Academic literature on the topic 'Resilience (Personality trait) in women – South Africa'

This study considered promoting well-being of employees in high demand occupational positions, through the screening of mental well-being. The numerous challenges to such monitoring in a multi-lingual developing country like South Africa – where this study was conducted – requires a tool that can screen for the mental well-being of at-risk individuals, in order to timeously refer vulnerable persons to appropriate mental health support services. This paper explored whether the State-Trait Personality Inventory-Trait Scales (STPI-T) can be used fairly to monitor the well-being of young adult South Africans in high demand occupational settings. The self-report scales were administered to a non-clinical sample (women=392, men=521) aged 20 to 40 years, and their responses were analyzed with MANOVA and a ROC analysis. The main findings of the study indicated that contextualised norms are required (and were provided for the sample studied), develop per specific national and occupational environment; and that socio-demographic variables like gender, age, and language had limited effect on scale responses in this select sample. The scales effectively identified vulnerable individuals, comparable to psychological interviews. Scale scores were highly homogenized, facilitating identification of outliers which may indicate poorer mental health, thus enabling further referral for appropriate support. In conclusion, the study provides support for the use of the SPTI-T to promote the well-being of employees in multi-lingual high demand occupational settings, through regular monitoring and early identification of risk for poor mental health.

<p><strong>List of abstracts and authors:</strong></p><p><strong>1. Antipsychotics in anxiety disorders</strong></p><p>Christer Allgulander</p><p><strong>2. Anxiety in somatic disorders</strong></p><p>Christer Allgulander</p><p><strong>3. Community rehabilitation of the schizophrenic patient</strong></p><p>Orlando Alonso Betancourt, Maricela Morales Herrera</p><p><strong>4. Dual diagnosis: A theory-driven multidisciplinary approach for integrative care</strong></p><p>David Blackbeard</p><p><strong>5. The emotional language of the gut - when 'psyche' meets 'soma'</strong></p><p>Helen Clark</p><p><strong>6. The Psychotherapy of bipolar disorder</strong></p><p>Franco Colin</p><p><strong>7. The Psychotherapy of bipolar disorder</strong></p><p>Franco Colin</p><p><strong>8. Developing and adopting mental health policies and plans in Africa: Lessons from South Africa, Uganda and Zambia</strong></p><p>Sara Cooper, Sharon Kleintjes, Cynthia Isaacs, Fred Kigozi, Sheila Ndyanabangi, Augustus Kapungwe, John Mayeya, Michelle Funk, Natalie Drew, Crick Lund</p><p><strong>9. The importance of relapse prevention in schizophrenia</strong></p><p>Robin Emsley</p><p><strong>10. Mental Health care act: Fact or fiction?</strong></p><p>Helmut Erlacher, M Nagdee</p><p><strong>11. Does a dedicated 72-hour observation facility in a district hospital reduce the need for involuntary admissions to a psychiatric hospital?</strong></p><p>Lennart Eriksson</p><p><strong>12. The incidence and risk factors for dementia in the Ibadan study of ageing</strong></p><p>Oye Gureje, Lola Kola, Adesola Ogunniyi, Taiwo Abiona</p><p><strong>13. Is depression a disease of inflammation?</strong></p><p><strong></strong>Angelos Halaris</p><p><strong>14. Paediatric bipolar disorder: More heat than light?</strong></p><p>Sue Hawkridge</p><p><strong>15. EBM: Anova Conundrum</strong></p><p>Elizabeth L (Hoepie) Howell</p><p><strong>16. Tracking the legal status of a cohort of inpatients on discharge from a 72-hour assessment unit</strong></p><p>Bernard Janse van Rensburg</p><p><strong>17. Dual diagnosis units in psychiatric facilities: Opportunities and challenges</strong></p><p>Yasmien Jeenah</p><p><strong>18. Alcohol-induced psychotic disorder: A comparative study on the clinical characteristics of patients with alcohol dependence and schizophrenia</strong></p><p>Gerhard Jordaan, D G Nel, R Hewlett, R Emsley</p><p><strong>19. Anxiety disorders: the first evidence for a role in preventive psychiatry</strong></p><p>Andre F Joubert</p><p><strong>20. The end of risk assessment and the beginning of start</strong></p><p>Sean Kaliski</p><p><strong>21. Psychiatric disorders abd psychosocial correlates of high HIV risk sexual behaviour in war-effected Eatern Uganda</strong></p><p>E Kinyada, H A Weiss, M Mungherera, P Onyango Mangen, E Ngabirano, R Kajungu, J Kagugube, W Muhwezi, J Muron, V Patel</p><p><strong>22. One year of Forensic Psychiatric assessment in the Northern Cape: A comparison with an established assessment service in the Eastern Cape</strong></p><p>N K Kirimi, C Visser</p><p><strong>23. Mental Health service user priorities for service delivery in South Africa</strong></p><p>Sharon Kleintjes, Crick Lund, Leslie Swartz, Alan Flisher and MHaPP Research Programme Consortium</p><p><strong>24. The nature and extent of over-the-counter and prescription drug abuse in cape town</strong></p><p>Liezl Kramer</p><p><strong>25. Physical health issues in long-term psychiatric inpatients: An audit of nursing statistics and clinical files at Weskoppies Hospital</strong></p><p>Christa Kruger</p><p><strong>26. Suicide risk in Schizophrenia - 20 Years later, a cohort study</strong></p><p>Gian Lippi, Ean Smit, Joyce Jordaan, Louw Roos</p><p><strong>27.Developing mental health information systems in South Africa: Lessons from pilot projects in Northern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal</strong></p><p>Crick Lund, S Skeen, N Mapena, C Isaacs, T Mirozev and the Mental Health and Poverty Research Programme Consortium Institution</p><p><strong>28. Mental health aspects of South African emigration</strong></p><p>Maria Marchetti-Mercer</p><p><strong>29. What services SADAG can offer your patients</strong></p><p>Elizabeth Matare</p><p><strong>30. Culture and language in psychiatry</strong></p><p>Dan Mkize</p><p><strong>31. Latest psychotic episode</strong></p><p>Povl Munk-Jorgensen</p><p><strong>32. The Forensic profile of female offenders</strong></p><p>Mo Nagdee, Helmut Fletcher</p><p><strong>33. The intra-personal emotional impact of practising psychiatry</strong></p><p>Margaret Nair</p><p><strong>34. Highly sensitive persons (HSPs) and implications for treatment</strong></p><p>Margaret Nair</p><p><strong>35. Task shifting in mental health - The Kenyan experience</strong></p><p>David M Ndetei</p><p><strong>36. Bridging the gap between traditional healers and mental health in todya's modern psychiatry</strong></p><p>David M Ndetei</p><p><strong>37. Integrating