of hormonal contraception (p = 0.816, OR = 0.805, and 95% CI = 0.322-2.009) and obesity (p = 0.312, OR = 1,915, and 95% CI = 0.694-5,282) had no association with the incidence of uterine myoma. Advice for nulliparous women to carry out routine cheks on medical personnel for preventive measures and early diagnosis as well as women who experience early menstruation to check their reproductive organs if there are menstrual complaints or menstruation in order to establish an early diagnosis of myoma uteri.

Le Pr Ravindra Nanda a obtenu une licence et une maîtrise en dentisterie et en orthodontie du King George's Medical College, Lucknow University. En 1967, il a intégré l'Université Catholique de Nimègue, aux Pays-Bas, où il a obtenu un doctorat en philosophie en 1969. Il a rejoint la nouvelle école dentaire de Loyola à Chicago en 1970, après avoir occupé le poste de Professeur assistant en orthodontie dans le service dirigé par Frans van der Linden. En 1972, il fut promu au Département d'Orthodontie de l'Université du Connecticut à Farmington, CT, et y reçu son certificat en orthodontie sous la direction de Charles Burstone. Professeur adjoint, puis professeur titulaire à partir de 1979, il a assumé le poste de Chef du Département d'Orthodontie à partir de 1992 et a été promu pour diriger le Département des Sciences Craniofaciales en 2004, dont les divisions de chirurgie orale et maxillo-faciale, de dentisterie pédiatrique, de l'enseignement supérieur en dentisterie générale et en orthodontie. Il est membre et ancien président de la composante Atlantique Nord de la Edward H. Angle Society of Orthodontists. Il occupe actuellement la fonction de rédacteur en chef de Progress in Orthodontics, de rédacteur associé du Journal of Clinical Orthodontics et est membre du comité éditorial de neuf revues d'orthodontie nationales et internationales. Il est membre de l'Association dentaire américaine, de l'Association dentaire de l'État du Connecticut, de la Hartford Dental Society, de l'Association américaine des orthodontistes, de la Société européenne d'orthodontie, de l'Association internationale de recherche dentaire et du College of Diplomates of American Board of Orthodontists. Il a rédigé et publié sept manuels et plus de 200 articles dans des revues à comité de lecture. Il a donné des conférences magistrales dans plus de 40 pays et a reçu de nombreux prix et honneurs pour ses contributions en dentisterie et en orthodontie, aux États-Unis et de la part d'organisations internationales d'orthodontie. Il est membre d'honneur des Jordan Orthodontic Society, Czech Orthodontic Society, Taiwanese Orthodontic Society, Central American Orthodontics Society et membre d'honneur à vie de l'Indian Orthodontic Society. Ravindra Nanda a été honoré du Life Time Achievement Award (University of Connecticut Foundation), et il est Senior Research Fellow (Japan Promotion for Science, Sendai, Japan − Tohoku University). Il a prononcé de nombreuses conférences d'honneur : la John Taylor Lecture, lors de la réunion annuelle de l'Australian Society of Orthodontics Foundation, la Sheldon Friel Memorial Lecture lors de la réunion annuelle de l'European Orthodontic Society, la Gordon Kirkness Memorial Lecture lors de la réunion annuelle de l'Australian Society of Orthodontics, la John Mershon Memorial Lecture, Boston, Massachusetts lors de la réunion annuelle de l'American Association of Orthodontics et la Wendell L. Wylie Memorial Lecture, à l'Université de San Francisco, Californie.

- Matthew Amster, Jérôme Rousseau, Kayan religion; Ritual life and religious reform in Central Borneo. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1998, 352 pp. [VKI 180.] - Atsushi Ota, Johan Talens, Een feodale samenleving in koloniaal vaarwater; Staatsvorming, koloniale expansie en economische onderontwikkeling in Banten, West-Java, 1600-1750. Hilversum: Verloren, 1999, 253 pp. - Wanda Avé, Johannes Salilah, Traditional medicine among the Ngaju Dayak in Central Kalimantan; The 1935 writings of a former Ngaju Dayak Priest, edited and translated by A.H. Klokke. Phillips, Maine: Borneo Research Council, 1998, xxi + 314 pp. [Borneo Research Council Monograph 3.] - Peter Boomgaard, Sandra Pannell, Old world places, new world problems; Exploring issues of resource management in eastern Indonesia. Canberra: Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, 1998, xiv + 387 pp., Franz von Benda-Beckmann (eds.) - H.J.M. Claessen, Geoffrey M. White, Chiefs today; Traditional Pacific leadership and the postcolonial state. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1997, xiv + 343 pp., Lamont Lindstrom (eds.) - H.J.M. Claessen, Judith Huntsman, Tokelau; A historical ethnography. Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1996, xii + 355 pp., Antony Hooper (eds.) - Hans Gooszen, Gavin W. Jones, Indonesia assessment; Population and human resources. Canberra: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1997, 73 pp., Terence Hull (eds.) - Rens Heringa, John Guy, Woven cargoes; Indian textiles in the East. London: Thames and Hudson, 1998, 192 pp., with 241 illustrations (145 in colour). - Rens Heringa, Ruth Barnes, Indian block-printed textiles in Egypt; The Newberry collection in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997. Volume 1 (text): xiv + 138 pp., with 32 b/w illustrations and 43 colour plates; Volume 2 (catalogue): 379 pp., with 1226 b/w illustrations. - H.M.J. Maier, David T. Hill, Beyond the horizon; Short stories from contemporary Indonesia. Clayton, Victoria: Monash Asia Institute, 1998, xxxviii + 201 pp. - John N. Miksic, Helena A. van Bemmel, Dvarapalas in Indonesia; Temple guardians and acculturation, 1994, xvii + 249 pp. Rotterdam: Balkema. [Modern Quarternary Research in Southeast Asia 13.] - Remco Raben, Paul van Beckum, Adoe Den Haag; Getuigessen uit Indisch Den Haag. Den Haag: SeaPress, 1998, 200 pp. - Cornelia M.J. van der Sluys, Colin Nicholas, Pathway to dependence; Commodity relations and the dissolution of Semai society. Clayton: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1994, vii + 130 pp. [Monash Papers on Southeast Asia 33.] - David Stuart-Fox, Herman C. Kemp, Bibliographies on Southeast Asia. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1998, xvii + 1128 pp. - Sikko Visscher, Lynn Pan, The encyclopedia of the Chinese overseas. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 1999, 399 pp. - Sikko Visscher, Jurgen Rudolph, Reconstructing identities; A social history of the Babas in Singapore. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998, 507 pp. - Edwin Wieringa, Perry Moree, ‘Met vriend die God geleide’; Het Nederlands-Aziatisch postvervoer ten tijde van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 1998, 287 pp. - Edwin Wieringa, Monique Zaini-Lajoubert, L’image de la femme dans les littératures modernes indonésienne et malaise. Paris: Association Archipel, 1994, ix + 221 pp. [Cahiers d‘Archipel 24.]

Born on Merseyside, Andrew Lees qualified in medicine at the Royal London Hospital Medical College in 1970. His neurological training was at University College London Hospitals and the National Hospital for Neurology and Neurosurgery, Queen Square. He also spent 1 year at L’Hopital Salpetriere, Paris. He has achieved international recognition for his work on Parkinson’s disease and abnormal movement disorders. He is an original member of the Highly-Cited Researchers ISI Database with an h-index of 130. Founder member of the international Movement Disorder Society, he was elected President (2004–2006) and co-edited the Movement Disorders Journal between 1995 and 2003. In 2006, he was awarded the Movement Disorders Research Award by the American Academy of Neurology and he was awarded the Association of British Neurologists Medal in 2015.At the age of thirty-two he was appointed to the consultant staff at the National Hospitals, The Middlesex, and Whittington Hospitals and in 1987 was elected a Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians. He was later appointed Professor of Neurology at the National Hospital for Neurology and Neurosurgery, Queen Square and was Director of the Reta Lila Weston Institute for Neurological Studies (1998–2012). He was Clinical Director of the Queen Square Brain Bank for Neurological Disorders (1985–2012) and Director of the Sara Koe PSP Research Centre (2002–2012).He is a Visiting Professor at the University of Liverpool and Queen Mary University of London, and has close collaborations with several Brazilian universities. For his contributions to Brazilian neurology he was elected as an overseas member of the Academia Nacional de Medicina and the Academia Brasileira de Neurologia. He was elected as a Council member of the Academy of Medical Sciences 2012–2015 and appointed as an Expert Adviser for the UK Government National Institute for Health and Care Excellence Centre for Guidelines (2006–2019). He received the Bing Spear Award in 2016 for outstanding contributions towards saner drug policies.He has delivered the Gowers Memorial Lecture at the National Hospital, The Inaugural Lord Brain Memorial Lecture at Bart’s and the Royal London Hospitals and David Marsden Memorial Lecture at the European Federation of Neurological Societies. He was the recipient of Stanley Fahn Lectureship Award at the MDS Dublin 2012, and has been awarded the German Society of Neurology’s 2012 Dingebauer Prize for outstanding scientific attainment in the field of Parkinson’s disease and Neurodegenerative Disorders, the Jay Van Andel award for outstanding research in Parkinson’s disease in 2014, and the Parkinson Canada’s Donald Calne Award and Lectureship for 2017.Through a process of reasoning that left little to the imagination the neurologists at The Royal London Hospital where I trained pulled black swans and zebras from their hats. During my training I was led to understand that it was just a matter of time before all disorders of the brain would be worked out and categorised in terms of anatomical electrical and chemical connections. This rational approach drew me in, and I selected diseases of the nervous system as my specialist subject.My first two neurology chiefs at University College Hospital were inspirational and kind. They warned me that it would take many years to learn how to join up the dots and become proficient at knowing where to look. One of them recommended that I should use textbooks only for reference but that I should read the Sherlock Holmes canon. Over time I came to understand that neurologists and criminal detectives both seek hidden truths and meanings in narrative and that both rely on a rigorous tried and tested method that pays attention to detail. Sherlock Holmes provided a romantic bridge to William Gowers and the serious business of neurology.Clinical research and a curiosity for cures should be an integral part of neurology William Seward Burroughs, who had appeared out of nowhere on the cover of Sergeant Pepper became my unlikely source of inspiration. He introduced me to the idea that nothing happens by chance and that novel scientific discoveries rely heavily on personally distinctive actions. He also helped me to understand that art is a complementary source of truth that enlists inventiveness to transport science beyond the acquisition of fact.

“Castles in the clouds, flying by; men will build them till they die; don’t they know it’s all a lie, tumbling castles make them cry; still they try…1” Identity is shaped by thoughts, ideas, feelings and emotions; expressed in words, actions and expressions; and recorded for posterity in mentifacts and artifacts. “Paper” (or “plastic”) identity, found on various identification cards, electronic databases, resumés and curriculum vitaes, is not necessarily be the same as the “flesh and blood” or real-life identity known best to those with whom face-to-face interaction takes place over long periods of time in various day-to-day situations. Status is both achieved and ascribed, and the degree to which one or the other contributes more draws the thin line between the real and apparent. To achieve means “to carry out successfully (accomplish);” “to get or attain as a result of exertion (reach),” or “to attain a desired end or aim (to become successful).”2 To ascribe, on the other hand, comes from the restored spelling of the Middle English ascrive, etymologically derives from the Old French. ascrivre, "to attribute, inscribe," and the Latin ascribere "to write in, to add to in a writing," from ad- "to" + scribere "to write."3 To ascribe is to refer to a supposed cause, source, or author, and “suggests an inferring of cause, quality or authorship” as in the case of “forged paintings formerly ascribed to masters.”4 Achievement rightfully bestows an earned “headship,” implied in its etymology from the Old.French. achever "to finish," from the phrase à chef (venir) "at an end, finished," the Vulgate Latin *accapare, from the Latin ad caput (venire). Literally, both the Old.French and Latin phrases mean "to come to a head," from the Latin caput "head.”5 Ascription is flattery at best; but worse when self-generated and perpetuated. Are vicarious experiences that become “personal accomplishments,” casual visits and observations that become “further training and fellowships,” comments and editing (even supervisory positions) that metamorphose into “research and co-authorships” any different from the fictitious medals of a dictator? Awards beget awards. Those who are thus preceded by reputation may loom “larger than life.” Do such giants stand on feet of clay? Our circles are a microcosm of the nation and world around us. Public servants who believe the fictions crafted by themselves and their coutillons continue to claim the right to rule (rather than the obligation to serve). Are we dazzled by the dream? What do we aspire for? Et tu? _________________________ The first meeting of the Asia Pacific Association of Medical Journal Editors (APAME) was held in Seoul, the Republic of Korea last May 4-5, 2008 co-hosted by the World Health Organization Western Pacific Regional Office.6 APAME’s vision, it was agreed, would be to promote health care through the dissemination of quality health information in the Asia Pacific Region. The association also established the following aims: To upgrade publishing standards of health journals and books, paper-based or electronic; To develop an aggregated indexing system for health articles published in the Asia Pacific Region; and To enhance optimal access to health articles. The development of the Western Pacific Region Index Medicus (WPRIM) and the Global Health Library (GHL) are much-needed efforts to ensure the dissemination of and universal access to reliable health information essential to health development. These efforts will level the playing field for authors, editors, peer reviewers, publishers and subscribers in developing countries, elevating loco-regional research and publishing to the global arena. Following our continued compliance with established standards, we anticipate inclusion of the Philipp J Otolaryngol Head Neck Surg in the WPRIM. Through its President Gil M. Vicente, and the Board of Trustees, our Society blazes new trails to lead us beyond the confines of self-directed concerns toward new horizons of hope for our various publics, present and future. Efforts aimed at health-promotion and disease-prevention, side by side with involvement in ecological and environmental concerns may prove to be as, or even more important, than the equally quixotic pursuit of cutting-edge diagnostic and therapeutic advances. What use are these when they are beyond the reach of most? “When the time of our particular sunset comes, our ‘thing,’ our accomplishment, won’t matter a great deal. But the clarity and concern with which we have loved others will speak with vitality of the great gift of life we have been to each other.”7

