Academic literature on the topic 'Residence nexus'

This chapter focuses on the degree to which the surveyed national and migrant populations identify with different entities, such as their country of residence, the European Union, or the world as a whole. The comparative analysis shows differences in the transnationalism-identification nexus between nationals in the different countries, between nationals and migrants in the same country and, between migrants in different countries. Overall, the nexus is found to be weaker than expected. We also explore the distinction between Europe-centred supranational identification and a more broadly defined understanding of cosmopolitanism. Evidence reveals that European identification is not a variation of cosmopolitanism, but rather a distinct phenomenon in its own right, which is also more evident in some national contexts.

How is cross-border migration a visible reflection of manifold global inequalities, political and economic alike? This question raises two major issues. The first concerns how social inequalities affect opportunities for cross-border migration for different socio-economic groups. The second issue, conversely, is how the outcomes of migration affect social inequalities in life chances in both countries of emigration and immigration. Of ultimate interest is whether migration buttresses the dominant forms of social stratification, or whether it transforms the distribution of valued goods in a fundamental way. The results suggest that cross-border migration constitutes a path to upward social mobility for migrants, and—at the same time—that such processes tend to reinforce durable inequalities on a deeper level. As a consequence, cross-border migration reflects the importance of location, residence, and membership in countries as an important proxy for life chances.

This chapter sets out and evaluates a number of possible reform options; we group options by four broad locations in which profit could be taxed. First, profit could in principle be taxed in the country of residence of the owners of the business. A second option is the country of residence of the parent company or business headquarters. A third option is the country where the business undertakes its functions and activities, or where its assets—defined broadly to include financial assets—are held. We refer to this location as ‘origin’. And finally, a business could be taxed in the location of its customers. We refer to this location as ‘destination’. Each of the activities taking place in these four locations might be thought to be necessary, but not sufficient, for the generation of profit, and therefore generate a nexus which would justify taxation. We evaluate specific options according to the five criteria set out in Chapter 2.

This chapter discusses the concept of skills in care work and demonstrates how it has been discursively constructed in Japan and Taiwan. The kind of work that the migrant care workers undertake is differentiated according to the migration-care nexus resulting in very different kind of tasks these migrants are required to perform. Secondly, the global care labor market is unevenly constructed with different requirements and conditions. The migrant care workers are differentiated according to the capital they possess and what they acquire in their migration process. What became apparent is that unlike skilled work where people can step-up their career by gaining skills and in some cases permanent residence, care labor market in East Asia does not lead to unilateral development of careers. The global care labor market expanded the opportunity for migrants, but it is not only uneven but also precarious and migrants expect short-term return without great expectations for career development.

This chapter uses the history of Kew Cottages, (1887-2008), the first purpose-built institution for people with intellectual disabilities in Australia, as a lens through which to explore the history of Australian intellectual disability policy and practice. Influenced by international thinking, the broad outline of Australia’s policy history follows a similar pattern to other western countries. In the first decades of the twentieth century, in an atmosphere of anxiety about the ‘menace of the feeble-minded’, policy emphasised institutional segregation. In its last decades, policies of normalisation and deinstitutionalisation promised to return people with intellectual disabilities to the community. Yet the life stories of the Cottages’ residents recounted here reveal that in the nexus between policy and practice, the lives of people with intellectual disabilities could prove paradoxical.

Silicon Valley as we know it emerged in part from encounters between the technology of the valley and the Bohemian culture of San Francisco. This San Francisco–Silicon Valley nexus would produce one of the most dynamic economic growth stories any region has ever seen. Over the course of the latter part of the twentieth century, this encounter eventually turned both San Francisco and Silicon Valley into massive jobs engines. This chapter examines the spaces where this engine was most powerful, the places that drove the economic cart which attracted so many new residents and so much investment. These are also the places that largely did either very little or not enough to house the people who held these jobs. They did even less for those who had suffered under the segregated conditions of the earlier era.

Houses, space, and architecture are ways through which identities and social relations are enacted and performed; they produce and support practices that themselves are needed to reproduce or generate identities and interpersonal associations. As archaeologists, we are especially interested in the ways static structures can be used to identify ever-changing social relations; and this chapter is an attempt to approach the architectural configurations and spatial organization of larger residential complexes of Minoan Crete more socially and to see what structured these (Ensor 2013). My aim is to advance our knowledge on the micro-scale of proximate interactions, in other words what the evidence is for in-house relationships. As such it may help in an eventual peopling of the past. For a house to become a home, more than an architectural form is needed. Hence the linkage of house and household and the need for a house to become a social unit, the place of reproduction, socialization, and the setting of primary social and economic dealings. In this sense, the house as a home is also a nexus of social and economic activities and hence achieves a political importance since its roles in production and consumption are pivotal to the amalgamated whole which is the community. He who rules the home, rules the community. The house is the society. Throughout the different periods of Minoan civilixation, houses are given great prominence and many of them are striking architectural creations, surprising because of their size, design, elaboration, and decoration, clear signs of the significance of houses in interpersonal relationships. They are unmistakably more than physical residences; they are also transcendent categories with a life of their own (Bloch 2010: 156–7). Houses stand for social groups and are symbolic foci, something also underlined by J. D. Schloen (2007) in his monograph The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol: Patrimonialism in Ugarit and the Ancient Near East.