to achieve modern psychiatry</strong></p><p>David M Ndetei</p><p><strong>38. Non-medical prescribing: Outcomes from a pharmacist-led post-traumatic stress disorder clinic</strong></p><p>A Parkinson</p><p><strong>39. Is there a causal relationship between alcohol and HIV? Implications for policy, practice and future research</strong></p><p>Charles Parry</p><p><strong>40. Global mental health - A new global health discipline comes of age</strong></p><p>Vikram Patel</p><p><strong>41. Integrating mental health into primary health care: Lessons from pilot District demonstration sites in Uganda and South Africa</strong></p><p>Inge Petersen, Arvin Bhana, K Baillie and MhaPP Research Programme Consortium</p><p><strong>42. Personality disorders -The orphan child in axis I - Axis II Dichotomy</strong></p><p><strong></strong>Willie Pienaar</p><p><strong>43. Case Studies in Psychiatric Ethics</strong></p><p>Willie Pienaar</p><p><strong>44. Coronary artery disease and depression: Insights into pathogenesis and clinical implications</strong></p><p>Janus Pretorius</p><p><strong>45. Impact of the Mental Health Care Act No. 17 of 2002 on designated hospitals in KwaZulu-Natal: Triumphs and trials</strong></p><p>Suvira Ramlall, Jennifer Chipps</p><p><strong>46. Biological basis of addication</strong></p><p>Solomon Rataemane</p><p><strong>47. Genetics of Schizophrenia</strong></p><p>Louw Roos</p><p><strong>48. Management of delirium - Recent advances</strong></p><p>Shaquir Salduker</p><p><strong>49. Social neuroscience: Brain research on social issues</strong></p><p>Manfred Spitzer</p><p><strong>50. Experiments on the unconscious</strong></p><p>Manfred Spitzer</p><p><strong>51. The Psychology and neuroscience of music</strong></p><p>Manfred Spitzer</p><p><strong>52. Mental disorders in DSM-V</strong></p><p>Dan Stein</p><p><strong>53. Personality, trauma exposure, PTSD and depression in a cohort of SA Metro policemen: A longitudinal study</strong></p><p>Ugashvaree Subramaney</p><p><strong>54. Eating disorders: An African perspective</strong></p><p>Christopher Szabo</p><p><strong>55. An evaluation of the WHO African Regional strategy for mental health 2001-2010</strong></p><p>Thandi van Heyningen, M Majavu, C Lund</p><p><strong>56. A unitary model for the motor origin of bipolar mood disorders and schizophrenia</strong></p><p>Jacques J M van Hoof</p><p><strong>57. The origin of mentalisation and the treatment of personality disorders</strong></p><p>Jacques J M Hoof</p><p><strong>58. How to account practically for 'The Cause' in psychiatric diagnostic classification</strong></p><p>C W (Werdie) van Staden</p><p><strong>POSTER PRESENTATIONS</strong></p><p><strong>59. Problem drinking and physical and sexual abuse at WSU Faculty of Health Sciences, Mthatha, 2009</strong></p><p>Orlando Alonso Betancourt, Maricela Morales Herrera, E, N Kwizera, J L Bernal Munoz</p><p><strong>60. Prevalence of alcohol drinking problems and other substances at WSU Faculty of Health Sciences, Mthatha, 2009</strong></p><p>Orlando Alonso Betancourt, Maricela Morales Herrera, E, N Kwizera, J L Bernal Munoz</p><p><strong>61. Lessons learnt from a modified assertive community-based treatment programme in a developing country</strong></p><p>Ulla Botha, Liezl Koen, John Joska, Linda Hering, Piet Ooosthuizen</p><p><strong>62. Perceptions of psychologists regarding the use of religion and spirituality in therapy</strong></p><p>Ottilia Brown, Diane Elkonin</p><p><strong>63. Resilience in families where a member is living with schizophreni</strong></p><p>Ottilia Brown, Jason Haddad, Greg Howcroft</p><p><strong>64. Fusion and grandiosity - The mastersonian approach to the narcissistic disorder of the self</strong></p><p>William Griffiths, D Macklin, Loray Daws</p><p><strong>65. Not being allowed to exist - The mastersonian approach to the Schizoid disorder of the self</strong></p><p>William Griffiths, D Macklin, Loray Daws</p><p><strong>66. Risky drug-injecting behaviours in Cape Town and the need for a needle exchange programme</strong></p><p>Volker Hitzeroth</p><p><strong>67. Neuroleptic malignant syndrome in adolescents in the Western Cape: A case series</strong></p><p>Terri Henderson</p><p><strong>68. Experience and view of local academic psychiatrists on the role of spirituality in South African specialist psychiatry, compared with a qualitative analysis of the medical literature</strong></p><p>Bernard Janse van Rensburg</p><p><strong>69. The role of defined spirituality in local specialist psychiatric practice and training: A model and operational guidelines for South African clinical care scenarios</strong></p><p>Bernard Janse van Rensburg</p><p><strong>70. Handedness in schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorder in an Afrikaner founder population</strong></p><p>Marinda Joubert, J L Roos, J Jordaan</p><p><strong>71. A role for structural equation modelling in subtyping schizophrenia in an African population</strong></p><p>Liezl Koen, Dana Niehaus, Esme Jordaan, Robin Emsley</p><p><strong>72. Caregivers of disabled elderly persons in Nigeria</strong></p><p>Lola Kola, Oye Gureje, Adesola Ogunniyi, Dapo Olley</p><p><strong>73. HIV Seropositivity in recently admitted and long-term psychiatric inpatients: Prevalence and diagnostic profile</strong></p><p>Christina Kruger, M P Henning, L Fletcher</p><p><strong>74. Syphilis seropisitivity in recently admitted longterm psychiatry inpatients: Prevalence and diagnostic profile</strong></p><p>Christina Kruger, M P Henning, L Fletcher</p><p><strong>75. 'The Great Suppression'</strong></p><p>Sarah Lamont, Joel Shapiro, Thandi Groves, Lindsey Bowes</p><p><strong>76. Not being allowed to grow up - The Mastersonian approach to the borderline personality</strong></p><p>Daleen Macklin, W Griffiths</p><p><strong>77. Exploring the internal confirguration of the cycloid personality: A Rorschach comprehensive system study</strong></p><p>Daleen Macklin, Loray Daws, M Aronstam</p><p><strong>78. A survey to determine the level of HIV related knowledge among adult psychiatric patients admitted to Weskoppies Hospital</strong></p><p><strong></strong> T G Magagula, M M Mamabolo, C Kruger, L Fletcher</p><p><strong>79. A survey of risk behaviour for contracting HIV among adult psychiatric patients admitted to Weskoppies Hospital</strong></p><p>M M Mamabolo, T G Magagula, C Kruger, L Fletcher</p><p><strong>80. A retrospective review of state sector outpatients (Tara Hospital) prescribed Olanzapine: Adherence to metabolic and cardiovascular screening and monitoring guidelines</strong></p><p>Carina Marsay, C P Szabo</p><p><strong>81. Reported rapes at a hospital rape centre: Demographic and clinical profiles</strong></p><p>Lindi Martin, Kees Lammers, Donavan Andrews, Soraya Seedat</p><p><strong>82. Exit examination in Final-Year medical students: Measurement validity of oral examinations in psychiatry</strong></p><p>Mpogisheng Mashile, D J H Niehaus, L Koen, E Jordaan</p><p><strong>83. Trends of suicide in the Transkei region of South Africa</strong></p><p>Banwari Meel</p><p><strong>84. Functional neuro-imaging in survivors of torture</strong></p><p>Thriya Ramasar, U Subramaney, M D T H W Vangu, N S Perumal</p><p><strong>85. Newly diagnosed HIV+ in South Africa: Do men and women enroll in care?