Education in Oceania continues to reflect the embedded implicit and explicit colonial practices and processes from the past. This paper conceptualises a cultural approach to education and leadership appropriate and relevant to the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As elementary school leaders, we highlight Kanne Lobal, a traditional Marshallese navigation practice based on indigenous language, values and practices. We conceptualise and develop Kanne Lobal in this paper as a framework for understanding the usefulness of our indigenous knowledge in leadership and educational practices within formal education. Through bwebwenato, a method of talk story, our key learnings and reflexivities were captured. We argue that realising the value of Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices for school leaders requires purposeful training of the ways in which our knowledge can be made useful in our professional educational responsibilities. Drawing from our Marshallese knowledge is an intentional effort to inspire, empower and express what education and leadership partnership means for Marshallese people, as articulated by Marshallese themselves. Introduction As noted in the call for papers within the Waikato Journal of Education (WJE) for this special issue, bodies of knowledge and histories in Oceania have long sustained generations across geographic boundaries to ensure cultural survival. For Marshallese people, we cannot really know ourselves “until we know how we came to be where we are today” (Walsh, Heine, Bigler & Stege, 2012). Jitdam Kapeel is a popular Marshallese concept and ideal associated with inquiring into relationships within the family and community. In a similar way, the practice of relating is about connecting the present and future to the past. Education and leadership partnerships are linked and we look back to the past, our history, to make sense and feel inspired to transform practices that will benefit our people. In this paper and in light of our next generation, we reconnect with our navigation stories to inspire and empower education and leadership. Kanne lobal is part of our navigation stories, a conceptual framework centred on cultural practices, values, and concepts that embrace collective partnerships. Our link to this talanoa vā with others in the special issue is to attempt to make sense of connections given the global COVID-19 context by providing a Marshallese approach to address the physical and relational “distance” between education and leadership partnerships in Oceania. Like the majority of developing small island nations in Oceania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) has had its share of educational challenges through colonial legacies of the past which continues to drive education systems in the region (Heine, 2002). The historical administration and education in the RMI is one of colonisation. Successive administrations by the Spanish, German, Japanese, and now the US, has resulted in education and learning that privileges western knowledge and forms of learning. This paper foregrounds understandings of education and learning as told by the voices of elementary school leaders from the RMI. The move to re-think education and leadership from Marshallese perspectives is an act of shifting the focus of bwebwenato or conversations that centres on Marshallese language and worldviews. The concept of jelalokjen was conceptualised as traditional education framed mainly within the community context. In the past, jelalokjen was practiced and transmitted to the younger generation for cultural continuity. During the arrival of colonial administrations into the RMI, jelalokjen was likened to the western notions of education and schooling (Kupferman, 2004). Today, the primary function of jelalokjen, as traditional and formal education, it is for “survival in a hostile [and challenging] environment” (Kupferman, 2004, p. 43). Because western approaches to learning in the RMI have not always resulted in positive outcomes for those engaged within the education system, as school leaders who value our cultural knowledge and practices, and aspire to maintain our language with the next generation, we turn to Kanne Lobal, a practice embedded in our navigation stories, collective aspirations, and leadership. The significance in the development of Kanne Lobal, as an appropriate framework for education and leadership, resulted in us coming together and working together. Not only were we able to share our leadership concerns, however, the engagement strengthened our connections with each other as school leaders, our communities, and the Public Schooling System (PSS). Prior to that, many of us were in competition for resources. Educational Leadership: IQBE and GCSL Leadership is a valued practice in the RMI. Before the IQBE programme started in 2018, the majority of the school leaders on the main island of Majuro had not engaged in collaborative partnerships with each other before. Our main educational purpose was to achieve accreditation from the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC), an accreditation commission for schools in the United States. The WASC accreditation dictated our work and relationships and many school leaders on Majuro felt the pressure of competition against each other. We, the authors in this paper, share our collective bwebwenato, highlighting our school leadership experiences and how we gained strength from our own ancestral knowledge to empower “us”, to collaborate with each other, our teachers, communities, as well as with PSS; a collaborative partnership we had not realised in the past. The paucity of literature that captures Kajin Majol (Marshallese language) and education in general in the RMI is what we intend to fill by sharing our reflections and experiences. To move our educational practices forward we highlight Kanne Lobal, a cultural approach that focuses on our strengths, collective social responsibilities and wellbeing. For a long time, there was no formal training in place for elementary school leaders. School principals and vice principals were appointed primarily on their academic merit through having an undergraduate qualification. As part of the first cohort of fifteen school leaders, we engaged in the professional training programme, the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL), refitted to our context after its initial development in the Solomon Islands. GCSL was coordinated by the Institute of Education (IOE) at the University of the South Pacific (USP). GCSL was seen as a relevant and appropriate training programme for school leaders in the RMI as part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded programme which aimed at “Improving Quality Basic Education” (IQBE) in parts of the northern Pacific. GCSL was managed on Majuro, RMI’s main island, by the director at the time Dr Irene Taafaki, coordinator Yolanda McKay, and administrators at the University of the South Pacific’s (USP) RMI campus. Through the provision of GCSL, as school leaders we were encouraged to re-think and draw-from our own cultural repository and connect to our ancestral knowledge that have always provided strength for us. This kind of thinking and practice was encouraged by our educational leaders (Heine, 2002). We argue that a culturally-affirming and culturally-contextual framework that reflects the lived experiences of Marshallese people is much needed and enables the disruption of inherent colonial processes left behind by Western and Eastern administrations which have influenced our education system in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Kanne Lobal, an approach utilising a traditional navigation has warranted its need to provide solutions for today’s educational challenges for us in the RMI. Education in the Pacific Education in the Pacific cannot be understood without contextualising it in its history and culture. It is the same for us in the RMI (Heine, 2002; Walsh et al., 2012). The RMI is located in the Pacific Ocean and is part of Micronesia. It was named after a British captain, John Marshall in the 1700s. The atolls in the RMI were explored by the Spanish in the 16th century. Germany unsuccessfully attempted to colonize the islands in 1885. Japan took control in 1914, but after several battles during World War II, the US seized the RMI from them. In 1947, the United Nations made the island group, along with the Mariana and Caroline archipelagos, a U.S. trust territory (Walsh et al, 2012). Education in the RMI reflects the colonial administrations of Germany, Japan, and now the US. Before the turn of the century, formal education in the Pacific reflected western values, practices, and standards. Prior to that, education was informal and not binded to formal learning institutions (Thaman, 1997) and oral traditions was used as the medium for transmitting learning about customs and practices living with parents, grandparents, great grandparents. As alluded to by Jiba B. Kabua (2004), any “discussion about education is necessarily a discussion of culture, and any policy on education is also a policy of culture” (p. 181). It is impossible to promote one without the other, and it is not logical to understand one without the other. Re-thinking how education should look like, the pedagogical strategies that are relevant in our classrooms, the ways to engage with our parents and communities - such re-thinking sits within our cultural approaches and frameworks. Our collective attempts to provide a cultural framework that is relevant and appropriate for education in our context, sits within the political endeavour to decolonize. This means that what we are providing will not only be useful, but it can be used as a tool to question and identify whether things in place restrict and prevent our culture or whether they promote and foreground cultural ideas and concepts, a significant discussion of culture linked to education (Kabua, 2004). Donor funded development aid programmes were provided to support the challenges within education systems. Concerned with the persistent low educational outcomes of Pacific students, despite the prevalence of aid programmes in the region, in 2000 Pacific educators and leaders with support from New Zealand Aid (NZ Aid) decided to intervene (Heine, 2002; Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). In April 2001, a group of Pacific educators and leaders across the region were invited to a colloquium funded by the New Zealand Overseas Development Agency held in Suva Fiji at the University of the South Pacific. The main purpose of the colloquium was to enable “Pacific educators to re-think the values, assumptions and beliefs underlying [formal] schooling in Oceania” (Benson, 2002). Leadership, in general, is a valued practice in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Despite education leadership being identified as a significant factor in school improvement (Sanga & Chu, 2009), the limited formal training opportunities of school principals in the region was a persistent concern. As part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded project, the Improve Quality Basic Education (IQBE) intervention was developed and implemented in the RMI in 2017. Mentoring is a process associated with the continuity and sustainability of leadership knowledge and practices (Sanga & Chu, 2009). It is a key aspect of building capacity and capabilities within human resources in education (ibid). Indigenous knowledges and education research According to Hilda Heine, the relationship between education and leadership is about understanding Marshallese history and culture (cited in Walsh et al., 2012). It is about sharing indigenous knowledge and histories that “details for future generations a story of survival and resilience and the pride we possess as a people” (Heine, cited in Walsh et al., 2012, p. v). This paper is fuelled by postcolonial aspirations yet is grounded in Pacific indigenous research. This means that our intentions are driven by postcolonial pursuits and discourses linked to challenging the colonial systems and schooling in the Pacific region that privileges western knowledge and learning and marginalises the education practices and processes of local people (Thiong’o, 1986). A point of difference and orientation from postcolonialism is a desire to foreground indigenous Pacific language, specifically Majin Majol, through Marshallese concepts. Our collective bwebwenato and conversation honours and values kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness) (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Pacific leaders developed the Rethinking Pacific Education Initiative for and by Pacific People (RPEIPP) in 2002 to take control of the ways in which education research was conducted by donor funded organisations (Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). Our former president, Dr Hilda Heine was part of the group of leaders who sought to counter the ways in which our educational and leadership stories were controlled and told by non-Marshallese (Heine, 2002). As a former minister of education in the RMI, Hilda Heine continues to inspire and encourage the next generation of educators, school leaders, and researchers to re-think and de-construct the way learning and education is conceptualised for Marshallese people. The conceptualisation of Kanne Lobal acknowledges its origin, grounded in Marshallese navigation knowledge and practice. Our decision to unpack and deconstruct Kanne Lobal within the context of formal education and leadership responds to the need to not only draw from indigenous Marshallese ideas and practice but to consider that the next generation will continue to be educated using western processes and initiatives particularly from the US where we get a lot of our funding from. According to indigenous researchers Dawn Bessarab and Bridget Ng’andu (2010), doing research that considers “culturally appropriate processes to engage with indigenous groups and individuals is particularly pertinent in today’s research environment” (p. 37). Pacific indigenous educators and researchers have turned to their own ancestral knowledge and practices for inspiration and empowerment. Within western research contexts, the often stringent ideals and processes are not always encouraging of indigenous methods and practices. However, many were able to ground and articulate their use of indigenous methods as being relevant and appropriate to capturing the realities of their communities (Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Thaman, 1997). At the same time, utilising Pacific indigenous methods and approaches enabled research engagement with their communities that honoured and respected them and their communities. For example, Tongan, Samoan, and Fijian researchers used the talanoa method as a way to capture the stories, lived realities, and worldviews of their communities within education in the diaspora (Fa’avae, Jones, & Manu’atu, 2016; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014; Vaioleti, 2005). Tok stori was used by Solomon Islander educators and school leaders to highlight the unique circles of conversational practice and storytelling that leads to more positive engagement with their community members, capturing rich and meaningful narratives as a result (Sanga & Houma, 2004). The Indigenous Aborigine in Australia utilise yarning as a “relaxed discussion through which both the researcher and participant journey together visiting places and topics of interest relevant” (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010, p. 38). Despite the diverse forms of discussions and storytelling by indigenous peoples, of significance are the cultural protocols, ethics, and language for conducting and guiding the engagement (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014). Through the ethics, values, protocols, and language, these are what makes indigenous methods or frameworks unique compared to western methods like in-depth interviews or semi-structured interviews. This is why it is important for us as Marshallese educators to frame, ground, and articulate how our own methods and frameworks of learning could be realised in western education (Heine, 2002; Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). In this paper, we utilise bwebwenato as an appropriate method linked to “talk story”, capturing our collective stories and experiences during GCSL and how we sought to build partnerships and collaboration with each other, our communities, and the PSS. Bwebwenato and drawing from Kajin Majel Legends and stories that reflect Marshallese society and its cultural values have survived through our oral traditions. The practice of weaving also holds knowledge about our “valuable and earliest sources of knowledge” (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019, p. 2). The skilful navigation of Marshallese wayfarers on the walap (large canoes) in the ocean is testament of their leadership and the value they place on ensuring the survival and continuity of Marshallese people (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019; Walsh et al., 2012). During her graduate study in 2014, Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner conceptualised bwebwenato as being the most “well-known form of Marshallese orality” (p. 38). The Marshallese-English dictionary defined bwebwenato as talk, conversation, story, history, article, episode, lore, myth, or tale (cited in Jetnil Kijiner, 2014). Three years later in 2017, bwebwenato was utilised in a doctoral project by Natalie Nimmer as a research method to gather “talk stories” about the experiences of 10 Marshallese experts in knowledge and skills ranging from sewing to linguistics, canoe-making and business. Our collective bwebwenato in this paper centres on Marshallese ideas and language. The philosophy of Marshallese knowledge is rooted in our “Kajin Majel”, or Marshallese language and is shared and transmitted through our oral traditions. For instance, through our historical stories and myths. Marshallese philosophy, that is, the knowledge systems inherent in our beliefs, values, customs, and practices are shared. They are inherently relational, meaning that knowledge systems and philosophies within our world are connected, in mind, body, and spirit (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Nimmer, 2017). Although some Marshallese believe that our knowledge is disappearing as more and more elders pass away, it is therefore important work together, and learn from each other about the knowledges shared not only by the living but through their lamentations and stories of those who are no longer with us (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). As a Marshallese practice, weaving has been passed-down from generation to generation. Although the art of weaving is no longer as common as it used to be, the artefacts such as the “jaki-ed” (clothing mats) continue to embody significant Marshallese values and traditions. For our weavers, the jouj (check spelling) is the centre of the mat and it is where the weaving starts. When the jouj is correct and weaved well, the remainder and every other part of the mat will be right. The jouj is symbolic of the “heart” and if the heart is prepared well, trained well, then life or all other parts of the body will be well (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). In that light, we have applied the same to this paper. Conceptualising and drawing from cultural practices that are close and dear to our hearts embodies a significant ontological attempt to prioritize our own knowledge and language, a sense of endearment to who we are and what we believe education to be like for us and the next generation. The application of the phrase “Majolizing '' was used by the Ministry of Education when Hilda Heine was minister, to weave cultural ideas and language into the way that teachers understand the curriculum, develop lesson plans and execute them in the classroom. Despite this, there were still concerns with the embedded colonized practices where teachers defaulted to eurocentric methods of doing things, like the strategies provided in the textbooks given to us. In some ways, our education was slow to adjust to the “Majolizing '' intention by our former minister. In this paper, we provide Kanne Lobal as a way to contribute to the “Majolizing intention” and perhaps speed up yet still be collectively responsible to all involved in education. Kajin Wa and Kanne Lobal “Wa” is the Marshallese concept for canoe. Kajin wa, as in canoe language, has a lot of symbolic meaning linked to deeply-held Marshallese values and practices. The canoe was the foundational practice that supported the livelihood of harsh atoll island living which reflects the Marshallese social world. The experts of Kajin wa often refer to “wa” as being the vessel of life, a means and source of sustaining life (Kelen, 2009, cited in Miller, 2010). “Jouj” means kindness and is the lower part of the main hull of the canoe. It is often referred to by some canoe builders in the RMI as the heart of the canoe and is linked to love. The jouj is one of the first parts of the canoe that is built and is “used to do all other measurements, and then the rest of the canoe is built on top of it” (Miller, 2010, p. 67). The significance of the jouj is that when the canoe is in the water, the jouj is the part of the hull that is underwater and ensures that all the cargo and passengers are safe. For Marshallese, jouj or kindness is what living is about and is associated with selflessly carrying the responsibility of keeping the family and community safe. The parts of the canoe reflect Marshallese culture, legend, family, lineage, and kinship. They embody social responsibilities that guide, direct, and sustain Marshallese families’ wellbeing, from atoll to atoll. For example, the rojak (boom), rojak maan (upper boom), rojak kōrā (lower boom), and they support the edges of the ujelā/ujele (sail) (see figure 1). The literal meaning of rojak maan is male boom and rojak kōrā means female boom which together strengthens the sail and ensures the canoe propels forward in a strong yet safe way. Figuratively, the rojak maan and rojak kōrā symbolise the mother and father relationship which when strong, through the jouj (kindness and love), it can strengthen families and sustain them into the future. Figure 1. Parts of the canoe Source: https://www.canoesmarshallislands.com/2014/09/names-of-canoe-parts/ From a socio-cultural, communal, and leadership view, the canoe (wa) provides understanding of the relationships required to inspire and sustain Marshallese peoples’ education and learning. We draw from Kajin wa because they provide cultural ideas and practices that enable understanding of education and leadership necessary for sustaining Marshallese people and realities in Oceania. When building a canoe, the women are tasked with the weaving of the ujelā/ujele (sail) and to ensure that it is strong enough to withstand long journeys and the fierce winds and waters of the ocean. The Kanne Lobal relates to the front part of the ujelā/ujele (sail) where the rojak maan and rojak kōrā meet and connect (see the red lines in figure 1). Kanne Lobal is linked to the strategic use of the ujelā/ujele by navigators, when there is no wind north wind to propel them forward, to find ways to capture the winds so that their journey can continue. As a proverbial saying, Kanne Lobal is used to ignite thinking and inspire and transform practice particularly when the journey is rough and tough. In this paper we draw from Kanne Lobal to ignite, inspire, and transform our educational and leadership practices, a move to explore what has always been meaningful to Marshallese people when we are faced with challenges. The Kanne Lobal utilises our language, and cultural practices and values by sourcing from the concepts of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). A key Marshallese proverb, “Enra bwe jen lale rara”, is the cultural practice where families enact compassion through the sharing of food in all occurrences. The term “enra” is a small basket weaved from the coconut leaves, and often used by Marshallese as a plate to share and distribute food amongst each other. Bwe-jen-lale-rara is about noticing and providing for the needs of others, and “enra” the basket will help support and provide for all that are in need. “Enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara” is symbolic of cultural exchange and reciprocity and the cultural values associated with building and maintaining relationships, and constantly honouring each other. As a Marshallese practice, in this article we share our understanding and knowledge about the challenges as well as possible solutions for education concerns in our nation. In addition, we highlight another proverb, “wa kuk wa jimor”, which relates to having one canoe, and despite its capacity to feed and provide for the individual, but within the canoe all people can benefit from what it can provide. In the same way, we provide in this paper a cultural framework that will enable all educators to benefit from. It is a framework that is far-reaching and relevant to the lived realities of Marshallese people today. Kumit relates to people united to build strength, all co-operating and working together, living in peace, harmony, and good health. Kanne Lobal: conceptual framework for education and leadership An education framework is a conceptual structure that can be used to capture ideas and thinking related to aspects of learning. Kanne Lobal is conceptualised and framed in this paper as an educational framework. Kanne Lobal highlights the significance of education as a collective partnership whereby leadership is an important aspect. Kanne Lobal draws-from indigenous Marshallese concepts like kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness, heart). The role of a leader, including an education leader, is to prioritise collective learning and partnerships that benefits Marshallese people and the continuity and survival of the next generation (Heine, 2002; Thaman, 1995). As described by Ejnar Aerōk, an expert canoe builder in the RMI, he stated: “jerbal ippān doon bwe en maron maan wa e” (cited in Miller, 2010, p. 69). His description emphasises the significance of partnerships and working together when navigating and journeying together in order to move the canoe forward. The kubaak, the outrigger of the wa (canoe) is about “partnerships”. For us as elementary school leaders on Majuro, kubaak encourages us to value collaborative partnerships with each other as well as our communities, PSS, and other stakeholders. Partnerships is an important part of the Kanne Lobal education and leadership framework. It requires ongoing bwebwenato – the inspiring as well as confronting and challenging conversations that should be mediated and negotiated if we and our education stakeholders are to journey together to ensure that the educational services we provide benefits our next generation of young people in the RMI. Navigating ahead the partnerships, mediation, and negotiation are the core values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). As an organic conceptual framework grounded in indigenous values, inspired through our lived experiences, Kanne Lobal provides ideas and concepts for re-thinking education and leadership practices that are conducive to learning and teaching in the schooling context in the RMI. By no means does it provide the solution to the education ills in our nation. However, we argue that Kanne Lobal is a more relevant approach which is much needed for the negatively stigmatised system as a consequence of the various colonial administrations that have and continue to shape and reframe our ideas about what education should be like for us in the RMI. Moreover, Kannel Lobal is our attempt to decolonize the framing of education and leadership, moving our bwebwenato to re-framing conversations of teaching and learning so that our cultural knowledge and values are foregrounded, appreciated, and realised within our education system. Bwebwenato: sharing our stories In this section, we use bwebwenato as a method of gathering and capturing our stories as data. Below we capture our stories and ongoing conversations about the richness in Marshallese cultural knowledge in the outer islands and on Majuro and the potentialities in Kanne Lobal. Danny Jim When I was in third grade (9-10 years of age), during my grandfather’s speech in Arno, an atoll near Majuro, during a time when a wa (canoe) was being blessed and ready to put the canoe into the ocean. My grandfather told me the canoe was a blessing for the family. “Without a canoe, a family cannot provide for them”, he said. The canoe allows for travelling between places to gather food and other sources to provide for the family. My grandfather’s stories about people’s roles within the canoe reminded me that everyone within the family has a responsibility to each other. Our women, mothers and daughters too have a significant responsibility in the journey, in fact, they hold us, care for us, and given strength to their husbands, brothers, and sons. The wise man or elder sits in the middle of the canoe, directing the young man who help to steer. The young man, he does all the work, directed by the older man. They take advice and seek the wisdom of the elder. In front of the canoe, a young boy is placed there and because of his strong and youthful vision, he is able to help the elder as well as the young man on the canoe. The story can be linked to the roles that school leaders, teachers, and students have in schooling. Without each person knowing intricately their role and responsibility, the sight and vision ahead for the collective aspirations of the school and the community is difficult to comprehend. For me, the canoe is symbolic of our educational journey within our education system. As the school leader, a central, trusted, and respected figure in the school, they provide support for teachers who are at the helm, pedagogically striving to provide for their students. For without strong direction from the school leaders and teachers at the helm, the students, like the young boy, cannot foresee their futures, or envisage how education can benefit them. This is why Kanne Lobal is a significant framework for us in the Marshall Islands because within the practice we are able to take heed and empower each other so that all benefit from the process. Kanne Lobal is linked to our culture, an essential part of who we are. We must rely on our own local approaches, rather than relying on others that are not relevant to what we know and how we live in today’s society. One of the things I can tell is that in Majuro, compared to the outer islands, it’s different. In the outer islands, parents bring children together and tell them legends and stories. The elders tell them about the legends and stories – the bwebwenato. Children from outer islands know a lot more about Marshallese legends compared to children from the Majuro atoll. They usually stay close to their parents, observe how to prepare food and all types of Marshallese skills. Loretta Joseph Case There is little Western influence in the outer islands. They grow up learning their own culture with their parents, not having tv. They are closely knit, making their own food, learning to weave. They use fire for cooking food. They are more connected because there are few of them, doing their own culture. For example, if they’re building a house, the ladies will come together and make food to take to the males that are building the house, encouraging them to keep on working - “jemjem maal” (sharpening tools i.e. axe, like encouraging workers to empower them). It’s when they bring food and entertainment. Rubon Rubon Togetherness, work together, sharing of food, these are important practices as a school leader. Jemjem maal – the whole village works together, men working and the women encourage them with food and entertainment. All the young children are involved in all of the cultural practices, cultural transmission is consistently part of their everyday life. These are stronger in the outer islands. Kanne Lobal has the potential to provide solutions using our own knowledge and practices. Connie Joel When new teachers become a teacher, they learn more about their culture in teaching. Teaching raises the question, who are we? A popular saying amongst our people, “Aelon kein ad ej aelon in manit”, means that “Our islands are cultural islands”. Therefore, when we are teaching, and managing the school, we must do this culturally. When we live and breathe, we must do this culturally. There is more socialising with family and extended family. Respect the elderly. When they’re doing things the ladies all get together, in groups and do it. Cut the breadfruit, and preserve the breadfruit and pandanus. They come together and do it. Same as fishing, building houses, building canoes. They use and speak the language often spoken by the older people. There are words that people in the outer islands use and understand language regularly applied by the elderly. Respect elderly and leaders more i.e., chiefs (iroj), commoners (alap), and the workers on the land (ri-jerbal) (social layer under the commoners). All the kids, they gather with their families, and go and visit the chiefs and alap, and take gifts from their land, first produce/food from the plantation (eojōk). Tommy Almet The people are more connected to the culture in the outer islands because they help one another. They don’t have to always buy things by themselves, everyone contributes to the occasion. For instance, for birthdays, boys go fishing, others contribute and all share with everyone. Kanne Lobal is a practice that can bring people together – leaders, teachers, stakeholders. We want our colleagues to keep strong and work together to fix problems like students and teachers’ absenteeism which is a big problem for us in schools. Demetria Malachi The culture in the outer islands are more accessible and exposed to children. In Majuro, there is a mixedness of cultures and knowledges, influenced by Western thinking and practices. Kanne Lobal is an idea that can enhance quality educational purposes for the RMI. We, the school leaders who did GCSL, we want to merge and use this idea because it will help benefit students’ learning and teachers’ teaching. Kanne Lobal will help students to learn and teachers to teach though traditional skills and knowledge. We want to revitalize our ways of life through teaching because it is slowly fading away. Also, we want to have our own Marshallese learning process because it is in our own language making it easier to use and understand. Essentially, we want to proudly use our own ways of teaching from our ancestors showing the appreciation and blessings given to us. Way Forward To think of ways forward is about reflecting on the past and current learnings. Instead of a traditional discussion within a research publication, we have opted to continue our bwebwenato by sharing what we have learnt through the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL) programme. Our bwebwenato does not end in this article and this opportunity to collaborate and partner together in this piece of writing has been a meaningful experience to conceptualise and unpack the Kanne Lobal framework. Our collaborative bwebwenato has enabled us to dig deep into our own wise knowledges for guidance through mediating and negotiating the challenges in education and leadership (Sanga & Houma, 2004). For example, bwe-jen-lale-rara reminds us to inquire, pay attention, and focus on supporting the needs of others. Through enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara, it reminds us to value cultural exchange and reciprocity which will strengthen the development and maintaining of relationships based on ways we continue to honour each other (Nimmer, 2017). We not only continue to support each other, but also help mentor the next generation of school leaders within our education system (Heine, 2002). Education and leadership are all about collaborative partnerships (Sanga & Chu, 2009; Thaman, 1997). Developing partnerships through the GCSL was useful learning for us. It encouraged us to work together, share knowledge, respect each other, and be kind. The values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity) are meaningful in being and becoming and educational leader in the RMI (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Miller, 2010; Nimmer, 2017). These values are meaningful for us practice particularly given the drive by PSS for schools to become accredited. The workshops and meetings delivered during the GCSL in the RMI from 2018 to 2019 about Kanne Lobal has given us strength to share our stories and experiences from the meeting with the stakeholders. But before we met with the stakeholders, we were encouraged to share and speak in our language within our courses: EDP05 (Professional Development and Learning), EDP06 (School Leadership), EDP07 (School Management), EDP08 (Teaching and Learning), and EDP09 (Community Partnerships). In groups, we shared our presentations with our peers, the 15 school leaders in the GCSL programme. We also invited USP RMI staff. They liked the way we presented Kannel Lobal. They provided us with feedback, for example: how the use of the sail on the canoe, the parts and their functions can be conceptualised in education and how they are related to the way that we teach our own young people. Engaging stakeholders in the conceptualisation and design stages of Kanne Lobal strengthened our understanding of leadership and collaborative partnerships. Based on various meetings with the RMI Pacific Resources for Education and Learning (PREL) team, PSS general assembly, teachers from the outer islands, and the PSS executive committee, we were able to share and receive feedback on the Kanne Lobal framework. The coordinators of the PREL programme in the RMI were excited by the possibilities around using Kanne Lobal, as a way to teach culture in an inspirational way to Marshallese students. Our Marshallese knowledge, particularly through the proverbial meaning of Kanne Lobal provided so much inspiration and insight for the groups during the presentation which gave us hope and confidence to develop the framework. Kanne Lobal is an organic and indigenous approach, grounded in Marshallese ways of doing things (Heine, 2002; Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Given the persistent presence of colonial processes within the education system and the constant reference to practices and initiatives from the US, Kanne Lobal for us provides a refreshing yet fulfilling experience and makes us feel warm inside because it is something that belongs to all Marshallese people. Conclusion Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices provide meaningful educational and leadership understanding and learnings. They ignite, inspire, and transform thinking and practice. The Kanne Lobal conceptual framework emphasises key concepts and values necessary for collaborative partnerships within education and leadership practices in the RMI. The bwebwenato or talk stories have been insightful and have highlighted the strengths and benefits that our Marshallese ideas and practices possess when looking for appropriate and relevant ways to understand education and leadership. Acknowledgements We want to acknowledge our GCSL cohort of school leaders who have supported us in the development of Kanne Lobal as a conceptual framework. A huge kommol tata to our friends: Joana, Rosana, Loretta, Jellan, Alvin, Ellice, Rolando, Stephen, and Alan. References Benson, C. (2002). Preface. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. Benson (Eds.), Tree of Opportunity: re-thinking Pacific Education (p. iv). Suva, Fiji: University of the South Pacific, Institute of Education. Bessarab, D., Ng’andu, B. (2010). Yarning about yarning as a legitimate method in indigenous research. International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies, 3(1), 37-50. Fa’avae, D., Jones, A., & Manu’atu, L. (2016). Talanoa’i ‘a e talanoa - talking about talanoa: Some dilemmas of a novice researcher. AlterNative: An Indigenous Journal of Indigenous Peoples,12(2),138-150. Heine, H. C. (2002). A Marshall Islands perspective. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. 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Introduction The academic area known as food studies—incorporating elements from disciplines including anthropology, folklore, history, sociology, gastronomy, and cultural studies as well as a range of multi-disciplinary approaches—asserts that cooking and eating practices are less a matter of nutrition (maintaining life by absorbing nutrients from food) and more a personal or group expression of various social and/or cultural actions, values or positions. The French philosopher, Michel de Certeau agrees, arguing, moreover, that there is an urgency to name and unpick (what he identifies as) the “minor” practices, the “multifarious and silent reserve of procedures” of everyday life. Such practices are of crucial importance to all of us, as although seemingly ordinary, and even banal, they have the ability to “organise” our lives (48). Within such a context, the following aims to consider the influence and significance of an important (although largely unstudied) professional figure in rural and regional economic life: the country food preparer variously known as the local chef or cook. Such an approach is obviously framed by the concept of “cultural economy”. This term recognises the convergence, and interdependence, of the spheres of the cultural and the economic (see Scott 335, for an influential discussion on how “the cultural geography of space and the economic geography of production are intertwined”). Utilising this concept in relation to chefs and cooks seeks to highlight how the ways these figures organise (to use de Certeau’s term) the social and cultural lives of those in their communities are embedded in economic practices and also how, in turn, their economic contributions are dependent upon social and cultural practices. This initial mapping of the influence and significance of the rural and regional chef in one rural and regional area, therefore, although necessarily different in approach and content, continues the application of such converged conceptualisations of the cultural and economic as Teema Tairu’s discussion of the social, recreational and spiritual importance of food preparation and consumption by the unemployed in Finland, Guy Redden’s exploration of how supermarket products reflect shared values, and a series of analyses of the cultural significance of individual food products, such as Richard White’s study of vegemite. While Australians, both urban and rural, currently enjoy access to an internationally renowned food culture, it is remarkable to consider that it has only been during the years following the Second World War that these sophisticated and now much emulated ways of eating and cooking have developed. It is, indeed, only during the last half century that Australian eating habits have shifted from largely Anglo-Saxon influenced foods and meals that were prepared and eaten in the home, to the consumption of a wider range of more international and sophisticated foods and meals that are, increasingly, prepared by others and eaten outside the consumer’s residence. While a range of commonly cited influences has prompted this relatively recent revolution in culinary practice—including post-war migration, increasing levels of prosperity, widespread international travel, and the forces of globalisation—some of this change owes a debt to a series of influential individual figures. These tastemakers have included food writers and celebrity chefs; with early exponents including Margaret Fulton, Graham Kerr and Charmaine Solomon (see Brien). The findings of this study suggests that many restaurant chefs, and other cooks, have similarly played, and continue to take, a key role in the lives of not only the, necessarily, limited numbers of individuals who dine in a particular eatery or the other chefs and/or cooks trained in that establishment (Ruhlman, Reach), but also the communities in which they work on a much broader scale. Considering Chefs In his groundbreaking study, A History of Cooks and Cooking, Australian food historian Michael Symons proposes that those who prepare food are worthy of serious consideration because “if ‘we are what we eat’, cooks have not just made our meals, but have also made us. They have shaped our social networks, our technologies, arts and religions” (xi). Writing that cooks “deserve to have their stories told often and well,” and that, moreover, there is a “need to invent ways to think about them, and to revise our views about ourselves in their light” (xi), Symons’s is a clarion call to investigate the role and influence of cooks. Charles-Allen Baker-Clark has explicitly begun to address this lacunae in his Profiles from the Kitchen: What Great Cooks Have Taught Us About Ourselves and Our Food (2006), positing not only how these figures have shaped our relationships with food and eating, but also how these relationships impact on identities, culture and a range of social issues including those of social justice, spirituality and environmental sustainability. With the growing public interest in celebrities, it is perhaps not surprising that, while such research on chefs and/or cooks is still in its infancy, most of the existing detailed studies on individuals focus on famed international figures such as Marie-Antoine Carême (Bernier; Kelly), Escoffier (James; Rachleff; Sanger), and Alexis Soyer (Brandon; Morris; Ray). Despite an increasing number of tabloid “tell-all” surveys of contemporary celebrity chefs, which are largely based on mass media sources and which display little concern for historical or biographical accuracy (Bowyer; Hildred and Ewbank; Simpson; Smith), there have been to date only a handful of “serious” researched biographies of contemporary international chefs such as Julia Child, Alice Waters (Reardon; Riley), and Bernard Loiseux (Chelminski)—the last perhaps precipitated by an increased interest in this chef following his suicide after his restaurant lost one of its Michelin stars. Despite a handful of collective biographical studies of Australian chefs from the later-1980s on (Jenkins; O’Donnell and Knox; Brien), there are even fewer sustained biographical studies of Australian chefs or cooks (Clifford-Smith’s 2004 study of “the supermarket chef,” Bernard King, is a notable exception). Throughout such investigations, as well as in other popular food writing in magazines and cookbooks, there is some recognition that influential chefs and cooks have worked, and continue to work, outside such renowned urban culinary centres as Paris, London, New York, and Sydney. The Michelin starred restaurants of rural France, the so-called “gastropubs” of rural Britain and the advent of the “star-chef”-led country bed and breakfast establishment in Australia and New Zealand, together with the proliferation of farmer’s markets and a public desire to consume locally sourced, and ecologically sustainable, produce (Nabhan), has focused fresh attention on what could be called “the rural/regional chef”. However, despite the above, little attention has focused on the Australian non-urban chef/cook outside of the pages of a small number of key food writing magazines such as Australian Gourmet Traveller and Vogue Entertaining + Travel. Setting the Scene with an Australian Country Example: Armidale and Guyra In 2004, the Armidale-Dumaresq Council (of the New England region, New South Wales, Australia) adopted the slogan “Foodies thrive in Armidale” to market its main city for the next three years. With a population of some 20,000, Armidale’s main industry (in economic terms) is actually education and related services, but the latest Tourist Information Centre’s Dining Out in Armidale (c. 2006) brochure lists some 25 restaurants, 9 bistros and brasseries, 19 cafés and 5 fast food outlets featuring Australian, French, Italian, Mediterranean, Chinese, Thai, Indian and “international” cuisines. The local Yellow Pages telephone listings swell the estimation of the total number of food-providing businesses in the city to 60. Alongside the range of cuisines cited above, a large number of these eateries foreground the use of fresh, local foods with such phrases as “local and regional produce,” “fresh locally grown produce,” “the finest New England ingredients” and locally sourced “New England steaks, lamb and fresh seafood” repeatedly utilised in advertising and other promotional material. Some thirty kilometres to the north along the New England highway, the country town of Guyra, proclaimed a town in 1885, is the administrative and retail centre for a shire of some 2,200 people. Situated at 1,325 metres above sea level, the town is one of the highest in Australia with its main industries those of fine wool and lamb, beef cattle, potatoes and tomatoes. Until 1996, Guyra had been home to a large regional abattoir that employed some 400 staff at the height of its productivity, but rationalisation of the meat processing industry closed the facility, together with its associated pet food processor, causing a downturn in employment, local retail business, and real estate values. Since 2004, Guyra’s economy has, however, begun to recover after the town was identified by the Costa Group as the perfect site for glasshouse grown tomatoes. Perfect, due to its rare combination of cool summers (with an average of less than two days per year with temperatures over 30 degrees celsius), high winter light levels and proximity to transport routes. The result: 3.3 million kilograms of truss, vine harvested, hydroponic “Top of the Range” tomatoes currently produced per annum, all year round, in Guyra’s 5-hectare glasshouse: Australia’s largest, opened in December 2005. What residents (of whom I am one) call the “tomato-led recovery” has generated some 60 new local jobs directly related to the business, and significant flow on effects in terms of the demand for local services and retail business. This has led to substantial rates of renovation and building of new residential and retail properties, and a noticeably higher level of trade flowing into the town. Guyra’s main street retail sector is currently burgeoning and stories of its renewal have appeared in the national press. Unlike many similar sized inland towns, there are only a handful of empty shops (and most of these are in the process of being renovated), and new commercial premises have recently been constructed and opened for business. Although a small town, even in Australian country town terms, Guyra now has 10 restaurants, hotel bistros and cafés. A number of these feature local foods, with one pub’s bistro regularly featuring the trout that is farmed just kilometres away. Assessing the Contribution of Local Chefs and Cooks In mid-2007, a pilot survey to begin to explore the contribution of the regional chef in these two close, but quite distinct, rural and regional areas was sent to the chefs/cooks of the 70 food-serving businesses in Armidale and Guyra that I could identify. Taking into account the 6 returns that revealed a business had closed, moved or changed its name, the 42 replies received represented a response rate of 65.5per cent (or two thirds), representatively spread across the two towns. Answers indicated that the businesses comprised 18 restaurants, 13 cafés, 6 bistro/brasseries, 1 roadhouse, 1 takeaway/fast food and 3 bed and breakfast establishments. These businesses employed 394 staff, of whom 102 were chefs and/cooks, or 25.9 per cent of the total number of staff then employed by these establishments. In answer to a series of questions designed to ascertain the roles played by these chefs/cooks in their local communities, as well as more widely, I found a wide range of inputs. These chefs had, for instance, made a considerable contribution to their local economies in the area of fostering local jobs and a work culture: 40 (95 per cent) had worked with/for another local business including but not exclusively food businesses; 30 (71.4 per cent) had provided work experience opportunities for those aspiring to work in the culinary field; and 22 (more than half) had provided at least one apprenticeship position. A large number had brought outside expertise and knowledge with them to these local areas, with 29 (69 per cent) having worked in another food business outside Armidale or Guyra. In terms of community building and sustainability, 10 (or almost a quarter) had assisted or advised the local Council; 20 (or almost half) had worked with local school children in a food-related way; 28 (two thirds) had helped at least one charity or other local fundraising group. An extra 7 (bringing the cumulative total to 83.3 per cent) specifically mentioned that they had worked with/for the local gallery, museum and/or local history group. 23 (more than half) had been involved with and/or contributed to a local festival. The question of whether they had “contributed anything else important, helpful or interesting to the community” elicited the following responses: writing a food or wine column for the local paper (3 respondents), delivering TAFE teacher workshops (2 respondents), holding food demonstrations for Rotary and Lions Clubs and school fetes (5 respondents), informing the public about healthy food (3 respondents), educating the public about environmental issues (2 respondents) and working regularly with Meals on Wheels or a similar organisation (6 respondents, or 14.3 per cent). One respondent added his/her work as a volunteer driver for the local ambulance transport service, the only non-food related response to this question. Interestingly, in line with the activity of well-known celebrity chefs, in addition to the 3 chefs/cooks who had written a food or wine column for the local newspaper, 11 respondents (more than a quarter of the sample) had written or contributed to a cookbook or recipe collection. One of these chefs/cooks, moreover, reported that he/she produced a weblog that was “widely read”, and also contributed to international food-related weblogs and websites. In turn, the responses indicated that the (local) communities—including their governing bodies—also offer some support of these chefs and cooks. Many respondents reported they had been featured in, or interviewed and/or photographed for, a range of media. This media comprised the following: the local newspapers (22 respondents, 52.4 per cent), local radio stations (19 respondents, 45.2 per cent), regional television stations (11 respondents, 26.2 per cent) and local websites (8 respondents, 19 per cent). A number had also attracted other media exposure. This was in the local, regional area, especially through local Council publications (31 respondents, 75 per cent), as well as state-wide (2 respondents, 4.8 per cent) and nationally (6 respondents, 14.3 per cent). Two of these local chefs/cooks (or 4.8 per cent) had attracted international media coverage of their activities. It is clear from the above that, in the small area surveyed, rural and regional chefs/cooks make a considerable contribution to their local communities, with all the chefs/cooks who replied making some, and a number a major, contribution to those communities, well beyond the requirements of their paid positions in the field of food preparation and service. The responses tendered indicate that these chefs and cooks contributed regularly to local public events, institutions and charities (with a high rate of contribution to local festivals, school programs and local charitable activities), and were also making an input into public education programs, local cultural institutions, political and social debates of local importance, as well as the profitability of other local businesses. They were also actively supporting not only the future of the food industry as a whole, but also the viability of their local communities, by providing work experience opportunities and taking on local apprentices for training and mentorship. Much more than merely food providers, as a group, these chefs and cooks were, it appears, also operating as food historians, public intellectuals, teachers, activists and environmentalists. They were, moreover, operating as content producers for local media while, at the same time, acting as media producers and publishers. Conclusion The terms “chef” and “cook” can be diversely defined. All definitions, however, commonly involve a sense of professionalism in food preparation reflecting some specialist knowledge and skill in the culinary arts, as well as various levels of creativity, experience and responsibility. In terms of the specific duties that chefs and professional cooks undertake every day, almost all publications on the subject deal specifically with workplace related activities such as food and other supply ordering, staff management, menu planning and food preparation and serving. This is constant across culinary textbooks (see, for instance, Culinary Institute of America 2002) and more discursive narratives about the professional chef such as the bestselling autobiographical musings of Anthony Bourdain, and Michael Ruhlman’s journalistic/biographical investigations of US chefs (Soul; Reach). An alternative preliminary examination, and categorisation, of the roles these professionals play outside their kitchens reveals, however, a much wider range of community based activities and inputs than such texts suggest. It is without doubt that the chefs and cooks who responded to the survey discussed above have made, and are making, a considerable contribution to their local New England communities. It is also without doubt that these contributions are of considerable value, and valued by, those country communities. Further research will have to consider to what extent these contributions, and the significance and influence of these chefs and cooks in those communities are mirrored, or not, by other country (as well as urban) chefs and cooks, and their communities. Acknowledgements An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Engaging Histories: Australian Historical Association Regional Conference, at the University of New England, September 2007. I would like to thank the session’s participants for their insightful comments on that presentation. A sincere thank you, too, to the reviewers of this article, whose suggestions assisted my thinking on this piece. Research to complete this article was carried out whilst a Visiting Fellow with the Research School of Humanities, the Australian National University. References Armidale Tourist Information Centre. Dining Out in Armidale [brochure]. Armidale: Armidale-Dumaresq Council, c. 2006. Baker-Clark, C. A. Profiles from the Kitchen: What Great Cooks have Taught us about Ourselves and our Food. Lexington: UP of Kentucky, 2006. Bernier, G. Antoine Carême 1783-1833: La Sensualité Gourmande en Europe. Paris: Grasset, 1989. Bourdain, A. Kitchen Confidential: Adventures in the Culinary Underbelly. New York: Harper Perennial, 2001. Bowyer, A. Delia Smith: The Biography. London: André Deutsch, 1999. Brandon, R. The People’s Chef: Alexis Soyer, A Life in Seven Courses. Chichester: Wiley, 2005. Brien, D. L. “Australian Celebrity Chefs 1950-1980: A Preliminary Study.” Australian Folklore 21 (2006): 201–18. Chelminski, R. The Perfectionist: Life and Death In Haute Cuisine. New York: Gotham Books, 2005. Clifford-Smith, S. A Marvellous Party: The Life of Bernard King. Milson’s Point: Random House Australia, 2004. Culinary Institute of America. The Professional Chef. 7th ed. New York: Wiley, 2002. de Certeau, M. The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988. Hildred, S., and T. Ewbank. Jamie Oliver: The Biography. London: Blake, 2001. Jenkins, S. 21 Great Chefs of Australia: The Coming of Age of Australian Cuisine. East Roseville: Simon and Schuster, 1991. Kelly, I. Cooking for Kings: The Life of Antoine Carême, The First Celebrity Chef. New York: Walker and Company, 2003. James, K. Escoffier: The King of Chefs. London and New York: Hambledon and London, 2002. Morris, H. Portrait of a Chef: The Life of Alexis Soyer, Sometime Chef to the Reform Club. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1938. Nabhan, G. P. Coming Home to Eat: The Pleasures and Politics of Local Foods. New York: W.W. Norton, 2002. O’Donnell, M., and T. Knox. Great Australian Chefs. Melbourne: Bookman Press, 1999. Rachleff, O. S. Escoffier: King of Chefs. New York: Broadway Play Pub., 1983. Ray, E. Alexis Soyer: Cook Extraordinary. Lewes: Southover, 1991. Reardon, J. M. F. K. Fisher, Julia Child, and Alice Waters: Celebrating the Pleasures of the Table. New York: Harmony Books, 1994. Redden, G. “Packaging the Gifts of Nation.” M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999) accessed 10 September 2008 http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/gifts.php. Riley, N. Appetite For Life: The Biography of Julia Child. New York: Doubleday, 1977. Ruhlman, M. The Soul of a Chef. New York: Viking, 2001. Ruhlman, M. The Reach of a Chef. New York: Viking, 2006. Sanger, M. B. Escoffier: Master Chef. New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1976. Scott, A. J. “The Cultural Economy of Cities.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 212 (1997) 323–39. Simpson, N. Gordon Ramsay: The Biography. London: John Blake, 2006. Smith, G. Nigella Lawson: A Biography. London: Andre Deutsch, 2005. Symons, M. A History of Cooks and Cooking. Urbana and Chicago: U of Illinois P, 2004. Tairu, T. “Material Food, Spiritual Quest: When Pleasure Does Not Follow Purchase.” M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999) accessed 10 September 2008 http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/pleasure.php. White, R. S. “Popular Culture as the Everyday: A Brief Cultural History of Vegemite.” Australian Popular Culture. Ed. I. Craven. Cambridge UP, 1994. 15–21.