</strong></p><p>Dinesh Singh, S Hoffman, E A Kelvin, K Blanchard, N Lince, J E Mantell, G Ramjee, T M Exner</p><p><strong>86. Diagnostic utitlity of the International HIC Dementia scale for Asymptomatic HIV-Associated neurocognitive impairment and HIV-Associated neurocognitive disorder in South Africa</strong></p><p>Dinesh Singh, K Goodkin, D J Hardy, E Lopez, G Morales</p><p><strong>87. The Psychological sequelae of first trimester termination of pregnancy (TOP): The impact of resilience</strong></p><p>Ugashvaree Subramaney</p><p><strong>88. Drugs and other therapies under investigation for PTSD: An international database</strong></p><p>Sharain Suliman, Soraya Seedat</p><p><strong>89. Frequency and correlates of HIV Testing in patients with severe mental illness</strong></p><p>Hendrik Temmingh, Leanne Parasram, John Joska, Tania Timmermans, Pete Milligan, Helen van der Plas, Henk Temmingh</p><p><strong>90. A proposed mental health service and personnel organogram for the Elizabeth Donkin psychiatric Hospital</strong></p><p>Stephan van Wyk, Zukiswa Zingela</p><p><strong>91. A brief report on the current state of mental health care services in the Eastern Cape</strong></p><p>Stephan van Wyk, Zukiswa Zingela, Kiran Sukeri, Heloise Uys, Mo Nagdee, Maricela Morales, Helmut Erlacher, Orlando Alonso</p><p><strong>92. An integrated mental health care service model for the Nelson Mandela Bay Metro</strong></p><p>Stephan van Wyk, Zukiswa Zingela, Kiran Sukeri</p><p><strong>93. Traditional and alternative healers: Prevalence of use in psychiatric patients</strong></p><p>Zukiswa Zingela, S van Wyk, W Esterhuysen, E Carr, L Gaauche</p>

Resilience is an interdisciplinary concept that has been interrogated and investigated in a number of fields of research and practice including psychology, climate change, trauma studies, education and disaster planning. This paper considers its position within critical disability studies, popular understandings of disability and the emergence of a disability culture. Patrick Martin-Breen and J. Marty Anderies offer a colloquial definition of resilience as: Bouncing back after stress, enduring greater stress, and being less disturbed by a given amount of stress. … To be resilient is to withstand a large disturbance without, in the end, changing, disintegrating, or becoming permanently damaged; to return to normal quickly; and to distort less in the face of such stresses. (1182) Conversely, Glenn E. Richardson argues that resiliency is a ‘metatheory’ that can best be described as ‘growth or adaptation through disruption rather than to just recover or bounce back’ (1184). He argues that resiliency theory has progressed through several stages, from the recognition of characteristics of resilient individuals to an appreciation of the support structures required beyond the level of the individual. In her memoir Resilience, Ann Deveson describes resilience as a concept that people think they understand until they are called upon to define it. Deveson offers many definitions and examples of resilience throughout her book, beginning with stories about disability, people with disability and their experiences of changing levels of social inclusion and exclusion (632). She paints an evocative picture of a young mother whose five year old son has cerebral palsy giving evidence before a Royal Commission into Human Relationships during a period of significant social change involving the deinstitutionalisation of people with disabilities: A few years earlier, this child with cerebral palsy would have been placed in an institution. His mother might not even have seen him. Now she had care of her child but the pendulum had swung in the opposite direction. (632) During the 1980s a number of large institutions caring for people with developmental impairments and psychiatric illnesses were closed in favour of community care (Clear 652). Although giving an appearance of endorsing equality of disabled people in the community, the ‘hidden agenda’ of this initiative was to cut public expenditure on social services (Ellis 163). As a result, an undue burden fell to women who became primary carers with little support such as the woman Deveson remembers. She questions where this young mother mustered such ‘magnificent resilience’ when she had such little support: When he was born, she had been discharged from the hospital with her baby, a feeding formula and a tiny pink plate for the child’s cleft palate. The only advice she received was to come back later to have the plate refitted. Her general practitioner prescribed her sedatives for depression, and she and her husband found their own way to the Royal Blind society by asking a blind man they saw outside a supermarket. She had only learned accidentally from one of the nurses that her baby was blind. ‘He’s mentally retarded too,’ the nurse had added, almost as an afterthought. (632) Thus Deveson’s consideration of resilience includes both an individual’s response to what could be described as tragedy and the importance of social support and the drive to demand it. Despite her child’s impairment and the lack of community resources made available to her family to cope, this young woman was leading public discussion about the plight of people with disabilities and their families in the hopes the government would intervene to help improve the situation (Deveson 632). Indeed, when it comes to the experience of disability, resilience is implied and generally understood to mean an attribute of the individual. However, as resilience theory has progressed, resilience can no longer be considered as existing exclusively within the domain of an individual’s personal qualities. Environmental support structures are vital in fostering resilience (Wilkes). Despite resiliency theory moving on from the level of the individual, popular discourses of resiliency as an individual’s attribute continue to dominate disability. As such, some critical disability commentators have redefined resilience as a response to a disabling social world. My aim in this paper is to explore this discourse by engaging