ABSTRACTYoung people’s intersecting roles as students, workers, and shoppers have received little attention from historians, who have focused on young people as either students or workers. This paper begins to examine these roles by analyzing the efforts of the Canadian Education Association to define and promote practical education in the late 1940s. The Canadian Research Committee on Practical Education solicited industry and business perspectives and surveyed students that were leaving school before graduation. The committee’s work and the discussion it generated reveal a desire to make secondary schools more profitable and palatable for Canadian teenagers. Educators and industry leaders wanted the post-war high school to serve all young Canadians by catering to their interests, keeping them in school, and preparing them to be both workers and consumers upon graduation.RÉSUMÉLes jeunes comme groupe peuvent se définir selon trois caractéristiques : élèves, travailleurs et consommateurs. Cette façon de concevoir la jeunesse n’a reçu que peu d’attention de la part des historiens. Ces derniers ont étudié les jeunes soit comme élèves ou soit comme travailleurs. Cet article s’intéresse à ces trois caractéristiques en s’intéressant aux actions entreprises par l’Association canadienne d’éducation. L’auteure analyse les efforts de cette dernière pour définir et promouvoir les arts et métiers en éducation à la fin des années 1940. Le Comité de recherche canadien sur l’éducation pratique a sollicité l’aide des industries et des maisons d’affaires pour recenser les élèves qui quittaient l’école avant la fin de leurs études. Le travail du comité et les discussions qui s’ensuivirent ont révélé le besoin de rendre les écoles secondaires plus utiles et plus attirantes pour les adolescents canadiens. Les éducateurs et les chefs d’entreprises souhaitaient que l’école secondaire d’après-guerre soit utile aux jeunes Canadiens ; ils désiraient susciter leurs intérêts, les garder à l’école et les préparer à devenir des travailleurs et des consommateurs une fois leurs études terminées.