with ideas about disability and resilience that emerge in popular culture. Despite the changing social position of people with disabilities in the community, notions of resilience are often invoked to describe the experience of people with disability and attributes of successful (often considered ‘inspiring’) people with disability. I begin by offering a definition of resilience as it is bound up in notions of inspiration and usually applied to people with disabilities. The second part of the paper explores disability as a cultural signifier to comment on the ways in which disability offers cultural meanings that may work to reassure nondisabled people of their privileged position. Finally, the paper considers interpretations of disability as a personal tragedy before exploring the emergence of a disability culture that recognises the social and cultural oppression experienced by people with disabilities and reworks definitions of resilience as a response to that oppression. Defining Resilience: Good Outcomes in Spite of Serious Threats Disability is often invoked in stories about resilience. Gillian King, Elizabeth Brown, and Linda Smith argue that a clear link exists between resilience and feeling that life is meaningful. They argue that the experiences of people with disabilities can offer a template for how to develop resilience and cope with life changes (King, Brown and Smith 633). According to the Oxford English Dictionary Online, resilience is ‘the action or an act of rebounding or springing back’ (653). King et al add that several concepts are associated with resilience such as hardiness, a sense of coherence and learned optimism (633). Deveson, resilience ‘has come to mean an ability to confront adversity and still find hope and meaning in life’. She comments that it conjures up notions of heroism, endurance and determination (632). Each of these characteristics we might describe as inspirational. It is telling that both Deveson and King et al use people with disabilities as signifiers of resilience in practice. However, Katherine Runswick-Cole and Dan Goodley argue that this definition of resilience has not necessarily been useful to people with disabilities and instead recommend a definition of resilience that Deveson only alludes to. For Runswick-Cole and Goodley resilience can be located in social processes. They argue that a thorough investigation of resilience in the lives of people with disabilities considers the broader social and cultural restrictions placed on top of impairments rather than simply individualising resilience as a character trait of people who can ‘overcome the odds’: An exploration of resilience in the lives of disabled people must, then, focus on what resources are available and who is accessing those resources. Crucially, in seeking to build resilience in the lives of disabled people, this can never simply be a matter of building individual capacity or family support, it must also be a case of challenging social, attitudinal and structural barriers which increase adversity in the lives of disabled people. (634) This is an alternative approach to disability that sees ‘the problem’ located in social structures and inaccessible environments. This so-called social model of disability is based on principles of empowerment and argues that able-bodied mainstream society disables people who have impairments through an inaccessible built environment and the perpetuation of stereotypes and prejudicial attitudes. Disability Dustbins and Inspirational Cripples Arthur Frank, sociologist and author of The Wounded Storyteller, explains that ‘the human body, for all its resilience, is fragile; breakdown is built into it. Bodily predictability, if not the exception, should be regarded as exceptional; contingency ought to be accepted as normative’ (634). Frank argues that we do not want to admit that our bodies are unpredictable and could ‘break down’ at any moment. Those bodies that do break down therefore become representatives of many of the things [the able-bodied, normal world] most fear-tragedy, loss, dark and the unknown. Involuntarily we walk- or more often sit- in the valley of the shadow of death. Contact with us throws up in people's faces the fact of sickness and death in the world … A deformed and paralysed body attacks everyone's sense of well-being and invincibility. (Hunt 186) People with disabilities therefore become loaded cultural signifiers, as Tom Shakespeare argues in Cultural Representations of Disabled People: Dustbins for Disavowal: ‘it is non-disabled people’s embodiment which is the issue: disabled people remind non-disabled people of their own vulnerability’ (139). As a result, people with disabilities are culturally othered. Several disability theorists have argued that this makes the non-disabled feel better about themselves and their tenuous privileged position (Barnes; Ellis; Kumari Campbell; Oliver, Goggin and Newell; Shakespeare). Disability, as a concept, is both everywhere and nowhere. Generally considered a medical experience or personal tragedy, the discipline of critical disability studies has emerged to question why disability is considered an inherently negative experience and if there is more to disability than a body that has something wrong with it. Fiona Kumari Campbell suggests ableism – ‘the network of beliefs, processes and practices that produces a particular kind of self and body (the corporeal standard) that is projected as the perfect, species typical and therefore essential and fully human’ – is repeatedly performed in our culture. This cultural project is difficult to sustain because by their very nature all bodies are out of control. People with disability are an acute reminder of the temporariness of an able bodied ontology (650). In order to maintain this division and network of beliefs, the idea that disability is a personal tragedy rather than a set of social relations designed to exclude some bodies but not others is culturally reproduced through stereotypes such as the idea that people with disabilities who achieve both ordinary and extraordinary things are sources of inspiration. Resilience as a personal quality is implicated in this stereotype. In a powerful Ramp Up blog that was republished on the ABC’s Drum and the influential popular culture/mummy blogging site website Mamamia, Stella Young takes issues with the media’s framing of disability as inspirational: We all learn how to use the bodies we're born with, or learn to use them in an adjusted state, whether those bodies are considered disabled or not. So that image of the kid drawing a picture with the pencil held in her mouth instead of her hand? That's just the best way for her, in her body, to do it. For her, it's normal. I can't help but wonder whether the source of this strange assumption that living our lives takes some particular kind of courage is the news media, an incredibly powerful tool in shaping the way we think about disability. Most journalists seem utterly incapable of writing or talking about a person with a disability without using phrases like "overcoming disability", "brave", "suffers from", "defying the odds", "wheelchair bound" or, my personal favourite, "inspirational". If we even begin to question the way we're labelled, we slide immediately to the other end of the scale and become "bitter" and "ungrateful". We fail to be what people expect. (610) These phrases, that Young claims the media rely on to isolate people with disabilities, are synonyms for the qualities Deveson attributes to resilient individuals (632). As Beth Haller notes, although disabled activists and academics attempt to progress important political work, the news media continue to frame people with disability as courageous and inspirational simply for living their lives (216). By comparison, disability theorist Irving Zola describes rejecting his leg braces (symbolic of his professional status) electing instead to use a wheelchair: If we lived in a less healthiest, capitalist, and hierarchal society, which spent less time finding ways to exclude and disenfranchise people and more time finding ways to include and enhance the potentialities of everyone, then there wouldn’t have been so much for me to overcome. (654) Harilyn Russo agrees, and in her memoir Don’t Call Me Inspirational highlights the socially created barriers put in her way and the ways these are ignored in favour of individualising social disablement as something inspirational people ‘overcome’: I’ll tell you why I am inspirational: I put up with the barriers, the barricades, the bullshit you put between us to avoid confronting something—probably yourself—and still pay the rent on time and savor dark chocolate. Now that takes real courage. (651) Throughout her book, Russo seeks to ‘overcome disability prejudice’ rather than ‘overcome disability’. Russo establishes herself and her experiences as normal and every day while articulating the tedium she finds in being pigeon holed as inspirational. These authors are constructing a new way of thinking about disability. Michael Oliver first described this as the ‘social model of disability’ in 1981. He sought to overturn the pathologisation of disability by giving people ‘a way of applying the idea that it was society not people with impairments that should be the target for professional intervention and practice’ (Runswick-Cole and Goodley 634). Resilience: A Key Concept Fiona Kumari Campbell questions whether resilience is a useful concept in the context of disability and reflects on its use to obscure “the ‘real’ problem, namely disability oppression” (649). She interrogates traditional definitions of resilience as they draw on notions of good outcomes in spite of risk factors or experiences of severe trauma and calls for an understanding of the interactive and dynamic features of resilience as opposed to ‘individualised psychological attributes’. Thus, individualised notions of resilience as they are implicated in the cultural stories of inspirational people with disabilities are embedded within the ableist relations that Kumari Campbell seeks to expose. In Empowerment, Self-Advocacy and Resilience, Dan Goodley argues that resilience is a key concept that has repeatedly emerged throughout his research into disability and self-advocacy. He draws on the reflections of people with disabilities to offer a re-definition of resilience as a response to a disabling society that includes five interrelated aspects (648). First is resilience as contextual, which recognises resilience as the result of the contexts in which it emerges, including through relationships with others and the experience of disabling and enabling environments. Secondly, resilience complicates preconceived notions about people with disabilities such as the view that they are passive. Goodley’s third feature of resilience is optimism. He notes resistance toward oppression as a key characteristic of optimistic resilience. Goodley again considers the importance of interpersonal relationships and group identity when he argues that the fourth feature of resilience relies on people with disabilities forming relationships with each other and group identities to question their oppression. Finally, Goodley argues ‘resilience is indicative of disablement’ and suggests that people with disability must be resilient in everyday life because we live in a disabling society. Kumari Campbell posits that individualised notions of resilience are a ‘cop out’ designed to ‘distract and defuse the reality of people labouring under very difficult circumstances of which the solution is better access to quality services’. She is hopeful, like Goodley, that resilience can be redefined as a political project, and encourages people with disabilities to develop a critical consciousness and find a new sense of community through art, humour and peer support. Therefore, according to Kumari Campbell and Goodley, resilience can be redefined as a response to social disablement rather than bodily impairment. Disability Culture: Acts of Resilience in a Disabling Society Russo and Zola’s work is part of a disability culture that has emerged in response to narrow ways of understanding disability. Steven Brown emphasises the importance of experience and personal identity in his definition of disability culture: People with disabilities have forged a group identity. We share a common history of oppression and a common bond of resilience. We generate art, music, literature, and other expressions of our lives and our culture, infused from our experience of disability. Most importantly, we are proud of ourselves as people with disabilities. We claim our disabilities with pride as part of our identity. (520) Brown’s definition of disability culture therefore draws on all five of Goodley’s features of resilience. Disability culture is contextual, complicating, optimistic, interpersonal and indicative of disablement. The forging of a group identity reveals the resilience of disability culture as contextual and interpersonal. The creation of art, music, literature and other cultural artefacts reveals resilience as optimistic. The notion that people with disabilities are proud of their identity complicates traditional understandings of disability as a personal tragedy. Brown’s emphasis on the common history of the oppression of people with disabilities, as