Introduction It has frequently been noted that ICTs and social networking applications have blurred the once-clear boundary between work, leisure and entertainment, just as they have collapsed the distinction between public and private space. While each individual has a sense of what “home” means, both in terms of personal experience and more conceptually, the following three examples of online interaction (based on participants’ interest, or involvement, in activities traditionally associated with the home: pet care, craft and cooking) suggest that the utilisation of online communication technologies can lead to refined and extended definitions of what “home” is. These examples show how online communication can assist in meeting the basic human needs for love, companionship, shelter and food – needs traditionally supplied by the home environment. They also provide individuals with a considerably expanded range of opportunities for personal expression and emotional connection, as well as creative and commercial production, than that provided by the purely physical (and, no doubt, sometimes isolated and isolating) domestic environment. In this way, these case studies demonstrate the interplay and melding of physical and virtual “home” as domestic practices leach from the most private spaces of the physical home into the public space of the Internet (for discussion, see Gorman-Murray, Moss, and Rose). At the same time, online interaction can assert an influence on activity within the physical space of the home, through the sharing of advice about, and modeling of, domestic practices and processes. A Dog’s (Virtual) Life The first case study primarily explores the role of online communities in the formation and expression of affective values and personal identity – as traditionally happens in the domestic environment. Garber described the 1990s as “the decade of the dog” (20), citing a spate of “new anthropomorphic” (22) dog books, Internet “dog chat” sites, remakes of popular classics such as Lassie Come Home, dog friendly urban amenities, and the meteoric rise of services for pampered pets (28-9). Loving pets has become a lifestyle and culture, witnessed and commodified in Pet Superstores as well as in dog collectables and antiques boutiques, and in publications like The Bark (“the New Yorker of Dog Magazines”) and Clean Run, the international agility magazine, Website, online book store and information gateway for agility products and services. Available online resources for dog lovers have similarly increased rapidly during the decade since Garber’s book was published, with the virtual world now catering for serious hobby trainers, exhibitors and professionals as well as the home-based pet lover. At a recent survey, Yahoo Groups – a personal communication portal that facilitates social networking, in this case enabling users to set up electronic mailing lists and Internet forums – boasted just over 9,600 groups servicing dog fanciers and enthusiasts. The list Dogtalk is now an announcement only mailing list, but was a vigorous discussion forum until mid-2006. Members of Dogtalk were Australian-based “clicker-trainers”, serious hobbyist dog trainers, many of whom operated micro-businesses providing dog training or other pet-related services. They shared an online community, but could also engage in “flesh-meets” at seminars, conferences and competitive dog sport meets. An author of this paper (Rutherford) joined this group two years ago because of her interest in clicker training. Clicker training is based on an application of animal learning theory, particularly psychologist E. F. Skinner’s operant conditioning, so called because of the trademark use of a distinctive “click” sound to mark a desired behaviour that is then rewarded. Clicker trainers tend to dismiss anthropomorphic pack theory that positions the human animal as fundamentally opposed to non-human animals and, thus, foster a partnership (rather than a dominator) mode of social and learning relationships. Partnership and nurturance are common themes within the clicker community (as well as in more traditional “home” locations); as is recognising and valuing the specific otherness of other species. Typically, members regard their pets as affective equals or near-equals to the human animals that are recognised members of their kinship networks. A significant function of the episodic biographical narratives and responses posted to this list was thus to affirm and legitimate this intra-specific kinship as part of normative social relationship – a perspective that is not usually validated in the general population. One of the more interesting nexus that evolved within Dogtalk links the narrativisation of the pet in the domestic sphere with the pictorial genre of the family album. Emergent technologies, such as digital cameras together with Web-based image manipulation software and hosting (as provided by portals like Photobucket and Flickr ) democratise high quality image creation and facilitate the sharing of these images. Increasingly, the Dogtalk list linked to images uploaded to free online galleries, discussed digital image composition and aesthetics, and shared technical information about cameras and online image distribution. Much of this cultural production and circulation was concerned with digitally inscribing particular relationships with individual animals into cultural memory: a form of family group biography (for a discussion of the family photograph as a display of extended domestic space, see Rose). The other major non-training thread of the community involves the sharing and witnessing of the trauma suffered due to the illness and loss of pets. While mourning for human family members is supported in the off-line world – with social infrastructure, such as compassionate leave and/or bereavement counselling, part of professional entitlements – public mourning for pets is not similarly supported. Yet, both cultural studies (in its emphasis on cultural memory) and trauma theory have highlighted the importance of social witnessing, whereby traumatic memories must be narratively integrated into memory and legitimised by the presence of a witness in order to loosen their debilitating hold (Felman and Laub 57). Postings on the progress of a beloved animal’s illness or other misfortune and death were thus witnessed and affirmed by other Dogtalk list members – the sick or deceased pet becoming, in the process, a feature of community memory, not simply an individual loss. In terms of such biographical narratives, memory and history are not identical: “Any memories capable of being formed, retained or articulated by an individual are always a function of socially constituted forms, narratives and relations … Memory is always subject to active social manipulation and revision” (Halbwachs qtd. in Crewe 75). In this way, emergent technologies and social software provide sites, akin to that of physical homes, for family members to process individual memories into cultural memory. Dogzonline, the Australian Gateway site for purebred dog enthusiasts, has a forum entitled “Rainbow Bridge” devoted to textual and pictorial memorialisation of deceased pet dogs. Dogster hosts the For the Love of Dogs Weblog, in which images and tributes can be posted, and also provides links to other dog oriented Weblogs and Websites. An interesting combination of both therapeutic narrative and the commodification of affect is found in Lightning Strike Pet Loss Support which, while a memorial and support site, also provides links to the emerging profession of pet bereavement counselling and to suppliers of monuments and tributary urns for home or other use. loobylu and Narratives of Everyday Life The second case study focuses on online interactions between craft enthusiasts who are committed to the production of distinctive objects to decorate and provide comfort in the home, often using traditional methods. In the case of some popular craft Weblogs, online conversations about craft are interspersed with, or become secondary to, the narration of details of family life, the exploration of important life events or the recording of personal histories. As in the previous examples, the offering of advice and encouragement, and expressions of empathy and support, often characterise these interactions. The loobylu Weblog was launched in 2001 by illustrator and domestic crafts enthusiast Claire Robertson. Robertson is a toy maker and illustrator based in Melbourne, Australia, whose clients have included prominent publishing houses, magazines and the New York Public Library (Robertson “Recent Client List” online). She has achieved a measure of public recognition: her loobylu Weblog has won awards and been favourably commented upon in the Australian press (see Robertson “Press for loobylu” online). In 2005, an article in The Age placed Robertson in the context of a contemporary “craft revolution”, reporting her view that this “revolution” is in “reaction to mass consumerism” (Atkinson online). The hand-made craft objects featured in Robertson’s Weblogs certainly do suggest engagement with labour-intensive pursuits and the construction of unique objects that reject processes of mass production and consumption. In this context, loobylu is a vehicle for the display and promotion of Robertson’s work as an illustrator and as a craft practitioner. While skills-based, it also, however, promotes a family-centred lifestyle; it advocates the construction by hand of objects designed to enhance the appearance of the family home and the comfort of its inhabitants. Its specific subject matter extends to related aspects of home and family as, in addition to instructions, ideas and patterns for craft, the Weblog features information on commercially available products for home and family, recipes, child rearing advice and links to 27 other craft and other sites (including Nigella Lawson’s, discussed below). The primary member of its target community is clearly the traditional homemaker – the mother – as well as those who may aspire to this role. Robertson does not have the “celebrity” status of Lawson and Jamie Oliver (discussed below), nor has she achieved their market saturation. Indeed, Robertson’s online presence suggests a modest level of engagement that is placed firmly behind other commitments: in February 2007, she announced an indefinite suspension of her blog postings so that she could spend more time with her family (Robertson loobylu 17 February 2007). Yet, like Lawson and Oliver, Robertson has exploited forms of domestic competence traditionally associated with women and the home, and the non-traditional medium of the Internet has been central to her endeavours. The content of the loobylu blog is, unsurprisingly, embedded in, or an accessory to, a unifying running commentary on Robertson’s domestic life as a parent. Miles, who has described Weblogs as “distributed documentaries of the everyday” (66) sums this up neatly: “the weblogs’ governing discursive quality is the manner in which it is embodied within the life world of its author” (67). Landmark family events are narrated on loobylu and some attract deluges of responses: the 19 June 2006 posting announcing the birth of Robertson’s daughter Lily, for example, drew 478 responses; five days later, one describing the difficult circumstances of her birth drew 232 comments. All of these comments are pithy, with many being simple empathetic expressions or brief autobiographically based commentaries on these events. Robertson’s news of her temporary retirement from her blog elicited 176 comments that both supported her decision and also expressed a sense of loss. Frequent exclamation marks attest visually to the emotional intensity of the responses. By narrating aspects of major life events to which the target audience can relate, the postings represent a form of affective mass production and consumption: they are triggers for a collective outpouring of largely homogeneous emotional reaction (joy, in the case of Lily’s birth). As collections of texts, they can be read as auto/biographic records, arranged thematically, that operate at both the individual and the community levels. Readers of the family narratives and the affirming responses to them engage in a form of mass affirmation and consumerism of domestic experience that is easy, immediate, attractive and free of charge. These personal discourses blend fluidly with those of a commercial nature. Some three weeks after loobylu announced the birth of her daughter, Robertson shared on her Weblog news of her mastitis, Lily’s first smile and the family’s favourite television programs at the time, information that many of us would consider to be quite private details of family life. Three days later, she posted a photograph of a sleeping baby with a caption that skilfully (and negatively) links it to her daughter: “Firstly – I should mention that this is not a photo of Lily”. The accompanying text points out that it is a photo of a baby with the “Zaky Infant Sleeping Pillow” and provides a link to the online pregnancystore.com, from which it can be purchased. A quotation from the manufacturer describing the merits of the pillow follows. Robertson then makes a light-hearted comment on her experiences of baby-induced sleep-deprivation, and the possible consequences of possessing the pillow. Comments from readers also similarly alternate between the personal (sharing of experiences) to the commercial (comments on the product itself). One offshoot of loobylu suggests that the original community grew to an extent that it could support specialised groups within its boundaries. A Month of Softies began in November 2004, describing itself as “a group craft project which takes place every month” and an activity that “might give you a sense of community and kinship with other similar minded crafty types across the Internet and around the world” (Robertson A Month of Softies online). Robertson gave each month a particular theme, and readers were invited to upload a photograph of a craft object they had made that fitted the theme, with a caption. These were then included in the site’s gallery, in the order in which they were received. Added to the majority of captions was also a link to the site (often a business) of the creator of the object; another linking of the personal and the commercial in the home-based “cottage industry” sense. From July 2005, A Month of Softies operated through a Flickr site. Participants continued to submit photos of their craft objects (with captions), but also had access to a group photograph pool and public discussion board. This extension simulates (albeit in an entirely visual way) the often home-based physical meetings of craft enthusiasts that in contemporary Australia take the form of knitting, quilting, weaving or other groups. Chatting with, and about, Celebrity Chefs The previous studies have shown how the Internet has broken down many barriers between what could be understood as the separate spheres of emotional (that is, home-based private) and commercial (public) life. The online environment similarly enables the formation and development of fan communities by facilitating communication between those fans and, sometimes, between fans and the objects of their admiration. The term “fan” is used here in the broadest sense, referring to “a person with enduring involvement with some subject or object, often a celebrity, a sport, TV show, etc.” (Thorne and Bruner 52) rather than focusing on the more obsessive and, indeed, more “fanatical” aspects of such involvement, behaviour which is, increasingly understood as a subculture of more variously constituted fandoms (Jenson 9-29). Our specific interest in fandom in relation to this discussion is how, while marketers and consumer behaviourists study online fan communities for clues on how to more successfully market consumer goods and services to these groups (see, for example, Kozinets, “I Want to Believe” 470-5; “Utopian Enterprise” 67-88; Algesheimer et al. 19-34), fans regularly subvert the efforts of those urging consumer consumption to utilise even the most profit-driven Websites for non-commercial home-based and personal activities. While it is obvious that celebrities use the media to promote themselves, a number of contemporary celebrity chefs employ the media to construct and market widely recognisable personas based on their own, often domestically based, life stories. As examples, Jamie Oliver and Nigella Lawson’s printed books and mass periodical articles, television series and other performances across a range of media continuously draw on, elaborate upon, and ultimately construct their own lives as the major theme of these works. In this, these – as many other – celebrity chefs draw upon this revelation of their private lives to lend authenticity to their cooking, to the point where their work (whether cookbook, television show, advertisement or live chat room session with their fans) could be described as “memoir-illustrated-with-recipes” (Brien and Williamson). This generic tendency influences these celebrities’ communities, to the point where a number of Websites devoted to marketing celebrity chefs as product brands also enable their fans to share their own life stories with large readerships. Oliver and Lawson’s official Websites confirm the privileging of autobiographical and biographical information, but vary in tone and approach. Each is, for instance, deliberately gendered (see Hollows’ articles for a rich exploration of gender, Oliver and Lawson). Oliver’s hip, boyish, friendly, almost frantic site includes the what are purported-to-be self-revelatory “Diary” and “About me” sections, a selection of captioned photographs of the chef, his family, friends, co-workers and sponsors, and his Weblog as well as footage streamed “live from Jamie’s phone”. This self-revelation – which includes significant details about Oliver’s childhood and his domestic life with his “lovely girls, Jools [wife Juliette Norton], Poppy and Daisy” – completely blurs the line between private life and the “Jamie Oliver” brand. While such revelation has been normalised in contemporary culture, this practice stands in great contrast to that of renowned chefs and food writers such as Elizabeth David, Julia Child, James Beard and Margaret Fulton, whose work across various media has largely concentrated on food, cooking and writing about cooking. The difference here is because Oliver’s (supposedly private) life is the brand, used to sell “Jamie Oliver restaurant owner and chef”, “Jamie Oliver cookbook author and TV star”, “Jamie Oliver advertising spokesperson for Sainsbury’s supermarket” (from which he earns an estimated £1.2 million annually) (Meller online) and “Jamie Oliver social activist” (made MBE in 2003 after his first Fifteen restaurant initiative, Oliver was named “Most inspiring political figure” in the 2006 Channel 4 Political Awards for his intervention into the provision of nutritious British school lunches) (see biographies by Hildred and Ewbank, and Smith). Lawson’s site has a more refined, feminine appearance and layout and is more mature in presentation and tone, featuring updates on her (private and public) “News” and forthcoming public appearances, a glamorous selection of photographs of herself from the past 20 years, and a series of print and audio interviews. Although Lawson’s children have featured in some of her television programs and her personal misfortunes are well known and regularly commented upon by both herself and journalists (her mother, sister and husband died of cancer) discussions of these tragedies, and other widely known aspects of her private life such as her second marriage to advertising mogul Charles Saatchi, is not as overt as on Oliver’s site, and the user must delve to find it. The use of Lawson’s personal memoir, as sales tool, is thus both present and controlled. This is in keeping with Lawson’s professional experience prior to becoming the “domestic goddess” (Lawson 2000) as an Oxford graduated journalist on the Spectator and deputy literary editor of the Sunday Times. Both Lawson’s and Oliver’s Websites offer readers various ways to interact with them “personally”. Visitors to Oliver’s site can ask him questions and can access a frequently asked question area, while Lawson holds (once monthly, now irregularly) a question and answer forum. In contrast to this information about, and access to, Oliver and Lawson’s lives, neither of their Websites includes many recipes or other food and cooking focussed information – although there is detailed information profiling their significant number of bestselling cookbooks (Oliver has published 8 cookbooks since 1998, Lawson 5 since 1999), DVDs and videos of their television series and one-off programs, and their name branded product lines of domestic kitchenware (Oliver and Lawson) and foodstuffs (Oliver). Instruction on how to purchase these items is also featured. Both these sites, like Robertson’s, provide various online discussion fora, allowing members to comment upon these chefs’ lives and work, and also to connect with each other through posted texts and images. Oliver’s discussion forum section notes “this is the place for you all to chat to each other, exchange recipe ideas and maybe even help each other out with any problems you might have in the kitchen area”. Lawson’s front page listing states: “You will also find a moderated discussion forum, called Your Page, where our registered members can swap ideas and interact with each other”. The community participants around these celebrity chefs can be, as is the case with loobylu, divided into two groups. The first is “foodie (in Robertson’s case, craft) fans” who appear to largely engage with these Websites to gain, and to share, food, cooking and craft-related information. Such fans on Oliver and Lawson’s discussion lists most frequently discuss these chefs’ television programs and books and the recipes presented therein. They test recipes at home and discuss the results achieved, any problems encountered and possible changes. They also post queries and share information about other recipes, ingredients, utensils, techniques, menus and a wide range of food and cookery-related matters. The second group consists of “celebrity fans” who are attracted to the chefs (as to Robertson as craft maker) as personalities. These fans seek and share biographical information about Oliver and Lawson, their activities and their families. These two areas of fan interest (food/cooking/craft and the personal) are not necessarily or always separated, and individuals can be active members of both types of fandoms. Less foodie-orientated users, however (like users of Dogtalk and loobylu), also frequently post their own auto/biographical narratives to these lists. These narratives, albeit often fragmented, may begin with recipes and cooking queries or issues, but veer off into personal stories that possess only minimal or no relationship to culinary matters. These members also return to the boards to discuss their own revealed life stories with others who have commented on these narratives. Although research into this aspect is in its early stages, it appears that the amount of public personal revelation either encouraged, or allowed, is in direct proportion to the “open” friendliness of these sites. More thus are located in Oliver’s and less in Lawson’s, and – as a kind of “control” in this case study, but not otherwise discussed – none in that of Australian chef Neil Perry, whose coolly sophisticated Website perfectly complements Perry’s professional persona as the epitome of the refined, sophisticated and, importantly in this case, unapproachable, high-end restaurant chef. Moreover, non-cuisine related postings are made despite clear directions to the contrary – Lawson’s site stating: “We ask that postings are restricted to topics relating to food, cooking, the kitchen and, of course, Nigella!” and Oliver making the plea, noted above, for participants to keep their discussions “in the kitchen area”. Of course, all such contemporary celebrity chefs are supported by teams of media specialists who selectively construct the lives that these celebrities share with the public and the postings about others’ lives that are allowed to remain on their discussion lists. The intersection of the findings reported above with the earlier case studies suggests, however, that even these most commercially-oriented sites can provide a fruitful data regarding their function as home-like spaces where domestic practices and processes can be refined, and emotional relationships formed and fostered. In Summary As convergence results in what Turow and Kavanaugh call “the wired homestead”, our case studies show that physically home-based domestic interests and practices – what could be called “home truths” – are also contributing to a refiguration of the private/public interplay of domestic activities through online dialogue. In the case of Dogtalk, domestic space is reconstituted through virtual spaces to include new definitions of family and memory. In the case of loobylu, the virtual interaction facilitates a development of craft-based domestic practices within the physical space of the home, thus transforming domestic routines. Jamie Oliver’s and Nigella Lawson’s sites facilitate development of both skills and gendered identities by means of a bi-directional nexus between domestic practices, sites of home labour/identity production and public media spaces. As participants modify and redefine these online communities to best suit their own needs and desires, even if this is contrary to the stated purposes for which the community was instituted, online communities can be seen to be domesticated, but, equally, these modifications demonstrate that the activities and relationships that have traditionally defined the home are not limited to the physical space of the house. While virtual communities are “passage points for collections of common beliefs and practices that united people who were physically separated” (Stone qtd in Jones 19), these interactions can lead to shared beliefs, for example, through advice about pet-keeping, craft and cooking, that can significantly modify practices and routines in the physical home. Acknowledgments An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Association of Internet Researchers’ International Conference, Brisbane, 27-30 September 2006. The authors would like to thank the referees of this article for their comments and input. Any errors are, of course, our own. References Algesheimer, R., U. Dholake, and A. Herrmann. “The Social Influence of Brand Community: Evidence from European Car Clubs”. Journal of Marketing 69 (2005): 19-34. Atkinson, Frances. “A New World of Craft”. The Age (11 July 2005). 28 May 2007 http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2005/07/10/1120934123262.html>. Brien, Donna Lee, and Rosemary Williamson. “‘Angels of the Home’ in Cyberspace: New Technologies and Biographies of Domestic Production”. Paper. Biography and New Technologies conference. Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT. 12-14 Sep. 2006. Crewe, Jonathan. “Recalling Adamastor: Literature as Cultural Memory in ‘White’ South Africa”. In Acts of Memory: Cultural Recall in the Present, eds. Mieke Bal, Jonathan Crewe, and Leo Spitzer. Hanover, NH: Dartmouth College, 1999. 75-86. Felman, Shoshana, and Dori Laub. Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History. New York: Routledge, 1992. Garber, Marjorie. Dog Love. New York: Touchstone/Simon and Schuster, 1996. Gorman-Murray, Andrew. “Homeboys: Uses of Home by Gay Australian Men”. Social and Cultural Geography 7.1 (2006): 53-69. Halbwachs, Maurice. On Collective Memory. Trans. Lewis A. Closer. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1992. Hildred, Stafford, and Tim Ewbank. Jamie Oliver: The Biography. London: Blake, 2001. Hollows, Joanne. “Feeling like a Domestic Goddess: Post-Feminism and Cooking.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 6.2 (2003): 179-202. ———. “Oliver’s Twist: Leisure, Labour and Domestic Masculinity in The Naked Chef.” International Journal of Cultural Studies 6.2 (2003): 229-248. Jenson, J. “Fandom as Pathology: The Consequences of Characterization”. The Adoring Audience; Fan Culture and Popular Media. Ed. L. A. Lewis. New York, NY: Routledge, 1992. 9-29. Jones, Steven G., ed. Cybersociety, Computer-Mediated Communication and Community. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1995. Kozinets, R.V. “‘I Want to Believe’: A Netnography of the X’Philes’ Subculture of Consumption”. Advances in Consumer Research 34 (1997): 470-5. ———. “Utopian Enterprise: Articulating the Meanings of Star Trek’s Culture of Consumption.” Journal of Consumer Research 28 (2001): 67-88. Lawson, Nigella. How to Be a Domestic Goddess: Baking and the Art of Comfort Cooking. London: Chatto and Windus, 2000. Meller, Henry. “Jamie’s Tips Spark Asparagus Shortages”. Daily Mail (17 June 2005). 21 Aug. 2007 http://www.dailymail.co.uk/pages/live/articles/health/dietfitness.html? in_article_id=352584&in_page_id=1798>. Miles, Adrian. “Weblogs: Distributed Documentaries of the Everyday.” Metro 143: 66-70. Moss, Pamela. “Negotiating Space in Home Environments: Older Women Living with Arthritis.” Social Science and Medicine 45.1 (1997): 23-33. Robertson, Claire. Claire Robertson Illustration. 2000-2004. 28 May 2007 . Robertson, Claire. loobylu. 16 Feb. 2007. 28 May 2007 http://www.loobylu.com>. Robertson, Claire. “Press for loobylu.” Claire Robertson Illustration. 2000-2004. 28 May 2007 http://www.clairetown.com/press.html>. Robertson, Claire. A Month of Softies. 28 May 2007. 21 Aug. 2007 . Robertson, Claire. “Recent Client List”. Claire Robertson Illustration. 2000-2004. 28 May 2007 http://www.clairetown.com/clients.html>. Rose, Gillian. “Family Photographs and Domestic Spacings: A Case Study.” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers NS 28.1 (2003): 5-18. Smith, Gilly. Jamie Oliver: Turning Up the Heat. Sydney: Macmillian, 2006. Thorne, Scott, and Gordon C. Bruner. “An Exploratory Investigation of the Characteristics of Consumer Fanaticism.” Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal 9.1 (2006): 51-72. Turow, Joseph, and Andrea Kavanaugh, eds. The Wired Homestead: An MIT Press Sourcebook on the Internet and the Family. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Brien, Donna Lee, Leonie Rutherford, and Rosemary Williamson. "Hearth and Hotmail: The Domestic Sphere as Commodity and Community in Cyberspace." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/10-brien.php>. APA Style Brien, D., L. Rutherford, and R. Williamson. (Aug. 2007) "Hearth and Hotmail: The Domestic Sphere as Commodity and Community in Cyberspace," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/10-brien.php>.

AbstractLipidomics research could provide insights of pathobiological mechanisms in Alzheimer’s disease. This study explores a battery of plasma lipids that can differentiate Alzheimer’s disease (AD) patients from healthy controls and determines whether lipid profiles correlate with genetic risk for AD. AD plasma samples were collected from the Sydney Memory and Ageing Study (MAS) Sydney, Australia (aged range 75–97 years; 51.2% male). Untargeted lipidomics analysis was performed by liquid chromatography coupled–mass spectrometry (LC–MS/MS). We found that several lipid species from nine lipid classes, particularly sphingomyelins (SMs), cholesterol esters (ChEs), phosphatidylcholines (PCs), phosphatidylethanolamines (PIs), phosphatidylinositols (PIs), and triglycerides (TGs) are dysregulated in AD patients and may help discriminate them from healthy controls. However, when the lipid species were grouped together into lipid subgroups, only the DG group was significantly higher in AD. ChEs, SMs, and TGs resulted in good classification accuracy using the Glmnet algorithm (elastic net penalization for the generalized linear model [glm]) with more than 80% AUC. In general, group lipids and the lipid subclasses LPC and PE had less classification accuracy compared to the other subclasses. We also found significant increases in SMs, PIs, and the LPE/PE ratio in human U251 astroglioma cell lines exposed to pathophysiological concentrations of oligomeric Aβ42. This suggests that oligomeric Aβ42 plays a contributory, if not causal role, in mediating changes in lipid profiles in AD that can be detected in the periphery. In addition, we evaluated the association of plasma lipid profiles with AD-related single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) and polygenic risk scores (PRS) of AD. We found that FERMT2 and MS4A6A showed a significantly differential association with lipids in all lipid classes across disease and control groups. ABCA7 had a differential association with more than half of the DG lipids (52.63%) and PI lipids (57.14%), respectively. Additionally, 43.4% of lipids in the SM class were differentially associated with CLU. More than 30% of lipids in ChE, PE, and TG classes had differential associations with separate genes (ChE-PICALM, SLC24A4, and SORL1; PE-CLU and CR1; TG-BINI) between AD and control group. These data may provide renewed insights into the pathobiology of AD and the feasibility of identifying individuals with greater AD risk.

Purpose This study aims to overcome the problem of traditional association rules relying almost entirely on expert experience to set relevant interest indexes in mining. Second, this project can effectively solve the problem of four types of rules being present in the database at the same time. The traditional association algorithm can only mine one or two types of rules and cannot fully explore the database knowledge in the decision-making process for library recommendation. Design/methodology/approach The authors proposed a Markov logic network method to reconstruct association rule-mining tasks for library recommendation and compared the method proposed in this paper to traditional Apriori, FP-Growth, Inverse, Sporadic and UserBasedCF algorithms on two history library data sets and the Chess and Accident data sets. Findings The method used in this project had two major advantages. First, the authors were able to mine four types of rules in an integrated manner without having to set interest measures. In addition, because it represents the relevance of mining in the network, decision-makers can use network visualization tools to fully understand the results of mining in library recommendation and data sets from other fields. Research limitations/implications The time cost of the project is still high for large data sets. The authors will solve this problem by mapping books, items, or attributes to higher granularity to reduce the computational complexity in the future. Originality/value The authors believed that knowledge of complex real-world problems can be well captured from a network perspective. This study can help researchers to avoid setting interest metrics and to comprehensively extract frequent, rare, positive, and negative rules in an integrated manner.

Introduction Many destinations promote culinary encounters. Foods and beverages, and especially how these will taste in situ, are being marketed as niche travel motivators and used in destination brand building across the globe. While initial usage of the term culinary tourism focused on experiencing exotic cultures of foreign destinations by sampling unfamiliar food and drinks, the term has expanded to embrace a range of leisure travel experiences where the aim is to locate and taste local specialities as part of a pleasurable, and hopefully notable, culinary encounter (Wolf). Long’s foundational work was central in developing the idea of culinary tourism as an active endeavor, suggesting that via consumption, individuals construct unique experiences. Ignatov and Smith’s literature review-inspired definition confirms the nature of activity as participatory, and adds consuming food production skills—from observing agriculture and local processors to visiting food markets and attending cooking schools—to culinary purchases. Despite importing almost all of its foodstuffs and beverages, including some of its water, Singapore is an acknowledged global leader in culinary tourism. Horng and Tsai note that culinary tourism conceptually implies that a transferal of “local or special knowledge and information that represent local culture and identities” (41) occurs via these experiences. This article adds the act of reading to these participatory activities and suggests that, because food writing forms an important component of Singapore’s suite of culinary tourism offerings, taste contributes to the cultural experience offered to both visitors and locals. While Singapore foodways have attracted significant scholarship (see, for instance, work by Bishop; Duruz; Huat & Rajah; Tarulevicz, Eating), Singapore food writing, like many artefacts of popular culture, has attracted less notice. Yet, this writing is an increasingly visible component of cultural production of, and about, Singapore, and performs a range of functions for locals, tourists and visitors before they arrive. Although many languages are spoken in Singapore, English is the national language (Alsagoff) and this study focuses on food writing in English. Background Tourism comprises a major part of Singapore’s economy, with recent figures detailing that food and beverage sales contribute over 10 per cent of this revenue, with spend on culinary tours and cookery classes, home wares such as tea-sets and cookbooks, food magazines and food memoirs additional to this (Singapore Government). This may be related to the fact that Singapore not only promotes food as a tourist attraction, but also actively promotes itself as an exceptional culinary destination. The Singapore Tourism Board (STB) includes food in its general information brochures and websites, and its print, television and cinema commercials (Huat and Rajah). It also mounts information-rich campaigns both abroad and inside Singapore. The 2007 ‘Singapore Seasons’ campaign, for instance, promoted Singaporean cuisine alongside films, design, books and other cultural products in London, New York and Beijing. Touring cities identified as key tourist markets in 2011, the ‘Singapore Takeout’ pop-up restaurant brought the taste of Singaporean foods into closer focus. Singaporean chefs worked with high profile locals in its kitchen in a custom-fabricated shipping container to create and demonstrate Singaporean dishes, attracting public and media interest. In country, the STB similarly actively promotes the tastes of Singaporean foods, hosting the annual World Gourmet Summit (Chaney and Ryan) and Pacific Food Expo, both attracting international culinary professionals to work alongside local leaders. The Singapore Food Festival each July is marketed to both locals and visitors. In these ways, the STB, as well as providing events for visitors, is actively urging Singaporeans to proud of their food culture and heritage, so that each Singaporean becomes a proactive ambassador of their cuisine. Singapore Food Writing Popular print guidebooks and online guides to Singapore pay significantly more attention to Singaporean food than they do for many other destinations. Sections on food in such publications discuss at relative length the taste of Singaporean food (always delicious) as well as how varied, authentic, hygienic and suited-to-all-budgets it is. These texts also recommend hawker stalls and food courts alongside cafés and restaurants (Henderson et al.), and a range of other culinary experiences such as city and farm food tours and cookery classes. This writing describes not only what can be seen or learned during these experiences, but also what foods can be sampled, and how these might taste. This focus on taste is reflected in the printed materials that greet the in-bound tourist at the airport. On a visit in October 2013, arrival banners featuring mouth-watering images of local specialities such as chicken rice and chilli crab marked the route from arrival to immigration and baggage collection. Even advertising for a bank was illustrated with photographs of luscious-looking fruits. The free maps and guidebooks available featured food-focused tours and restaurant locations, and there were also substantial free booklets dedicated solely to discussing local delicacies and their flavours, plus recommended locations to sample them. A website and free mobile app were available that contain practical information about dishes, ingredients, cookery methods, and places to eat, as well as historical and cultural information. These resources are also freely distributed to many hotels and popular tourist destinations. Alongside organising food walks, bus tours and cookery classes, the STB also recommends the work of a number of Singaporean food writers—principally prominent Singapore food bloggers, reviewers and a number of memoirists—as authentic guides to what are described as unique Singaporean flavours. The strategies at the heart of this promotion are linking advertising to useful information. At a number of food centres, for instance, STB information panels provide details about both specific dishes and Singapore’s food culture more generally (Henderson et al.). This focus is apparent at many tourist destinations, many of which are also popular local attractions. In historic Fort Canning Park, for instance, there is a recreation of Raffles’ experimental garden, established in 1822, where he grew the nutmeg, clove and other plants that were intended to form the foundation for spice plantations but were largely unsuccessful (Reisz). Today, information panels not only indicate the food plants’ names and how to grow them, but also their culinary and medicinal uses, recipes featuring them and the related food memories of famous Singaporeans. The Singapore Botanic Gardens similarly houses the Ginger Garden displaying several hundred species of ginger and information, and an Eco(-nomic/logical) Garden featuring many food plants and their stories. In Chinatown, panels mounted outside prominent heritage brands (often still quite small shops) add content to the shopping experience. A number of museums profile Singapore’s food culture in more depth. The National Museum of Singapore has a permanent Living History gallery that focuses on Singapore’s street food from the 1950s to 1970s. This display includes food-related artefacts, interactive aromatic displays of spices, films of dishes being made and eaten, and oral histories about food vendors, all supported by text panels and booklets. Here food is used to convey messages about the value of Singapore’s ethnic diversity and cross-cultural exchanges. Versions of some of these dishes can then be sampled in the museum café (Time Out Singapore). The Peranakan Museum—which profiles the unique hybrid culture of the descendants of the Chinese and South Indian traders who married local Malay women—shares this focus, with reconstructed kitchens and dining rooms, exhibits of cooking and eating utensils and displays on food’s ceremonial role in weddings and funerals all supported with significant textual information. The Chinatown Heritage Centre not only recreates food preparation areas as a vivid indicator of poor Chinese immigrants’ living conditions, but also houses The National Restaurant of Singapore, which translates this research directly into meals that recreate the heritage kopi tiam (traditional coffee shop) cuisine of Singapore in the 1930s, purposefully bringing taste into the service of education, as its descriptive menu states, “educationally delighting the palate” (Chinatown Heritage Centre). These museums recognise that shopping is a core tourist activity in Singapore (Chang; Yeung et al.). Their gift- and bookshops cater to the culinary tourist by featuring quality culinary products for sale (including, for instance, teapots and cups, teas, spices and traditional sweets, and other foods) many of which are accompanied by informative tags or brochures. At the centre of these curated, purchasable collections are a range written materials: culinary magazines, cookbooks, food histories and memoirs, as well as postcards and stationery printed with recipes. Food Magazines Locally produced food magazines cater to a range of readerships and serve to extend the culinary experience both in, and outside, Singapore. These include high-end gourmet, luxury lifestyle publications like venerable monthly Wine & Dine: The Art of Good Living, which, in in print for almost thirty years, targets an affluent readership (Wine & Dine). The magazine runs features on local dining, gourmet products and trends, as well as international epicurean locations and products. Beautifully illustrated recipes also feature, as the magazine declares, “we’ve recognised that sharing more recipes should be in the DNA of Wine & Dine’s editorial” (Wine & Dine). Appetite magazine, launched in 2006, targets the “new and emerging generation of gourmets—foodies with a discerning and cosmopolitan outlook, broad horizons and a insatiable appetite” (Edipresse Asia) and is reminiscent in much of its styling of New Zealand’s award-winning Cuisine magazine. Its focus is to present a fresh approach to both cooking at home and dining out, as readers are invited to “Whip up the perfect soufflé or feast with us at the finest restaurants in Singapore and around the region” (Edipresse Asia). Chefs from leading local restaurants are interviewed, and the voices of “fellow foodies and industry watchers” offer an “insider track” on food-related news: “what’s good and what’s new” (Edipresse Asia). In between these publications sits Epicure: Life’s Refinements, which features local dishes, chefs, and restaurants as well as an overseas travel section and a food memories column by a featured author. Locally available ingredients are also highlighted, such as abalone (Cheng) and an interesting range of mushrooms (Epicure). While there is a focus on an epicurean experience, this is presented slightly more casually than in Wine & Dine. Food & Travel focuses more on home cookery, but each issue also includes reviews of Singapore restaurants. The bimonthly bilingual (Chinese and English) Gourmet Living features recipes alongside a notable focus on food culture—with food history columns, restaurant reviews and profiles of celebrated chefs. An extensive range of imported international food magazines are also available, with those from nearby Malaysia and Indonesia regularly including articles on Singapore. Cookbooks These magazines all include reviews of cookery books including Singaporean examples – and some feature other food writing such as food histories, memoirs and blogs. These reviews draw attention to how many Singaporean cookbooks include a focus on food history alongside recipes. Cookery teacher Yee Soo Leong’s 1976 Singaporean Cooking was an early example of cookbook as heritage preservation. This 1976 book takes an unusual view of ‘Singaporean’ flavours. Beginning with sweet foods—Nonya/Singaporean and western cakes, biscuits, pies, pastries, bread, desserts and icings—it also focuses on both Singaporean and Western dishes. This text is also unusual as there are only 6 lines of direct authorial address in the author’s acknowledgements section. Expatriate food writer Wendy Hutton’s Singapore Food, first published in 1979, reprinted many times after and revised in 2007, has long been recognised as one of the most authoritative titles on Singapore’s food heritage. Providing an socio-historical map of Singapore’s culinary traditions, some one third of the first edition was devoted to information about Singaporean multi-cultural food history, including detailed profiles of a number of home cooks alongside its recipes. Published in 1980, Kenneth Mitchell’s A Taste of Singapore is clearly aimed at a foreign readership, noting the variety of foods available due to the racial origins of its inhabitants. The more modest, but equally educational in intent, Hawkers Flavour: A Guide to Hawkers Gourmet in Malaysia and Singapore (in its fourth printing in 1998) contains a detailed introductory essay outlining local food culture, favourite foods and drinks and times these might be served, festivals and festive foods, Indian, Indian Muslim, Chinese, Nyonya (Chinese-Malay), Malay and Halal foods and customs, followed with a selection of recipes from each. More contemporary examples of such information-rich cookbooks, such as those published in the frequently reprinted Periplus Mini Cookbook series, are sold at tourist attractions. Each of these modestly priced, 64-page, mouthwateringly illustrated booklets offer framing information, such as about a specific food culture as in the Nonya kitchen in Nonya Favourites (Boi), and explanatory glossaries of ingredients, as in Homestyle Malay Cooking (Jelani). Most recipes include a boxed paragraph detailing cookery or ingredient information that adds cultural nuance, as well as trying to describe tastes that the (obviously foreign) intended reader may not have encountered. Malaysian-born Violet Oon, who has been called the Julia Child of Singapore (Bergman), writes for both local and visiting readers. The FOOD Paper, published monthly for a decade from January 1987 was, she has stated, then “Singapore’s only monthly publication dedicated to the CSF—Certified Singapore Foodie” (Oon, Violet Oon Cooks 7). Under its auspices, Oon promoted her version of Singaporean cuisine to both locals and visitors, as well as running cookery classes and culinary events, hosting her own television cooking series on the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation, and touring internationally for the STB as a ‘Singapore Food Ambassador’ (Ahmad; Kraal). Taking this representation of flavor further, Oon has also produced a branded range of curry powders, spices, and biscuits, and set up a number of food outlets. Her first cookbook, World Peranakan Cookbook, was published in 1978. Her Singapore: 101 Meals of 1986 was commissioned by the STB, then known as the Singapore Tourist Promotion Board. Violet Oon Cooks, a compilation of recipes from The FOOD Paper, published in 1992, attracted a range of major international as well as Singaporean food sponsors, and her Timeless Recipes, published in 1997, similarly aimed to show how manufactured products could be incorporated into classic Singaporean dishes cooked at home. In 1998, Oon produced A Singapore Family Cookbook featuring 100 dishes. Many were from Nonya cuisine and her following books continued to focus on preserving heritage Singaporean recipes, as do a number of other nationally-cuisine focused collections such as Joyceline Tully and Christopher Tan’s Heritage Feasts: A Collection of Singapore Family Recipes. Sylvia Tan’s Singapore Heritage Food: Yesterday’s Recipes for Today’s Cooks, published in 2004, provides “a tentative account of Singapore’s food history” (5). It does this by mapping the various taste profiles of six thematically-arranged chronologically-overlapping sections, from the heritage of British colonialism, to the uptake of American and Russia foods in the Snackbar era of the 1960s and the use of convenience flavoring ingredients such as curry pastes, sauces, dried and frozen supermarket products from the 1970s. Other Volumes Other food-themed volumes focus on specific historical periods. Cecilia Leong-Salobir’s Food Culture in Colonial Asia: A Taste of Empire discusses the “unique hybrid” (1) cuisine of British expatriates in Singapore from 1858 to 1963. In 2009, the National Museum of Singapore produced the moving Wong Hong Suen’s Wartime Kitchen: Food and Eating in Singapore 1942–1950. This details the resilience and adaptability of both diners and cooks during the Japanese Occupation and in post-war Singapore, when shortages stimulated creativity. There is a centenary history of the Cold Storage company which shipped frozen foods all over south east Asia (Boon) and location-based studies such as Annette Tan’s Savour Chinatown: Stories Memories & Recipes. Tan interviewed hawkers, chefs and restaurant owners, working from this information to write both the book’s recipes and reflect on Chinatown’s culinary history. Food culture also features in (although it is not the main focus) more general book-length studies such as educational texts such as Chew Yen Fook’s The Magic of Singapore and Melanie Guile’s Culture in Singapore (2000). Works that navigate both spaces (of Singaporean culture more generally and its foodways) such Lily Kong’s Singapore Hawker Centres: People, Places, Food, provide an consistent narrative of food in Singapore, stressing its multicultural flavours that can be enjoyed from eateries ranging from hawker stalls to high-end restaurants that, interestingly, that agrees with that promulgated in the food writing discussed above. Food Memoirs and Blogs Many of these narratives include personal material, drawing on the author’s own food experiences and taste memories. This approach is fully developed in the food memoir, a growing sub-genre of Singapore food writing. While memoirs by expatriate Singaporeans such as Cheryl Lu-Lien Tan’s A Tiger in the Kitchen: A Memoir of Food and Family, produced by major publisher Hyperion in New York, has attracted considerable international attention, it presents a story of Singapore cuisine that agrees with such locally produced texts as television chef and food writer Terry Tan’s Stir-fried and Not Shaken: A Nostalgic Trip Down Singapore’s Memory Lane and the food memoir of the Singaporean chef credited with introducing fine Malay dining to Singapore, Aziza Ali’s Sambal Days, Kampong Cuisine, published in Singapore in 2013 with the support of the National Heritage Board. All these memoirs are currently available in Singapore in both bookshops and a number of museums and other attractions. While underscoring the historical and cultural value of these foods, all describe the unique flavours of Singaporean cuisine and its deliciousness. A number of prominent Singapore food bloggers are featured in general guidebooks and promoted by the STB as useful resources to dining out in Singapore. One of the most prominent of these is Leslie Tay, a medical doctor and “passionate foodie” (Knipp) whose awardwinning ieatŸishootŸipost is currently attracting some 90,000 unique visitors every month and has had over 20,000 million hits since its launch in 2006. An online diary of Tay’s visits to hundreds of Singaporean hawker stalls, it includes descriptions and photographs of meals consumed, creating accumulative oral culinary histories of these dishes and those who prepared them. These narratives have been reorganised and reshaped in Tay’s first book The End of Char Kway Teow and Other Hawker Mysteries, where each chapter tells the story of one particular dish, including recommended hawker stalls where it can be enjoyed. Ladyironchef.com is a popular food and travel site that began as a blog in 2007. An edited collection of reviews of eateries and travel information, many by the editor himself, the site features lists of, for example, the best cafes (LadyIronChef “Best Cafes”), eateries at the airport (LadyIronChef “Guide to Dining”), and hawker stalls (Lim). While attesting to the cultural value of these foods, many articles also discuss flavour, as in Lim’s musings on: ‘how good can chicken on rice taste? … The glistening grains of rice perfumed by fresh chicken stock and a whiff of ginger is so good you can even eat it on its own’. Conclusion Recent Singapore food publishing reflects this focus on taste. Tay’s publisher, Epigram, growing Singaporean food list includes the recently released Heritage Cookbooks Series. This highlights specialist Singaporean recipes and cookery techniques, with the stated aim of preserving tastes and foodways that continue to influence Singaporean food culture today. Volumes published to date on Peranakan, South Indian, Cantonese, Eurasian, and Teochew (from the Chaoshan region in the east of China’s Guangdong province) cuisines offer both cultural and practical guides to the quintessential dishes and flavours of each cuisine, featuring simple family dishes alongside more elaborate special occasion meals. In common with the food writing discussed above, the books in this series, although dealing with very different styles of cookery, contribute to an overall impression of the taste of Singapore food that is highly consistent and extremely persuasive. This food writing narrates that Singapore has a delicious as well as distinctive and interesting food culture that plays a significant role in Singaporean life both currently and historically. It also posits that this food culture is, at the same time, easily accessible and also worthy of detailed consideration and discussion. 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Acknowledgements Research to complete this article was supported by Central Queensland University, Australia, under its Outside Studies Program (OSPRO) and Learning and Teaching Education Research Centre (LTERC). An earlier version of part of this article was presented at the 2nd Australasian Regional Food Networks and Cultures Conference, in the Barossa Valley in South Australia, Australia, 11–14 November 2012. The delegates of that conference and expert reviewers of this article offered some excellent suggestions regarding strengthening this article and their advice was much appreciated. All errors are, of course, my own.