it initiated the whole disability culture movement, is ‘indicative of disablement’. The bonds of resilience that create the disability cultural movement are a result of the social oppression of people with disabilities (Gill; Martin; Brown; Goodley). Conclusion Whereas people with disabilities going about their every day lives have often been considered inspirational and as possessing resilient qualities, a new disability culture is emerging that repositions the resilience of people with disabilities as a political response to social oppression. Drawing on Runswick-Cole and Goodley’s argument that individualising qualities of resilience in inspirational people with disabilities has not benefitted people with disabilities, this paper sought to reveal the importance of resilience as a response to social oppression. People with disabilities in their formation of a disability cultural movement are reworking and redefining resilience as a response to oppression. Throughout this paper I have drawn on the reflections of a number of people with disabilities to illustrate the emergence of a disability culture as it has begun the work of redefining resilience as a political project that “‘outs’ the problems that disabled people face and names and prioritises the concerns” (Kumari Campbell 649). As Goodley argues, people with disabilities have developed a politics of resilience ‘in the face of a disabling world’. References Barnes, Colin. “Disabling Imagery and the Media: An Exploration of the Principles for Media Representations of Disabled People.” 1992. Brown, Steven. “What Is Disability Culture?” Disability Studies Quarterly 22.2 (2002). Clear, Mike. Promises, Promises: Disability and Terms of Inclusion. Leichhardt: Federation Press, 2000. Deveson, Ann. Resilience. Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin, 2003. Ellis, Katie. Disabling Diversity: The Social Construction of Disability in 1990s Australian National Cinema. Saarbrücken, Germany: VDM Verlag, 2008. Frank, Arthur. The Wounded Storyteller: Body, Illness and Ethics. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1995. Gill, Carol. “A Psychological View of Disability Culture.” Disability Studies Quarterly (Fall 1995). ———. "Disability in Australia: Exposing a Social Apartheid." Sydney: University of New South Wales, 2005. Goodley, Dan. “Empowerment, Self-Advocacy and Resilience.” Journal of Intellectual Disabilities 9.4 (2005): 333-343. Haller, Beth. Representing Disability in an Ableist World: Essays on Mass Media. Louisville, KY: Avocado Press, 2010. Hunt, Paul. “A Critical Condition.” Stigma: The Experience of Disability. Ed. Paul Hunt. London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1966. King, Gillian, Elizabeth Brown, and Linda Smith. “Resilience: Learning from People with Disabilities and the Turning Points in Their Lives.” Health Psychology. Ed. Barbara, Tinsley. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003. Kumari Campbell, Fiona. Contours of Ableism: The Production of Disability and Abledness. New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2009. ———. “Out of the Shadows: Resilience and Living with Ableism Seminar.” The University of Dundee, 13 Sep. 2010. Martin-Breen, Patrick, and J. Marty Anderies. “Resilience: A Literature Review.” The Rockefeller Foundation, 2011. Martin, Douglas. Disability Culture: Eager to Bite the Hands That Would Feed Them. New York Times, 1997. Oliver, Mike. “Understanding Disability: From Theory to Practice.” Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Macmillian, 1996. Oxford English Dictionary. “resilience, n.” Oxford University Press. Richardson, G. E. “The Metatheory of Resilience and Resiliency,” Journal of Clinical Psychology 58.3. (2002): 307-321. Rousso, Harilyn. "Don’t Call Me Inspirational: A Disabled Feminist Talks Back." Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 2013. Runswick-Cole, Katherine, and Dan Goodley. “Resilience: A Disability Studies and Community Psychology Approach.” Social and Personality Psychology Compass 7. 2 (2013): 67-78. Shakespeare, Tom. “Cultural Representation of Disabled People: Dustbins for Disavowal?” Disability & Society 9.3 (1994): 283-299. Wilkes, Glenda. “Introduction – A Second Generation of Resilience Research.” Journal of Clinical Psychology 58.3 (2002): 229-232. Young, Stella. “We’re Not Here for Your Inspiration.” Ramp Up 2012. Zola, Irving. Missing Pieces: A Chronicle of Living with a Disability. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 1982.

The placement of children in alternative care has become a critical challenge facing the nation. Established systems of care are unable to meet the increasing burden of caring for these children and to date extended family care is the most prevalent form of care for orphan and vulnerable children. Looking specifically at the prevalence of grandparent-headed households, this study focuses on the wellbeing and development of children who are placed in the care of their grandparents.The primary aim of the current study is to explore resilience in children raised by their grandparents. Central to the core of resilience in children is identifying elements that detract from their health and wellbeing (risk factors), while understanding those factors that moderate risk to their development (protective factors). A systematic review of existing literature was undertaken with the secondary aim of informing practice and policy regarding the care and placement of children in South Africa. Each primary study included in this review was appraised against best practice standards and salient themes and factors were extracted. The data was synthesized, integrated and applied to the context of child care policy in South Africa. Twelve themes emerged from the systematic review. With regards to protective processes, four broad themes emerged which were consistent with factors identified in literature in the development of resilience. These included a positive relationship with a caregiver, parenting style, providing a sense of continuity and belonging and the stability this placement offers. The remaining eights themes, related to risk factors were financial instability, relationship difficulties with their caregiver, intergenerational differences between grandparent and grandchild, poor caregiver health and wellbeing, ill-discipline and rigid parenting styles, educational difficulties,adverse past experiences of children and emotional difficulties. Based on these emergent themes, policy and intervention-focused recommendations were put forth with the aim of strengthening the capacity of grandparent-headed families to protect and care for orphans and vulnerable children.