Abstract Background Clinical outcome measures for hand function in systemic sclerosis (SSc) can be assessed using validated questionnaires such as the Cochin hand function questionnaire (CHFS). The CHFS can evaluate the physical efficacy of hand physiotherapy. However, there is currently no validated questionnaire for assessing patient motivation to engage in hand exercises, which is a crucial consideration for any exercise regime. The aim of this study was to evaluate patient opinions of their own hand function status and motivation to complete hand exercises. This research sits within a larger study investigating hand function pre and post-conventional therapy and a new innovative virtual rehabilitation programme. Methods Twenty patients diagnosed with limited and diffuse cutaneous SSc (lcSSc and dcSSc), meeting the 2013 ACR criteria for SSc, were recruited from a tertiary referral rheumatology clinic (mean age: 55yrs; range 34-74yrs; female: n = 18; white British: 95%; dcSSc: n = 10; lcSSc: n = 10; mean mRSS: 10; mean age at diagnosis: 43yrs). All participants completed a novel questionnaire developed for this study to evaluate their experience with and motivation for completing hand exercises. Additionally, baseline characteristics were surveyed as well as a timeline of disease characteristics. Subsequent data analysis included Fisher’s exact testing and Spearman’s bivariate correlation. Results Half of all patients surveyed reported that hand function limited their ability to perform tasks of daily living, but they still retained independence. 65% (n = 13) of participants performed hand function exercises for a mean 25 weeks, with 30.8% being only a “little motivated”. A total of 65% were referred for physiotherapy. There was a strong positive correlation (Spearman’s rho 0.786) between older age at disease diagnosis and motivation to do hand exercises. However, there was no correlation (Spearman’s rho 0.027) between how motivated an individual was to do hand exercises and the number of weeks exercises were performed. The dcSSc group of patients were found to have performed hand exercises more than lcSSc (Fisher’s Exact Test, p = 0.03). Conclusion Across all patients, the lack of association between motivation and weeks of hand exercises completed indicates that there are barriers faced by patients with SSc who want to do physiotherapy. The strong correlation between the age at which the disease was diagnosed and a patient’s motivation to do physiotherapy is not supported by the available literature, as studies show that adherence to physiotherapy is associated more closely to education, socioeconomic background and social support. An additional independent study specific to age, with the consideration of confounders is necessary to explore this. An easy to use digital rehabilitation intervention could help actualise motivation and make physiotherapy more accessible. This needs to be validated in a larger cohort. Disclosures S. Addous None. J. Wood None. E. Eusterwiemann None. M.E. Anderson None.

Background and Purpose: Stroke is the leading cause of adult disability in the United States. Compliance with the stroke quality indicators reinforces that a stroke center is adhering to the evidence based standards of care in acute stroke patients. Hardwiring a process in the delivery of care during hospitalization will ensure improved compliance of these quality indicators. Methods: A core multidisciplinary team was formed that included neurointensivists, neurologist, neurointerventional radiologist, pharmacist, emergency room and neuro intensive care staff along with neuroscience administration staff. Directors of the various services impacted by the stroke patients were invited on an ad hoc basis. Retrospective chart reviews were performed to collect data on a monthly basis for the following quality indicators: DVT prophylaxis Discharged on antithrombotics Patients with a-fib receiving anticoagulation Thrombolytic therapy administration Antithrombotic by end of day 2 Discharged on cholesterol meds Dysphagia screening Stroke education Smoking cessation education Assessed for Rehab Overall compliance with these indicators was on target but areas for improvement were noted in the following areas: stroke education, discharged on statin, thrombolytic therapy administration and patients with a-fib receiving anticoagulation. Aggressive action plans for each of these areas were developed and implemented. Initiatives included standardized electronic order sets, electronic admission, consult, history and physical templates with the quality indicators listed. Presentation of compliance results with a review of outliers were part of monthly section meetings. In order to understand process deviations further discussions with section chiefs resulted in investigation and resolution of issues that led to the variances. Hiring of a research registered nurse and a stroke coordinator were added to the existing stroke service team. Results: Dramatic improvement was achieved with no indicator falling below <85.2% (85.2 out 100) for an entire year. Gold Plus achievement level with the American Stroke Association was achieved within a three year period. Target Stroke Honor Role was also achieved during this time period. Conclusions: A cohesive project team was able to identify barriers, recommend process changes and ensure the implementation of change within the institution. Data collection and process revision is ongoing

Il est à la fois attendu et surprenant que l’American Anthropological Association (AAA) fonctionne en anglais à l’heure actuelle et qu’elle l’ait fait dans une très large mesure au fil des ans. Dans le premier cas, cela s’explique par trois raisons : un, c’est la principale association d’anthropologues des États-Unis et ce pays est un pays dont le gouvernement, la formation et le commerce sont dominés par l’anglais; deux, il s’agit d’une association dont la majorité des membres sont anglophones et dont beaucoup n’ont que peu, voire aucune expérience en matière de présentation d’exposés professionnels ou même d’enseignement dans une langue autre que l’anglais; trois, alors que dans les premières années de l'association, les États-Unis étaient moins dominants qu'aujourd'hui, et que le français était souvent enseigné à l'école et considéré comme la langue de la « culture », l'anglais demeurait néanmoins la langue dominante dans l'empire britannique. Dans le deuxième cas, il est quand même surprenant que l’American Anthropological Association ait fonctionné et fonctionne toujours seulement en anglais, alors que de nombreux anthropologues basés aux États-Unis étudient une deuxième, et peut-être même une troisième langue, afin d’effectuer leur travail de terrain. C'est le cas de la plupart des anthropologues socioculturels, de la quasi-totalité des anthropologues linguistiques et de nombreux archéologues anthropologues. Cela semble moins l’être parmi les anthropologues biologiques. La question est donc de savoir pourquoi toutes ces langues ne sont utilisées que dans le cadre de la recherche sur le terrain et pourquoi l’anglais demeure l’unique langue de l’American Anthropological Association. Pour y répondre mettons cela dans une perspective plus large. À ma connaissance, et même à celle des membres de longue date de l'AAA, l'anglais est non seulement la langue de l’Association, mais également celle de sa principale conférence annuelle et de ses principaux journaux et bulletins d'information (incluant les bulletins trimestriels) : American Anthropologist, American Ethnologist, Cultural Anthropology, Medical Anthropology Quarterly (le journal de la société d’anthropologie médicale), Ethos (le journal de la Society for Psychological Anthropology) et, enfin, Anthropology and Education Quarterly (le journal de la Society for Anthropology and Education). Ce monolinguisme est intéressant à relever, sachant par ailleurs que les États-Unis se considèrent comme une société immigrée et, au fil des ans, de nombreux Américains n’ont pas du tout parlé anglais ou ne l’ont pas parlé couramment, et qu’au moins un sixième de la population des États-Unis est d'origine latino-américaine, dont une partie ne parle pas l'anglais comme langue maternelle ou ne parle pas confortablement cette langue. De sorte que si l’AAA devait refléter les pratiques linguistiques et les expériences des habitants des États-Unis, cette association ne serait pas aujourd’hui monolingue, pas plus qu’elle ne l’a été au XXe siècle. Si nous examinons d’autres sociétés anthropologiques du monde, nous constatons que cette situation n’est pas spécifique à l’AAA. Nous avons ainsi l’exemple de la Société canadienne d’anthropologie (CASCA), mais aussi ceux de l’Association européenne des anthropologues sociaux (EASA/l’AESA) et de l’Union internationale des sciences anthropologiques et ethnologiques (IUAES/l’UISAE). En effet, ce qui est de jure n'est pas nécessairement de facto et toutes ces associations anthropologiques illustrent bien cette tendance à l’usage exclusif de l’anglais. Anthropologica, le journal de l'association canadienne, est officiellement bilingue anglais français, mais la majorité des soumissions sont en anglais. De même, l’EASA/l'AESA, fondée il y a près de 30 ans au moins en partie pour contrer l'AAA et pour permettre des présentations en anglais et en français, voit ses conférences bisannuelles devenir au fil des ans des conférences largement anglophones, avec peu de panels ou même de présentations en français. Et quelque chose de similaire est arrivé à l'IUAES, à tel point que Miriam Grossi, responsable du congrès de l’IUAES de 2018 à Florianopolis, au Brésil, s'est efforcée d'autoriser les présentations non seulement en anglais et en français, mais également en espagnol et en portugais. Le fait est que beaucoup de personnes aux États-Unis et ailleurs pensent que « tout le monde parlant anglais », les anthropologues américains n'auraient pas besoin de maîtriser (ou même d'apprendre) une langue autre que l'anglais. Il y a à peine un an, l'un de nos étudiants de troisième cycle m'a demandé pourquoi ils devaient encore être soumis à des examens en langues étrangères. J'ai été étonnée de la question, mais j'ai simplement répondu que pour des raisons éthiques et politiques, si nous incitons d’autres personnes à apprendre l’anglais suffisamment bien pour présenter leurs travaux universitaires en anglais, et pas seulement pour le parler, nous devons prendre la peine de leur rendre la pareille en apprenant d’autres langues que l’anglais. Il existe clairement une incohérence entre la politique déclarée de la communauté des anthropologues américains – telle qu’elle est représentée par le AAA et de nombreux départements universitaires, si ce n’est tous – et leurs pratiques sur le terrain. Une profession qui tient à dire qu'elle étudie toute l'humanité et se soucie de tous les groupes humains et de toutes les communautés est une profession de foi qui devrait se préoccuper des langues de tous les groupes humains et de toutes les communautés, y compris des politiques d'utilisation de ces langues. Comme on l’a relevé ci-dessus, la plupart des anthropologues socioculturels, presque tous les anthropologues linguistiques et de nombreux archéologues anthropologistes apprennent sur le terrain des langues, mais ils ne les étendent pas à leurs enseignements, à leurs conférences ou leurs publications. Ed Liebow (Directeur exécutif de l’AAA) me l'a confirmé lorsque je lui ai demandé par courrier électronique si l'AAA avait, à sa connaissance, des politiques linguistiques officielles. Ce dernier a ajouté qu’après l’examen des dossiers du Conseil Exécutif de l'AAA, remontant au début des années 1970, l’une de ses collègues lui a précisé qu’elle n'avait trouvé aucune résolution concernant les langues autres que l'anglais dans l’AAA, à la seule exception de la revue American Anthropologist. C’est ainsi que, tôt au cours de ce siècle, sous la direction de Tom Boellstorff, rédacteur en chef de l'époque de l’American Anthropologist, les auteurs ont été invités à inclure des résumés dans un maximum de deux langues autres que l'anglais. Sous la direction du rédacteur en chef Michael Chibnik et plus récemment de Deborah Thomas, l’American Anthropologist a proposé d’inclure les manuscrits originaux, avant leur traduction en anglais, sur un site Web associé à la revue. Malgré ces bonnes intentions, cela ne s’est pas encore concrétisé. Pour sa part, la Société pour l’Amérique latine et les Caraïbes (SLACA), une section de l’AAA, a périodiquement permis aux universitaires de présenter leurs communications en espagnol. Enfin d’autres rédacteurs de revues, comme ce fut mon cas lorsque j’étais éditrice responsable de l’American Ethnologist entre 2002 et 2007, autorisent théoriquement la soumission de manuscrits dans des langues autres que l'anglais et, dans certains cas, envoient même ces manuscrits à des collègues pour examen, mais cela ne se produit que dans les cas où l'éditeur estime que la chance de trouver des pairs examinateurs capables d’évaluer un manuscrit dans ces langues (telles que l'espagnol) est grande, et le manuscrit est toujours traduit en anglais pour publication. Bref, nous, les anthropologues américains, sommes justement accusés d'hégémonisme linguistique, car nous insistons pour que l'anglais soit la langue prédominante dans les publications et les présentations dans les colloques et congrès scientifiques. Cela désavantage les chercheurs dont l'anglais n'est pas la langue maternelle, les pairs examinateurs ne pouvant s'empêcher d'être influencés par les nuances du style discursif. De plus, les revues anglophones en anthropologie ont de loin les facteurs d’impact les plus importants, reflétant (même imparfaitement) la fréquence avec laquelle les publications de langue anglaise sont citées et influençant du coup la pensée des chercheurs à travers le monde. Nous savons par ailleurs combien la publication dans une des revues de l’AAA est recherchée par les universitaires. L’un des récents moyens que nous avons développé pour corriger ce biais consiste dans un nouvel instrument – le référentiel ouvert de recherche en anthropologie, The Open Anthropology Research Repository (OARR), qui servira de plateforme accessible au monde entier pour déposer des documents de recherche, des rapports techniques, des présentations de conférences, des plans de cours, dans n'importe quelle langue. À la différence de Researchgate et Academia.edu, qui appartiennent à des sociétés commerciales et exploitent activement les données des utilisateurs pour promouvoir l'utilisation et la vente de publicité, l'OARR est construit avec l'aide d'un groupe consultatif international composé de l'Union mondiale d'anthropologie (WAU), de l’Institut royal d'anthropologie (RAI), de l’Association américaine des anthropologues physiques (AAPA), de la Société pour l'archéologie américaine (SAA), de la Société pour l'anthropologie appliquée (SfAA) ainsi que de la Société linguistique d'Amérique. Le but étant d’élargir la diffusion du savoir.

Introduction Special occasion cookery has been a staple of the cookbook writing in the English speaking Western world for decades. This includes providing catering for personal milestones as well as religious and secular festivals. Yet, in an era when the culinary publishing sector is undergoing considerable expansion and market segmentation, narratives of foods marking of one of life’s central and inescapable rites—death—are extremely rare. This discussion investigates examples of food writing related to death and funeral rites in contemporary cookbooks. Funeral feasts held in honour of the dead date back beyond recorded history (Luby and Gruber), and religious, ceremonial and community group meals as a component of funeral rites are now ubiquitous around the world. In earlier times, the dead were believed to derive both pleasure and advantage from these offerings (LeClercq), and contemporary practice still reflects this to some extent, with foods favoured by the deceased sometimes included in such meals (see, for instance, Varidel). In the past, offering some sustenance as a component of a funeral was often necessary, as mourners might have travelled considerable distances to attend the ceremony, and eateries outside the home were not as commonplace or convenient to access as they are today. The abundance and/or lavishness of the foods provided may also have reflected the high esteem in which the dead was held, and offered as a mark of community respect (Smith and Bird). Following longstanding tradition, it is still common for Western funeral attendees to gather after the formal parts of the event—the funeral service and burial or cremation —in a more informal atmosphere to share memories of the deceased and refreshments (Simplicity Funerals 31). Thursby notes that these events, which are ostensibly about the dead, often develop into a celebration of the ties between living family members and friends, “times of reunions and renewed relationships” (94). Sharing food is central to this celebration as “foods affirm identity, strengthen kinship bonds, provide comfortable and familiar emotional support during periods of stress” (79), while familiar dishes evoke both memories and promising signals of the continued celebration of life” (94). While in the southern states and some other parts of the USA, it is customary to gather at the church premises after the funeral for a meal made up of items contributed by members of the congregation, and with leftovers sent home with the bereaved family (Siegfried), it is more common in Australasia and the UK to gather either in the home of the principal mourners, someone else’s home or a local hotel, club or restaurant (Jalland). Church halls are a less common option in Australasia, and an increasing trend is the utilisation of facilities attached to the funeral home and supplied as a component of a funeral package (Australian Heritage Funerals). The provision of this catering largely depends on the venue chosen, with the cookery either done by family and/or friends, the hotel, club, restaurant or professional catering companies, although this does not usually affect the style of the food, which in Australia and New Zealand is often based on a morning or afternoon tea style meal (Jalland). Despite widespread culinary innovation in other contexts, funeral catering bears little evidence of experimentation. Ash likens this to as being “fed by grandmothers”, and describes “scones, pastries, sandwiches, biscuits, lamingtons—food from a fifties afternoon party with the taste of Country Women’s Association about it”, noting that funerals “require humble food. A sandwich is not an affront to the dead” (online). Numerous other memoirists note this reliance on familiar foods. In “S is for Sad” in her An Alphabet for Gourmets (1949), food writer M.F.K. Fisher writes of mourners’s deep need for sustenance at this time as a “mysterious appetite that often surges in us when our hearts seem breaking and our lives too bleakly empty” (135). In line with Probyn’s argument that food foregrounds the viscerality of life (7), Fisher notes that “most bereaved souls crave nourishment more tangible than prayers: they want a steak. […] It is as if our bodies, wiser than we who wear them, call out for encouragement and strength and […] compel us […] to eat” (135, 136). Yet, while funerals are a recurring theme in food memoirs (see, for example, West, Consuming), only a small number of Western cookbooks address this form of special occasion food provision. Feast by Nigella Lawson Nigella Lawson’s Feast: Food that Celebrates Life (2004) is one of the very few popular contemporary cookbooks in English that includes an entire named section on cookery for funerals. Following twenty-one chapters that range from the expected (Christmas, Thanksgiving, Easter, and wedding) to more original (children’s and midnight) feasts, Lawson frames her discussion with an anthropological understanding of the meaning of special occasion eating. She notes that we use food “to mark occasions that are important to us in life” (vii) and how eating together “is the vital way we celebrate anything that matters […] how we mark the connections between us, how we celebrate life” (vii). Such meals embody both personal and group identities because both how and what is eaten “lies at the heart of who we are-as individuals, families, communities” (vii). This is consistent with her overall aims as a food writer—to explore foods’ meanings—as she states in the book’s introduction “the recipes matter […] but it is what the food says that really counts” (vii). She reiterates this near the end of the book, adding, almost as an afterthought, “and, of course, what it tastes like” (318). Lawson’s food writing also reveals considerable detail about herself. In common with many other celebrity chefs and food writers, Lawson continuously draws on, elaborates upon, and ultimately constructs her own life as a major theme of her works (Brien, Rutherford, and Williamson). In doing so, she, like these other chefs and food writers, draws upon revelations of her private life to lend authenticity to her cooking, to the point where her cookbooks could be described as “memoir-illustrated-with-recipes” (Brien and Williamson). The privileging of autobiographical information in Lawson’s work extends beyond the use of her own home and children in her television programs and books, to the revelation of personal details about her life, with the result that these have become well known. Her readers thus know that her mother, sister and first and much-loved husband all died of cancer in a relatively brief space of time, and how these tragedies affected her life. Her first book, How to Eat: The Pleasures and Principles of Good Food (1998), opened with the following dedication: “In memory of my mother, Vanessa (1936–1985) and my sister Thomasina (1961–1993)” (dedication page). Her husband, BBC broadcaster and The Times (London) journalist John Diamond, who died of throat cancer in 2001, furthered this public knowledge, writing about both his illness and at length about Lawson in his column and his book C: Because Cowards Get Cancer Too (1999). In Feast, Lawson discusses her personal tragedies in the introduction of the ‘Funeral Foods’ chapter, writing about a friend's kind act of leaving bags of shopping from the supermarket for her when she was grieving (451). Her first recipe in this section, for a potato topped fish pie, is highly personalised in that it is described as “what I made on the evening following my mother’s funeral” (451). Following this, she again uses her own personal experience when she notes that “I don’t think anyone wants to cook in the immediate shock of bereavement […] but a few days on cooking can be a calming act, and since the mind knows no rest and has no focus, the body may as well be busy” (451). Similarly, her recipe for the slowly hard-boiled, dark-stained Hamine Eggs are described as “sans bouche”, which she explains means “without mouths to express sorrow and anguish.” She adds, drawing on her own memories of feelings at such times, “I find that appropriate: there is nothing to be said, or nothing that helps” (455). Despite these examples of raw emotion, Lawson’s chapter is not all about grief. She also comments on both the aesthetics of dishes suitable for such times and their meanings, as well as the assistance that can be offered to others through the preparation and sharing of food. In her recipe for a lamb tagine that includes prunes, she notes, for example, that the dried plums are “traditionally part of the funeral fare of many cultures […] since their black colour is thought to be appropriate to the solemnity of the occasion” (452). Lawson then suggests this as a suitable dish to offer to someone in mourning, someone who needs to “be taken care of by you” (452). This is followed by a lentil soup, the lentils again “because of their dark colour … considered fitting food for funerals” (453), but also practical, as the dish is “both comforting and sustaining and, importantly, easy to transport and reheat” (453). Her next recipe for a meatloaf containing a line of hard-boiled eggs continues this rhetorical framing—as it is “always comfort food […] perfect for having sliced on a plate at a funeral tea or for sending round to someone’s house” (453). She adds the observation that there is “something hopeful and cheering about the golden yolk showing through in each slice” (453), noting that the egg “is a recurring feature in funeral food, symbolising as it does, the cycle of life, the end and the beginning in one” (453). The next recipe, Heavenly Potatoes, is Lawson’s version of the dish known as Mormon or Utah Funeral potatoes (Jensen), which are so iconic in Utah that they were featured on one of the Salt Lake City Olympic Games souvenir pins (Spackman). This tray of potatoes baked in milk and sour cream and then topped with crushed cornflakes are, she notes, although they sound exotic, quite familiar, and “perfect alongside the British traditional baked ham” (454), and reference given to an earlier ham recipe. These savoury recipes are followed by those for three substantial cakes: an orange cake marbled with chocolate-coffee swirls, a fruit tea loaf, and a rosemary flavoured butter cake, each to be served sliced to mourners. She suggests making the marble cake (which Lawson advises she includes in memory of the deceased mother of one of her friends) in a ring mould, “as the circle is always significant. There is a cycle that continues but—after all, the cake is sliced and the circle broken—another that has ended” (456). Of the fruitcake, she writes “I think you need a fruit cake for a funeral: there’s something both comforting and bolstering (and traditional) about it” (457). This tripartite concern—with comfort, sustenance and tradition—is common to much writing about funeral foods. Cookbooks from the American South Despite this English example, a large proportion of cookbook writing about funeral foods is in American publications, and especially those by southern American authors, reflecting the bountiful spreads regularly offered to mourners in these states. This is chronicled in novels, short stories, folk songs and food memoirs as well as some cookery books (Purvis). West’s memoir Consuming Passions: A Food Obsessed Life (2000) has a chapter devoted to funeral food, complete with recipes (132–44). West notes that it is traditional in southern small towns to bring covered dishes of food to the bereaved, and that these foods have a powerful, and singular, expressive mode: “Sometimes we say all the wrong things, but food […] says, ‘I know you are inconsolable. I know you are fragile right now. And I am so sorry for your loss’” (139). Suggesting that these foods are “concern and sympathy in a Pyrex bowl” (139), West includes recipes for Chess pie (a lemon tart), with the information that this is known in the South as “funeral pie” (135) and a lemon-flavoured slice that, with a cup of tea, will “revive the spirit” (136). Like Lawson, West finds significance in the colours of funeral foods, continuing that the sunny lemon in this slice “reminds us that life continues, that we must sustain and nourish it” (139). Gaydon Metcalf and Charlotte Hays’s Being Dead is No Excuse: The Official Southern Ladies Guide to Hosting the Perfect Funeral (2005), is one of the few volumes available dedicated to funeral planning and also offers a significant cookery-focused section on food to offer at, and take to, funeral events. Jessica Bemis Ward’s To Die For: A Book of Funeral Food, Tips, and Tales from the Old City Cemetery, Lynchburg, Virginia (2004) not only contains more than 100 recipes, but also information about funeral customs, practical advice in writing obituaries and condolence notes, and a series of very atmospheric photographs of this historic cemetery. The recipes in the book are explicitly noted to be traditional comfort foods from Central Virginia, as Ward agrees with the other writers identified that “simplicity is the by-word when talking about funeral food” (20). Unlike the other examples cited here, however, Ward also promotes purchasing commercially-prepared local specialties to supplement home-cooked items. There is certainly significantly more general recognition of the specialist nature of catering for funerals in the USA than in Australasia. American food is notable in stressing how different ethnic groups and regions have specific dishes that are associated with post-funeral meals. From this, readers learn that the Amish commonly prepare a funeral pie with raisins, and Chinese-American funerals include symbolic foods taken to the graveside as an offering—including piles of oranges for good luck and entire roast pigs. Jewish, Italian and Greek culinary customs in America also receive attention in both scholarly studies and popular American food writing (see, for example, Rogak, Purvis). This is beginning to be acknowledged in Australia with some recent investigation into the cultural importance of food in contemporary Chinese, Jewish, Greek, and Anglo-Australian funerals (Keys), but is yet to be translated into local mainstream cookery publication. Possible Publishing Futures As home funerals are a growing trend in the USA (Wilson 2009), green funerals increase in popularity in the UK (West, Natural Burial), and the multi-million dollar funeral industry is beginning to be questioned in Australia (FCDC), a more family or community-centered “response to death and after-death care” (NHFA) is beginning to re-emerge. This is a process whereby family and community members play a key role in various parts of the funeral, including in planning and carrying out after-death rituals or ceremonies, preparing the body, transporting it to the place of burial or cremation, and facilitating its final disposition in such activities as digging the grave (Gonzalez and Hereira, NHFA). Westrate, director of the documentary A Family Undertaking (2004), believes this challenges us to “re-examine our attitudes toward death […] it’s one of life’s most defining moments, yet it’s the one we typically prepare for least […] [and an indication of our] culture of denial” (PBS). With an emphasis on holding meaningful re-personalised after-disposal events as well as minimal, non-invasive and environmentally friendly treatment of the body (Harris), such developments would also seem to indicate that the catering involved in funeral occasions, and the cookbooks that focus on the provision of such food, may well become more prominent in the future. References [AHF] Australian Heritage Funerals. “After the Funeral.” Australian Heritage Funerals, 2013. 10 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.ahfunerals.com.au/services.php?arid=31›. Ash, Romy. “The Taste of Sad: Funeral Feasts, Loss and Mourning.” Voracious: Best New Australian Food Writing. Ed. Paul McNally. Richmond, Vic.: Hardie Grant, 2011. 3 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.romyash.com/non-fiction/the-taste-of-sad-funeral-feasts-loss-and-mourning›. Brien, Donna Lee, Leonie Rutherford, and Rosemary Williamson. "Hearth and Hotmail: The Domestic Sphere as Commodity and Community in Cyberspace." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). 28 Apr. 2013 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/10-brien.php›. Brien, Donna Lee, and Rosemary Williamson. “‘Angels of the Home’ in Cyberspace: New Technologies and Biographies of Domestic Production”. Biography and New Technologies. Australian National University. Humanities Research Centre, Canberra, ACT. 12-14 Sep. 2006. Conference Presentation. Diamond, John. C: Because Cowards Get Cancer Too… . London: Vermilion, 1998. Fisher, M.F.K. “S is for Sad.” An Alphabet for Gourmets. New York, North Point P, 1989. 1st. pub. New York, Viking: 1949. Gonzalez, Faustino, and Mildreys Hereira. “Home-Based Viewing (El Velorio) After Death: A Cost-Effective Alternative for Some Families.” American Journal of Hospice & Pallative Medicine 25.5 (2008): 419–20. Harris, Mark. Grave Matters: A Journey Through the Modern Funeral Industry to a Natural Way of Burial. New York: Scribner, 2007. Jalland, Patricia. Australian Ways of Death: A Social and Cultural History 1840-1918. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 2002. Jensen, Julie Badger. The Essential Mormon Cookbook: Green Jell-O, Funeral Potatoes, and Other Secret Combinations. Salt Lake City: Deseret, 2004. Keys, Laura. “Undertaking a Jelly Feast in Williamstown.” Hobsons Bay Leader 28 Mar. 2011. 2 Apr. 2013 ‹http://hobsons-bay-leader.whereilive.com.au/news/story/undertaking-a-jelly-feast-in-williamstown›. Lawson, Nigella. How to Eat: The Pleasures and Principles of Good Food. London: Chatto & Windus, 1998. ---. Feast: Food that Celebrates Life. London: Chatto & Windus, 2004. LeClercq, H. “The Agape Feast.” The Catholic Encyclopedia I, New York: Robert Appleton, 1907. 3 Apr. 2013. ‹http://www.piney.com/AgapeCE.html›. Luby, Edward M., and Mark F. Gruber. “The Dead Must Be Fed: Symbolic Meanings of the Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Area.” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 9.1 (1999): 95–108. Metcalf, Gaydon, and Charlotte Hays. Being Dead Is No Excuse: The Official Southern Ladies Guide to Hosting the Perfect Funeral. New York: Miramax, 2005. [NHFA] National Home Funeral Alliance. “What is a Home Funeral?” National Home Funeral Alliance, 2012. 3 Apr. 2013. ‹http://homefuneralalliance.org›. PBS. “A Family Undertaking.” POV: Documentaries with a Point of View. PBS, 2004. 3 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.pbs.org/pov/afamilyundertaking/film_description.php#.UYHI2PFquRY›. Probyn, Elspeth. Carnal Appetites: Food/Sex/Identities. London: Routledge, 2000. Purvis, Kathleen. “Funeral Food.” The Oxford Companion to American Food and Drink. Ed. Andrew F. Smith. New York: Oxford UP, 2007. 247–48. Rogak, Lisa. Death Warmed Over: Funeral Food, Rituals, and Customs from Around the World. Berkeley: Ten Speed P, 2004. Siegfried, Susie. Church Potluck Carry-Ins and Casseroles: Homestyle Recipes for Church Suppers, Gatherings, and Community Celebrations. Avon, MA.: Adams Media, 2006. Simplicity Funerals. Things You Need To Know About Funerals. Sydney: Simplicity Funerals, 1990. Smith, Eric Alden, and Rebecca L. Bliege Bird. “Turtle Hunting and Tombstone Opening: Public Generosity as Costly Signaling.” Evolution and Human Behavior 21.4 (2000): 245–61.Spackman, Christy. “Mormonism’s Jell-O Mold: Why Do We Associate the Religion With the Gelatin Dessert?” Slate Magazine 17 Aug. (2012). 3 Apr. 2013.Thursby, Jacqueline S. Funeral Festivals in America: Rituals for the Living. Lexington: UP of Kentucky, 2006. Varidel, Rebecca. “Bompas and Parr: Funerals and Food at Nelson Bros.” Inside Cuisine 12 Mar. (2011). 3 Apr. 2013 ‹http://insidecuisine.com/2011/03/12/bompas-and-parr-funerals-and-food-at-nelson-bros›. Ward, Jessica Bemis. Food To Die for: A Book of Funeral Food, Tips, and Tales from the Old City Cemetery, Lynchburg, Virginia. Lynchburg: Southern Memorial Association, 2004. West, Ken. A Guide to Natural Burial. Andover UK: Sweet & Maxwell, 2010. West, Michael Lee. Consuming Passions: A Food Obsessed Life. New York: Perennial, 2000. Wilson, M.T. “The Home Funeral as the Final Act of Caring: A Qualitative Study.” Master in Nursing thesis. Livonia, Michigan: Madonna University, 2009.