Schizophrenia cuts across all racial, gender, and socioeconomic lines. Schizophrenia affects 1 percent of the population in Ireland: 35000 people (Schultz & Andreason, 1999); and affects 1.4 - 4.6 percent per 1000 people in the USA: 2.8 million - 9.8 million people (Jabelensky, 2004). In South Africa the figure is approximately 1 percent of the population or 500 000 people (Nicholas, Malcolm, Krosigk & Pillay, 2003). The median age of onset is 21.4 years for men and 26.8 years for women (Daubenton & van Rensburg, 2001), with only 10-20 percent recovering fully after the first psychotic episode (Saddock & Saddock, 2003). The schizophrenic patient is often unable to continue life as before diagnosis, and may progressively need more care as the years pass. Deinstitutionalization over the course of a number of decades has resulted in responsibility for care of mentally-ill individuals shifting to the individual’s family. The struggles faced by such a family can be overwhelming as they struggle with this responsibilty due to lack of training, lack of knowledge and insufficient professional support (Winefield & Harvey, 1994). The stress on the caregivers is often magnified as their support structures around them may ‘shut down’ out of fear of the schizophrenic illness (Williams & Mfoafo-M’Carthy, 2006). The characteristic symptoms used to define schizophrenia include various forms of delusions, hallucinations, thought disorders and abnormalities in emotional expression, social interaction, attention, volition and drives. The functional decline of the schizophrenic individual leads not only to social difficulties, but also economic difficulties that may cripple a family (Fadden, Bebbington & Kuipers, 1987). When first diagnosed, some families may be so overwhelmed by the ‘label’ given to their family member, that they see little hope or way to move forward. One explanation is offered by an American psychiatrist whose own son was diagnosed with schizophrenia, “We experience this terrible feeling of loss and grief for the son we knew. There is also this terrible loss of expectations. We feel cheated out of watching him mature…it is a mourning without end because, of course, Gary is not dead at all. He is very much still with us, seeming eternally twelve years old, needing constant care and attention” (Willick, 1994, p.14). Providing such care is associated with high levels of distress. Accordingly, much attention has been given to understanding the pressures faced by family members, with the hope of understanding how coping resources may be strengthened to sustain these care-giving relationships (Harvey, Burns, Fahy, Manley & Tattan, 2001). However, despite gains in understanding the needs of a schizophrenic family member once out of the hospital environment, care-giving relationships can still break down. The individual with the illness is often left more vulnerable to relapse, recurrent hospitalizations, homelessness and other negative outcomes (Jewel & Stein, 2002). The stress of not only interacting with the afflicted family member, but also with the grief associated with the illness, places an incredible strain on the day-to-day functioning of that family (Pollio, North, Reid, Miletic & McClendon, 2006). From the brief review provided, it is evident that research has been conducted regarding the stressors, strains and difficulties of caregivers of schizophrenic family members. However, the strengths of these families are under-investigated, and the current study will attempt to start filling this void.

HIV/AIDS has presented humanity with various challenges, one of which is the manner in which it has affected family structure and patterns. Parental illness and eventual death due to the HIV/AIDS pandemic is escalating. One of the major challenges of HIV/AIDS in southern Africa is the increase in the number of orphaned and vulnerable children. As a result new family forms are emerging such as the "skip-generation" family in which children or adolescent siblings head the family. It is anticipated that HIV/AIDS in South Africa will progressively increase the number of such families. During this time of profound family change, the family as an institution has remained remarkably resilient. The present study utilised the Family Resilience Framework and the Resiliency Model of Family Stress, Adjustment and Adaptation to explore and describe the resilience of HIV/AIDS’ adolescent headed families. A qualitative, exploratory-descriptive research design, which was assessed against Guba’s (1985) model of trustworthiness, was employed and the participants were sampled using non-probability purposive sampling. The Masizakhe Community Project volunteers (an AIDS Community Project in Kwazakhele, Port Elizabeth receiving support from the iThemba AIDS Foundation) assisted in identifying participants according to the predetermined inclusion criteria. The sample consisted of four female, adolescent heads of HIV/AIDS’ affected households, who volunteered at the Masizakhe Community Project and resided in Kwazakhele. The data that was collected via audio-recorded semi structured interviews were transcribed verbatim and subjected to Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis. Family resilience factors that emerged included intrafamilial strengths (family cohesion, organisation, hardiness, and adaptability); social support resources (especially from the community project, friends, and community members); family appraisal processes; and problem solving and coping strategies. Extended family support was partial and largely financial. The findings from this study provided insights into the resilience of adolescent-headed families; provided guidance for the development of intervention programmes to assist these families; and affirmed the existing strengths of the families. Furthermore, it has contributed to the research and literature on family resilience and formed the foundation for future research projects.

This study aimed to explore processes encouraging resilience in HIV and AIDS affected Basotho female adolescents in Sedibeng West in the Vaal Triangle area of the Gauteng province; and to identify guidelines to help these individuals to get through their adversities in constructive ways. By using purposive sampling (a non-probability sampling method), 61 high risk, high resilient HIV and AIDS affected Basotho female adolescents in Sedibeng West were identified to participate in the research An extensive literature review revealed the following gaps with regard to the topic of this study: • Shortage of literature regarding the effects that HIV and AIDS have on Basotho female adolescents and how these adolescents cope with these challenges; • Lack of focus on resilience of specific cultural adolescent groups; • Lack of focus on processes that encourage resilience in adolescents; • Need for qualitative studies of resilience and visual qualitative studies in particular. Consequently, a qualitative, visual phenomenological study was done where data was collected by a multi-dimensional data gathering method consisting of open-ended questionnaires, drawings and semi-structured interviews. The findings revealed that HIV and AIDS affected all participants in a substantial way. The following three main processes encourage resilience in Basotho female adolescents: Benefitting from constructive bonds; Making meaning; and Acting constructively. Furthermore, Spiritual beings and Mothers were primarily identified as figures of strength and support during adolescents’ adversity. Based on the findings, the researcher recommends that: • The Department of Education include all aspects concerning HIV and AIDS, as well as aspects concerning Religion and Spirituality in the Life Skills curriculum without making any preference of religion; • a mother figure should be established in every child’s life at a very young age, preferably as early as birth; • young people be taught skills and strategies to build interpersonal relationships and attachment bonds to significant others; • families and schools empower individuals with skills to find meaning in adversity • parents and family members model constructive regulation of behaviour to adolescents.

Thesis (DPhil (Psychology))—University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
This study addresses unprivileged dichotomies in an endeavour to make audible the silence surrounding Xhosa family resilience. This study is essentially descriptive and exploratory in nature and directed towards an understanding of the factors contributing to the resilience of Xhosa-speaking, rural black South African families. To contextualise the discussion a selection of theories on resilience are viewed within their cultural contexts. Western psychology’s privileging of a) the scrutiny of pathology while disregarding resilience; of b) white participants to black participants; and c) individuality to relationship centeredness and familial systems; are uncovered and a hypothetical understanding of Xhosa family resilience is construed. The line of thought culminates in the theoretical discussion and empirical exploration of The Resiliency Model of Family Stress, Adjustment and Adaptation (McCubbin, Thompson, & McCubbin, 1996). In the concluding remarks of this project an adaptation of this model, namely the Resiliency Model of Family Stress, Strength, Adjustment and Adaptation, is construed. The derived model is based on an integration of the findings of this study with resilience theory.