Introduction The past decade has seen a burgeoning new field titled “night studies” or “darkness studies” (Gwiazdzinski, Maggioli, and Straw). Key theorists Straw, Shaw, Dunn, and Edensor have spearheaded this new field, publishing a recent flurry of books and other scholarly work dedicated to various aspects of the night. Topics range, for instance, from the history of artificial lighting (Shaw), atmospheres of urban light and darkness (Sumartojo, Edensor, and Pink), street music and public space at night (Reia), the experience of eating in the dark (Edensor and Falconer), walking at night (Morris; Dunn), gendered experiences of the city at night (Hardley; Hardley and Richardson “Mobile Media”, “Mistrust”), and women’s solo experiences of the wilderness at night. Contributing to this new field, this article considers some of the embodied ways mobile media have been deployed in the urban night. To date, this topic has not received much attention within the fields of mobile media or night studies. The research presented in this article draws on a qualitative research project conducted in Australia from 2016-2020. The project focussed on participants’ use of mobile media in urban spaces at night and conducted a specific analysis of pertinent gendered differences. Throughout my iterative and longitudinal research process, I engaged various phases of data collection to explore participants’ night-time mobile media practices, as well as to consider how darkness and the night impact networked practices in ways that speak to the postphenomenological concept of multistability (Ihde Postphenomenology and Technoscience). I highlight the empirical findings through a series of participant stories, exploring salient insights into embodied perceptions of darkness and various ways of co-opting mobile media practices in the urban night. Methods: Data Collection, Interpretation, and Representation My research took place in Perth and Melbourne from 2016-2020. A total of 98 individuals, aged 19 to 67 years, participated. Participants came from diverse backgrounds, including urban and rural Australia, Sweden, America, Ethiopia, Italy, Argentina, USA, and England. They were students, teachers, chefs, unemployed, stay-at-home-parents, miners, small business owners, retired, doctors, and government scientists. They identified across the sexuality and gender identity spectrums. My techniques for data collection were grouped into four main phases: (i) an initial survey; (ii) home visits, which included interviews, haptic experiments, observations, and my own situatedness in participants’ homes; (iii) geo-locative tracking and text messaging; and (iv) online follow-up interviews. The study was open to anyone who lived in Perth or Melbourne, was over 18 years old, and used a smartphone. All phases of the data collection were conducted during the day or at night, depending on participant availability. My focus on darkness and the night, in relation to mobile media, evolved over time. The first question regarding mobile media and the night was posed in 2016 during initial data collection, using an online survey to cast a wide net to gather insights on networked functionality afforded by mobile phones and perceptions of safety and risk in urban and domestic space. Participants frequently referred to the differences between day and night. During home visits and face-to-face interviews in 2017, as well as online interviews in 2020, I sought to gain deeper insights into participants’ sensory experiences of darkness and the night. My interpretation and representation of the data adopts a similar approach as vignettes, which are described by Berry in her book on creative practice and mobile media. For Berry, vignettes are a way of “braiding” (xv) accounts of participant experience together. My particular use of this approach has been published in detail elsewhere (Hardley and Richardson “Digital Placemaking”). Postphenomenology, Multistability, and Mobile Media Throughout this article I frame engagement with mobile media as a particular kind of body-technology relation. As the founder of postphenomenology, Ihde, writes, “technologies transform our experience of the world and our perceptions and interpretations of our world, and we in turn become transformed in this process” (Postphenomenology and Technoscience 44). Ihde adapted phenomenology (from Merleau-Ponty, Husserl, and Heidegger) by shifting away from an essentialist body-subject to non-essentialist contextualisation. As Ihde explains (he uses archery longbows and arrows to make his point), all tools are the “same” in an abstract sense; however, “radically different practices fit differently into various contexts” (Postphenomenology and Technoscience 16). In other words, tools (including mobile media) are never neutral and are always multiple and variable depending on context and practice. All tools are therefore situated and embodied in culturally specific ways. Postphenomenological scholarship can, thus, be said to capture the cultural specificity of all human-technology relations. The following examples help illustrate this defining characteristic of postphenomenology, as distinct from phenomenology. It could be argued that Merleau-Ponty’s phenomenological description of the blind man with his cane is an essentialist notion of what it’s like to experience blindness. On the other hand, Wellner’s postphenomenological description of using a mobile phone describes how the same technology can be used by different people in multiple ways, as people assign different meanings to the technology. This notion is best captured by the term multistability, which suggests each technology has numerous uses, applications and purposes. As Irwin explains, the term multistability—one of Ihde’s central concepts within postphenomenology—conveys the inherent adaptability and mutability of both bodies and media engagement, depending on the context or situatedness of a tool’s use. In the following sections, I first explore embodied perceptions of darkness and the night, and then explore how mobile media have modified participants’ embodied perception of darkness and how it informs their situated awareness of their urban surroundings. In terms of my research, this concerns how mobile media users embody their devices in an array of different ways, especially at night. “Feeling” the Night: Embodied Perceptions of Darkness Darkness, and the night, are not simply about the lack of vision. Indeed, while sensory perception in the dark, such as obscured vision and the heightening of other senses, comes into play, we also encounter the night through an enmeshed cultural relationship of darkness and danger. Shaw describes this relationship in the following way: darkness has been equated with danger: the night was a time when demons, criminals and others who presented a threat were imagined to be present in the landscape. Darkness was thus imagined as a space in which both real and mythical dangers were present. (“Controlling Darkness” 5) Chris, a young gay man living in a medium-sized town close to Melbourne, leaned back in his chair, closed his eyes, and laughed when I asked him if he has ever been scared of the dark. He responded: [Silence] Yeah! I have! Wow, what a funny question. [Laughter] I remember always checking my closet as a child before getting into bed. And the door had to be closed. I could not sleep if the closet door was open. When asked what he thought might be in the closet at night, he laughed again and shared: I have no idea. I don’t think I ever thought it was a person, just the unknown. How funny to think about that now—as a gay man I was scared of what might come out of the closet! [Laughter] Chris’s observation of his habitual childhood behaviour illustrates an embodied cultural imagery of darkness and the role of fear, anxieties and the unknown in the dark. He also spoke of “growing out of” his fantastical fear of the dark as he entered adulthood. This contrasts with what many women in my study described, noting their transition from childhood “fears of the dark” to very real and “felt” experiences of darkness and danger. This opened up a major finding in my research, and uncovered navigational and connectivity strategies often deployed by women in urban spaces at night (Hardley and Richardson “Mistrust”). For instance, Leah (a woman in her late 40s living in Perth), revealed her peripatetic engagement with the (sub)urban night when she described her cycling routes with her 8-year-old daughter. While talking with me via Zoom in 2020, she explained: I have an electric bike—it’s great. I can zip around the city and I have a kid’s seat on the back for my daughter. Sometimes I feel like a hybrid pedestrian—I can switch quickly between being on the road or the footpath. Recently, my daughter asked why we always take the long way home at night. I had to think quickly to come up with a response because I think she’s too young to know the truth. I told her that parks are often empty at night, so if something happens to us then there will be no one to help. In a way that’s true, but really, it’s because as a woman and a child it’s safer for us to remain on well-lit streets. Leah’s experience of the city and her mobility at night are distinctly gendered; she reflects on her experience as a “hybrid pedestrian” in relation to what could happen to her and her daughter if they were to ride through the park at night instead of remaining on the well-lit bike path. Overwhelmingly, the men who participated in my study did not share similar experiences or reflections. Introducing the embodiment of darkness and the night, along with associated fears and anxieties, in a general sense sets the atmospheric scene for a postphenomenological analysis of embodied experiences of the urban night and how users co-opt mobile media functionalities to manage their embodied experiences of the dark. Chris and Leah’s stories both suggest how we “feel” at night has important implications for the practical way(s) in which we engage, navigate and curate our experiences of the dark. In the following section, I consider how mobile devices are literally “handled”, particularly by women in the urban context, to mitigate fears and anxieties of the night. I contend that our embodied experience of the urban night is mediated by, and through, our collective and individual fears, anxieties and perceptions of danger in the dark. Co-opting Mobile Media: Multistable Experiences of the Urban Night Reflecting on his own practices of walking at night, Dunn writes, walking at night, however, offers something different, having the capacity to alter our ingrained, seemingly natural predispositions towards the urban surroundings, and our perceptions along with it. (9) Indeed, the night can offer a “capacity to alter”; however, I suggest that it can also reinforce anxieties and fears of the dark (both real and imagined). As such, walking at night can also reinforce “ingrained, seemingly natural predispositions”. Postphenomenology is useful here, as it offers a way to think through practices of what Ihde calls “amplification” and “reduction” of the corporeal schema. Through both actions, mobile media users habituate themselves or take up residence in the urban night by and through their use of smartphone functionalities, as well as their sense of networked connectivity. In the context of this article, the corporeal schema undergoes an amplification and reduction via the co-opting of mobile media, such as an embodied sense of networked connectivity or a tactile prop, to generate a “tele-cocoon” (Habuchi), “shield” (Verhoeff), or “bubble” (Bull Sounding). The corporeal schema can be understood as our lived experience of the world (Merleau-Ponty), whereby our “perceptual reach and bodily boundaries, is always-already extendible through artifacts and technologies” (Hardley and Richardson “Mistrust”). The digital cocoon afforded by mobile media is often gendered and overtly concerned with issues of personal safety and privacy, especially at night. For many women, generating an imagined boundary between the self and others in shared urban spaces is an important function of mobile media. As one Perth participant reflected, my phone’s a good distraction when I’m alone in a public place, especially at night if I’m waiting for someone. Sometimes guys will come up and try to start a conversation—it’s so annoying. If I focus on my phone, it’s like telling them to leave me alone. This tactical use of mobile media to carve out one’s own space in crowded social places was especially common among the women I interviewed. Yet, such practices are also deployed by men, albeit for different reasons. In Melbourne, Dane described the strategic use of his mobile phone as both a creative tool of connection and a means of communicating—especially to women at night—that he was non-threatening. As a proud late-adopter of smartphones, he explained to me that his main reason for buying one had been the camera function; he refers to his smartphone as “a camera that rings”. He particularly enjoys taking photos at night, during which time his familiar streets become “moody and strange”. He spends many hours walking in his neighbourhood, capturing shadows and uploading the images to his public Instagram account. Referring to his dark skin and shaved head, he joked, “I’d look great in a line-up” and added: sometimes I feel a bit self-conscious on the bus or train, particularly late at night, I think maybe I could seem like a threat or something. So, I’ll play a game or chat to friends about my photos via Instagram. I figure it works both ways—I don’t notice anyone and people don’t notice me. As these participant stories reveal, the personal privacy bubble offered by our mobile devices is co-opted differently. Turning to Ihde’s notion of multistability, these examples can be analysed and understood as mobile technologies’ potential variabilities with multiple outcomes (Ihde Postphenomenology and Technoscience). To explore and explain this further, I consider the following participant story in which Britta, an American living in Melbourne, reflected on her night-time pedestrian practices across two cities, sharing: at night, in Australia, my phone would be in my bra. In Philadelphia, it would be in my hand. It's totally different because of safety. When at University in the U.S., I would always talk to a friend while walking from one place to the next. It doesn't even cross my mind to do that in Australia. In Philadelphia, I would call one of the girls I lived with and if someone approached me, I could say, "Oh shit, I'm about to get mugged, this is where I am” and they could call the cops. It's a sense of being on guard. I would never walk using headphones in Philadelphia. In Australia, if I go running at night I listen to music with one earphone in. In this vignette, Britta has habituated an acute awareness of her corporeal schema. As Wellner suggests, “the world is always a negotiation between humans and their tools, their artifacts, their technology, and their devices” (5). In this context, Britta has an amplified awareness of her situatedness, and uses her mobile phone to listen to music in different ways depending on her geographical location. There is a direct connection to her use of headphones to listen to music and her embodied perception of personal safety at night. Turning to Ihde, this participant story can be explained through the term “non-neutrality”, which describes how “no technology is ‘one thing,’ nor is it incapable of belonging to multiple contexts” (Ihde Technology and Prognostic 47). Such an example points to the non-neutrality of mobile media, and how “our perception and environment are mediated by the technology” (Wellner 15). This analysis can be extended further to consider the use of headphones (as an extension of the mobile phone) and geographical location in relation to the concept of multistability—that is, the specificity of use. As Irwin writes, “how is it to be an earbudded body in the world? ... Earbuds are non-neutral and they are becoming deeply imbedded in daily life” (81). Indeed, Bull’s influential work on how personal stereos and iPods change users’ experiences of public spaces (Sound Moves) is useful here in understanding the background of what Irwin refers to as “keeping sound in and sound out” (81). It is, according to Irwin, “about privacy and isolation” (81); however, as Britta’s vignette shows, mobile media practices of privacy and isolation in urban spaces can be impacted by geographical location and urban darkness, and are also distinctly gendered. Applying the concept of multistability allows me to consider how, in some instances, mobile phones are often deployed as a proxy Do Not Disturb sign when alone in public (Hardley and Richardson “Mistrust”). While, in other instances, one’s embodied experience of being an earbudded body in the world can increase their perceptual sense of risk based on various factors, such as geographical location. Beyond this, it also speaks to the relational ontology between body and technology and the mutability of perception. In Britta’s example, her corporeal schema in the urban night is amplified by and through her personal and situated embodiment of mobile media use, particularly her decision to use headphones in specific ways depending on her geographical location. In 2017, I conducted a home visit with Dominique, a woman in her 30s living in Perth. During this visit, she reflected on her use of a Bluetooth earpiece, especially at night, sharing: I use a Bluetooth earpiece to talk over the phone. I also sometimes wear it at night even if I'm not on the phone or expecting a call as I can quickly request that Siri call someone for me without having to actually dig out my phone, unlock it and make the call. I prefer having my hands free. It can make me feel safer at night. Dominique’s description of having her mobile phone on standby can be understood as a habituated practice to overcome her anxieties of being alone at night in urban space, as well as to apprehend her sensory experience of the urban night by remaining “hands free”. Similar to Britta, Dominique’s embodiment in the urban night had become habituated and sedimented over time—or, in other words, “[a] force of habit” (Rosenberger and Verbeek 25). In this way, Dominique’s embodiment is configured depending on her contextual specificity, such as being alone in public spaces at night. Conclusion This article contributes to the emerging interdisciplinary field of “night studies” and “darkness studies” by focusing on the relationship between mobile media practices and the urban night. I based my methods, including data collection, interpretation and representation, in a postphenomenological framework, and detailed how this framework is useful in reflecting deeply and critically on mobile media use at night. Drawing from the framework’s key concept of multistability, I suggest a particular analysis of how users co-opt mobile media functionalities in situationally unique and personal ways in the urban night. The ways in which users co-opt these functionalities are often gendered. I unpacked how some of my research participants deploy mobile media functions as a means of managing their fears and anxieties of darkness and the urban night, and suggest that such uses are always dependent on the users specific situatedness, both within urban spaces and toward other city dwellers. 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Introduction Eating is one of the most quintessential activities of human life. Because of this primacy, eating is, as food anthropologist Sidney Mintz has observed, “not merely a biological activity, but a vibrantly cultural activity as well” (48). This article posits that the current awareness of climate change in the Western world is animating such cultural activity as the Slow Food movement and is, as a result, stimulating what could be seen as an evolutionary change in popular foodways. Moreover, this paper suggests that, in line with modelling provided by the Slow Food example, an increased awareness of the connections of climate change to the social injustices of food production might better drive social change in such areas. This discussion begins by proposing that contemporary foodways—defined as “not only what is eaten by a particular group of people but also the variety of customs, beliefs and practices surrounding the production, preparation and presentation of food” (Davey 182)—are changing in the West in relation to current concerns about climate change. Such modification has a long history. Since long before the inception of modern Homo sapiens, natural climate change has been a crucial element driving hominidae evolution, both biologically and culturally in terms of social organisation and behaviours. Macroevolutionary theory suggests evolution can dramatically accelerate in response to rapid shifts in an organism’s environment, followed by slow to long periods of stasis once a new level of sustainability has been achieved (Gould and Eldredge). There is evidence that ancient climate change has also dramatically affected the rate and course of cultural evolution. Recent work suggests that the end of the last ice age drove the cultural innovation of animal and plant domestication in the Middle East (Zeder), not only due to warmer temperatures and increased rainfall, but also to a higher level of atmospheric carbon dioxide which made agriculture increasingly viable (McCorriston and Hole, cited in Zeder). Megadroughts during the Paleolithic might well have been stimulating factors behind the migration of hominid populations out of Africa and across Asia (Scholz et al). Thus, it is hardly surprising that modern anthropogenically induced global warming—in all its’ climate altering manifestations—may be driving a new wave of cultural change and even evolution in the West as we seek a sustainable homeostatic equilibrium with the environment of the future. In 1962, Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring exposed some of the threats that modern industrial agriculture poses to environmental sustainability. This prompted a public debate from which the modern environmental movement arose and, with it, an expanding awareness and attendant anxiety about the safety and nutritional quality of contemporary foods, especially those that are grown with chemical pesticides and fertilizers and/or are highly processed. This environmental consciousness led to some modification in eating habits, manifest by some embracing wholefood and vegetarian dietary regimes (or elements of them). Most recently, a widespread awareness of climate change has forced rapid change in contemporary Western foodways, while in other climate related areas of socio-political and economic significance such as energy production and usage, there is little evidence of real acceleration of change. Ongoing research into the effects of this expanding environmental consciousness continues in various disciplinary contexts such as geography (Eshel and Martin) and health (McMichael et al). In food studies, Vileisis has proposed that the 1970s environmental movement’s challenge to the polluting practices of industrial agri-food production, concurrent with the women’s movement (asserting women’s right to know about everything, including food production), has led to both cooks and eaters becoming increasingly knowledgeable about the links between agricultural production and consumer and environmental health, as well as the various social justice issues involved. As a direct result of such awareness, alternatives to the industrialised, global food system are now emerging (Kloppenberg et al.). The Slow Food (R)evolution The tenets of the Slow Food movement, now some two decades old, are today synergetic with the growing consternation about climate change. In 1983, Carlo Petrini formed the Italian non-profit food and wine association Arcigola and, in 1986, founded Slow Food as a response to the opening of a McDonalds in Rome. From these humble beginnings, which were then unashamedly positing a return to the food systems of the past, Slow Food has grown into a global organisation that has much more future focused objectives animating its challenges to the socio-cultural and environmental costs of industrial food. Slow Food does have some elements that could be classed as reactionary and, therefore, the opposite of evolutionary. In response to the increasing homogenisation of culinary habits around the world, for instance, Slow Food’s Foundation for Biodiversity has established the Ark of Taste, which expands upon the idea of a seed bank to preserve not only varieties of food but also local and artisanal culinary traditions. In this, the Ark aims to save foods and food products “threatened by industrial standardization, hygiene laws, the regulations of large-scale distribution and environmental damage” (SFFB). Slow Food International’s overarching goals and activities, however, extend far beyond the preservation of past foodways, extending to the sponsoring of events and activities that are attempting to create new cuisine narratives for contemporary consumers who have an appetite for such innovation. Such events as the Salone del Gusto (Salon of Taste) and Terra Madre (Mother Earth) held in Turin every two years, for example, while celebrating culinary traditions, also focus on contemporary artisanal foods and sustainable food production processes that incorporate the most current of agricultural knowledge and new technologies into this production. Attendees at these events are also driven by both an interest in tradition, and their own very current concerns with health, personal satisfaction and environmental sustainability, to change their consumer behavior through an expanded self-awareness of the consequences of their individual lifestyle choices. Such events have, in turn, inspired such events in other locations, moving Slow Food from local to global relevance, and affecting the intellectual evolution of foodway cultures far beyond its headquarters in Bra in Northern Italy. This includes in the developing world, where millions of farmers continue to follow many traditional agricultural practices by necessity. Slow Food Movement’s forward-looking values are codified in the International Commission on the Future of Food and Agriculture 2006 publication, Manifesto on the Future of Food. This calls for changes to the World Trade Organisation’s rules that promote the globalisation of agri-food production as a direct response to the “climate change [which] threatens to undermine the entire natural basis of ecologically benign agriculture and food preparation, bringing the likelihood of catastrophic outcomes in the near future” (ICFFA 8). It does not call, however, for a complete return to past methods. To further such foodway awareness and evolution, Petrini founded the University of Gastronomic Sciences at Slow Food’s headquarters in 2004. The university offers programs that are analogous with the Slow Food’s overall aim of forging sustainable partnerships between the best of old and new practice: to, in the organisation’s own words, “maintain an organic relationship between gastronomy and agricultural science” (UNISG). In 2004, Slow Food had over sixty thousand members in forty-five countries (Paxson 15), with major events now held each year in many of these countries and membership continuing to grow apace. One of the frequently cited successes of the Slow Food movement is in relation to the tomato. Until recently, supermarkets stocked only a few mass-produced hybrids. These cultivars were bred for their disease resistance, ease of handling, tolerance to artificial ripening techniques, and display consistency, rather than any culinary values such as taste, aroma, texture or variety. In contrast, the vine ripened, ‘farmer’s market’ tomato has become the symbol of an “eco-gastronomically” sustainable, local and humanistic system of food production (Jordan) which melds the best of the past practice with the most up-to-date knowledge regarding such farming matters as water conservation. Although the term ‘heirloom’ is widely used in relation to these tomatoes, there is a distinctively contemporary edge to the way they are produced and consumed (Jordan), and they are, along with other organic and local produce, increasingly available in even the largest supermarket chains. Instead of a wholesale embrace of the past, it is the connection to, and the maintenance of that connection with, the processes of production and, hence, to the environment as a whole, which is the animating premise of the Slow Food movement. ‘Slow’ thus creates a gestalt in which individuals integrate their lifestyles with all levels of the food production cycle and, hence to the environment and, importantly, the inherently related social justice issues. ‘Slow’ approaches emphasise how the accelerated pace of contemporary life has weakened these connections, while offering a path to the restoration of a sense of connectivity to the full cycle of life and its relation to place, nature and climate. In this, the Slow path demands that every consumer takes responsibility for all components of his/her existence—a responsibility that includes becoming cognisant of the full story behind each of the products that are consumed in that life. The Slow movement is not, however, a regime of abstention or self-denial. Instead, the changes in lifestyle necessary to support responsible sustainability, and the sensual and aesthetic pleasure inherent in such a lifestyle, exist in a mutually reinforcing relationship (Pietrykowski 2004). This positive feedback loop enhances the potential for promoting real and long-term evolution in social and cultural behaviour. Indeed, the Slow zeitgeist now informs many areas of contemporary culture, with Slow Travel, Homes, Design, Management, Leadership and Education, and even Slow Email, Exercise, Shopping and Sex attracting adherents. Mainstreaming Concern with Ethical Food Production The role of the media in “forming our consciousness—what we think, how we think, and what we think about” (Cunningham and Turner 12)—is self-evident. It is, therefore, revealing in relation to the above outlined changes that even the most functional cookbooks and cookery magazines (those dedicated to practical information such as recipes and instructional technique) in Western countries such as the USA, UK and Australian are increasingly reflecting and promoting an awareness of ethical food production as part of this cultural change in food habits. While such texts have largely been considered as useful but socio-politically relatively banal publications, they are beginning to be recognised as a valid source of historical and cultural information (Nussel). Cookbooks and cookery magazines commonly include discussion of a surprising range of issues around food production and consumption including sustainable and ethical agricultural methods, biodiversity, genetic modification and food miles. In this context, they indicate how rapidly the recent evolution of foodways has been absorbed into mainstream practice. Much of such food related media content is, at the same time, closely identified with celebrity mass marketing and embodied in the television chef with his or her range of branded products including their syndicated articles and cookbooks. This commercial symbiosis makes each such cuisine-related article in a food or women’s magazine or cookbook, in essence, an advertorial for a celebrity chef and their named products. Yet, at the same time, a number of these mass media food celebrities are raising public discussion that is leading to consequent action around important issues linked to climate change, social justice and the environment. An example is Jamie Oliver’s efforts to influence public behaviour and government policy, a number of which have gained considerable traction. Oliver’s 2004 exposure of the poor quality of school lunches in Britain (see Jamie’s School Dinners), for instance, caused public outrage and pressured the British government to commit considerable extra funding to these programs. A recent study by Essex University has, moreover, found that the academic performance of 11-year-old pupils eating Oliver’s meals improved, while absenteeism fell by 15 per cent (Khan). Oliver’s exposé of the conditions of battery raised hens in 2007 and 2008 (see Fowl Dinners) resulted in increased sales of free-range poultry, decreased sales of factory-farmed chickens across the UK, and complaints that free-range chicken sales were limited by supply. Oliver encouraged viewers to lobby their local councils, and as a result, a number banned battery hen eggs from schools, care homes, town halls and workplace cafeterias (see, for example, LDP). The popular penetration of these ideas needs to be understood in a historical context where industrialised poultry farming has been an issue in Britain since at least 1848 when it was one of the contributing factors to the establishment of the RSPCA (Freeman). A century after Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle (published in 1906) exposed the realities of the slaughterhouse, and several decades since Peter Singer’s landmark Animal Liberation (1975) and Tom Regan’s The Case for Animal Rights (1983) posited the immorality of the mistreatment of animals in food production, it could be suggested that Al Gore’s film An Inconvenient Truth (released in 2006) added considerably to the recent concern regarding the ethics of industrial agriculture. Consciousness-raising bestselling books such as Jim Mason and Peter Singer’s The Ethics of What We Eat and Michael Pollan’s The Omnivore’s Dilemma (both published in 2006), do indeed ‘close the loop’ in this way in their discussions, by concluding that intensive food production methods used since the 1950s are not only inhumane and damage public health, but are also damaging an environment under pressure from climate change. In comparison, the use of forced labour and human trafficking in food production has attracted far less mainstream media, celebrity or public attention. It could be posited that this is, in part, because no direct relationship to the environment and climate change and, therefore, direct link to our own existence in the West, has been popularised. Kevin Bales, who has been described as a modern abolitionist, estimates that there are currently more than 27 million people living in conditions of slavery and exploitation against their wills—twice as many as during the 350-year long trans-Atlantic slave trade. Bales also chillingly reveals that, worldwide, the number of slaves is increasing, with contemporary individuals so inexpensive to purchase in relation to the value of their production that they are disposable once the slaveholder has used them. Alongside sex slavery, many other prevalent examples of contemporary slavery are concerned with food production (Weissbrodt et al; Miers). Bales and Soodalter, for example, describe how across Asia and Africa, adults and children are enslaved to catch and process fish and shellfish for both human consumption and cat food. Other campaigners have similarly exposed how the cocoa in chocolate is largely produced by child slave labour on the Ivory Coast (Chalke; Off), and how considerable amounts of exported sugar, cereals and other crops are slave-produced in certain countries. In 2003, some 32 per cent of US shoppers identified themselves as LOHAS “lifestyles of health and sustainability” consumers, who were, they said, willing to spend more for products that reflected not only ecological, but also social justice responsibility (McLaughlin). Research also confirms that “the pursuit of social objectives … can in fact furnish an organization with the competitive resources to develop effective marketing strategies”, with Doherty and Meehan showing how “social and ethical credibility” are now viable bases of differentiation and competitive positioning in mainstream consumer markets (311, 303). In line with this recognition, Fair Trade Certified goods are now available in British, European, US and, to a lesser extent, Australian supermarkets, and a number of global chains including Dunkin’ Donuts, McDonalds, Starbucks and Virgin airlines utilise Fair Trade coffee and teas in all, or parts of, their operations. Fair Trade Certification indicates that farmers receive a higher than commodity price for their products, workers have the right to organise, men and women receive equal wages, and no child labour is utilised in the production process (McLaughlin). Yet, despite some Western consumers reporting such issues having an impact upon their purchasing decisions, social justice has not become a significant issue of concern for most. The popular cookery publications discussed above devote little space to Fair Trade product marketing, much of which is confined to supermarket-produced adverzines promoting the Fair Trade products they stock, and international celebrity chefs have yet to focus attention on this issue. In Australia, discussion of contemporary slavery in the press is sparse, having surfaced in 2000-2001, prompted by UNICEF campaigns against child labour, and in 2007 and 2008 with the visit of a series of high profile anti-slavery campaigners (including Bales) to the region. The public awareness of food produced by forced labour and the troubling issue of human enslavement in general is still far below the level that climate change and ecological issues have achieved thus far in driving foodway evolution. This may change, however, if a ‘Slow’-inflected connection can be made between Western lifestyles and the plight of peoples hidden from our daily existence, but contributing daily to them. Concluding Remarks At this time of accelerating techno-cultural evolution, due in part to the pressures of climate change, it is the creative potential that human conscious awareness brings to bear on these challenges that is most valuable. Today, as in the caves at Lascaux, humanity is evolving new images and narratives to provide rational solutions to emergent challenges. As an example of this, new foodways and ways of thinking about them are beginning to evolve in response to the perceived problems of climate change. The current conscious transformation of food habits by some in the West might be, therefore, in James Lovelock’s terms, a moment of “revolutionary punctuation” (178), whereby rapid cultural adaption is being induced by the growing public awareness of impending crisis. It remains to be seen whether other urgent human problems can be similarly and creatively embraced, and whether this trend can spread to offer global solutions to them. References An Inconvenient Truth. 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