The current landscape of South Africa’s education system is one riddled with many challenges. Young people studying in this unfavourable climate have become disillusioned by the failing system and this has resulted in negative attitudes towards schooling. A shortage of teaching personnel and a lack of resources further exacerbate the situation. In recent years however, it has been found that a significant number of young people seem to have “beaten the odds”, in spite of these unfavourable conditions as they have seen themselves being granted entry into tertiary institutions. The dearth of information on academic resilience and the increased number of “educational success stories” led the researcher to embark on this qualitative study. The aim of this exploratory, descriptive and contextual research study was: to enhance understanding of the academic resilience and subsequent academic success at school, as experienced by first year NMMU students from disadvantaged communities, by exploring their constructions of academic resilience. Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory as well as Resilience Theory was used to examine the phenomenon of academic resilience. Purposive sampling techniques was utilised to draw participants within the NMMU’s School of Behavioural Sciences and data was collected by means of narrative accounts by participants. The two phases of narrative analysis were applied to analyse the data collected and Guba’s model for trustworthiness was used to verify the data. The findings of the study indicated that both intrinsic and extrinsic factors contribute to the fostering of resilience.

Thesis (MA (Psychology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
Informal settlements exist all over South Africa and are expanding and multiplying as people seek better jobs close to urban areas. The close proximity of the thousands of shacks has enabled the rapid spread of massive fires in informal settlements. The purpose of this study was to identify resilience characteristics in families who have lost their home in a shack fire. Family resilience refers to the family’s ability to achieve normal family functioning despite having experienced a traumatic event. The focus of this study was on 38 families from an informal settlement just outside Stellenbosch in the Western Cape. The study was conducted from a mixed methods approach and made use of a cross-sectional survey research design. Data was collected through the use of a biographical questionnaire, an open-ended question, and self-report questionnaires based on the Resilience Model of Stress, Adjustment and Adaptation. The results from the qualitative data indicate that the families indicated working together as a family as being vital to resilience. Material support from the municipality and extended family, shelter provided by members of the extended family and financial support from the extended family were also indicated as essential in overcoming a crisis. The results from the quantitative data indicate a significant positive correlation between family adaptation and: (i) the quality of communication within the family, (ii) the fortitude and durability of the family unit, (iii) the family’s sense of internal strengths, dependability, and ability to work together, and (iv) the family’s sense of being in control of family life rather than being shaped by outside events and circumstances.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The present study chiefly aimed to explore, identify and clarify the role that familial capabilities, characteristics and resources (collectively referred to as resilience factors) play in cushioning the impact of relocation on the family unit and assisting the family to recover from this crisis. The study emanates from the salutogenic paradigm, focusing on resilience, rather than mere pathology. The main theoretical basis of this investigation resides in the Resiliency Model of Family Stress, Adjustment and Adaptation (McCubbin & Thompson, 1991). The study claims distinction in terms of its amalgamation of a combined cross-sectional survey research design and qualitative analysis in identifying and describing the critical familial resilience factors. Self-report questionnaires were completed by either a parent (husband or wife) or by both a parent and an adolescent child as representatives of the family. A total of sixty-eight families completed the questionnaires, including an open-ended question. The results identified (i) traits and abilities of individual family members, (ii) the family system’s internal resources and support, (iii) familial integration and stability, (iv) the family unit’s utilisation of their internal strengths and durability to manage problems outside of their boundaries, (v) social support, as well as (vi) a passive appraisal coping style amidst the crisis, as important resilience-enhancing resources. It is hoped that this information could be used to develop more effective, culture-bound therapeutic intervention programmes that may prevent problems, foster family resilience and affirm the reparative potential of families. In so doing, South African families in need may be supported, strengthened and empowered.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie ondersoek is gefokus op die identifikasie en beskrywing van gesinsvermoëns, eienskappe en hulpbronne (waarna gesamentlik verwys word as veerkragtigheidsfaktore) wat meewerk om die impak van hervestiging op die gesinseenheid te demp en bystand te lewer aan die gesin om van hierdie krisis te herstel. Die studie is gedoen vanuit die salutogeniese paradigma en plaas klem op veerkragtigheid, eerder as op patologie. McCubbin en Thompson (1991) se “Resiliency Model of Family Stress, Adjustment and Adaptation” is benut as teoretiese basis. ’n Dwarssnit opname-navorsingsontwerp is gebruik om kwantitatiewe en kwalitatiewe data te versamel en te ontleed in die identifisering en beskrywing van kritiese gesinsveerkragtigheidsfaktore. Selfrapporteringsvraelyste is voltooi deur òf ’n ouer (man of vrou) òf ’n ouer en adolessente kind, as verteenwoordigers van die gesin. Verteenwoordigers van 68 gesinne het vraelyste sowel as ‘n oop vraag voltooi. Die resultate dui op (i) trekke en vermoëns van individuele gesinslede, (ii) die gesinsisteem se interne hulpbronne en ondersteuning, (iii) gesinsintegrasie en stabiliteit, (iv) die gesinseenheid se benutting van hul interne sterkpunte en duursaamheid om probleme buite die gesinsgrense te hanteer, (v) sosiale ondersteuning, sowel as (vi) ’n passiewe waarderingshanteringstyl temidde van die krisis, as belangrike veerkragtigheidskenmerke. Hierdie bevindinge kan gebruik word om meer effektiewe, kultuurgebonde terapeutiese intervensieprogramme te ontwikkel, wat probleme voorkom, gesinsveerkragtigheid fasiliteer en die herstellende potensiaal van gesinne bevestig. Op dié manier, kan gesinne wat hulle moet hervestig, ondersteun, versterk en bemagtig word.