Books on the topic 'Resistance gel'

This chapter examines the various forms of conservative resistance used by slaves in Florida and often elsewhere within the slave empire of the United States. William Dusinberre called these types of actions or inactions nonviolent “dissidence.” Indeed, bondservants actively, though discreetly, resisted their owners on a day-to-day basis. In doing so, many slaves believed that they could either get away with their recalcitrance or use it to negotiate concessions from their masters. Since enslaved blacks knew that violent attacks could mean immediate death, they naturally and intelligently sought other means of expressing their discontent concerning plantation or farm regimens. Sometimes they made life uncomfortable for their masters, and sometimes, in the process, they made life uncomfortable for themselves.

Salmonellosis remains the second most common form of bacterial food-poisoning in the UK and in most of the developed economies. Although the number of isolations per annum has declined since 2000, over 10,000 laboratory-confirmed cases are recognised each year in England and Wales, and over 150,000 in Europe. Most of infections are associated with contaminated food, particularly of poultry origin, but also may originate from cattle and pigs, and to a lesser extent, sheep. The most common serovars from cases of human infection is Enteritidis, followed by Typhimurium. Contact with pets, particularly reptiles and amphibians is becoming an increasing problem and infections can be severe, particularly in children. Accurate and reproducible methods of identification and subtyping are crucial for meaningful epidemiological investigations, and traditional phenotypic methods of typing are now being supplemented by DNA- based methods such as pulsed-field gel electrophoresis, variable number of tandem repeats analysis, and multilocus sequence typing. The use of such methods in combination with phenotypic methods has been invaluable for outbreak control at the international level. The occurrence of resistance to antimicrobial drugs is an increasing problem, particularly in relation to the development of resistance to antimicrobials regarded as ‘critically-important’ for last resort therapy in humans. Control measures such as vaccination of poultry flocks appear to have had a substantial impact on the number of infections with Salmonella Enteritidis. Nevertheless good hygiene practices in both catering establishments and the home remain essential for the control of infections at the local level.

What does doing politics mean in a context of occupation, settler-colonialism, and prolonged state violence such as Palestine? This book traces Palestinian women’s forms of political activism, ranging from peacebuilding and popular resistance to their everyday survival and coping strategies. Over the last decades, the Israeli occupation has tightened its grip on Palestinian life; settler-colonial violence against Palestinians has risen, and Palestine is more fragmented—politically, socially and spatially—than ever. For most Palestinians, neither the official liberal peace agenda nor the liberationist resistance paradigm offers promising solutions to unlock the status quo of political paralysis in Palestine today. Instead, they simply try to get by and struggle through quotidian, small-scale, informal efforts to establish a livable environment for themselves and their loved ones. Women play a major role in these micro politics. The ethnographically grounded analysis in this book focuses on the intricate dynamics of daily life in Palestine, tracing the emergent politics that women practice and articulate there. Rather than being guided by larger categories, such as party politics, social movements, or binaries between the public and the private, it zeroes in on women’s own, often complex and ambiguous, everyday politics. Shedding light on contemporary gendered political culture and alternative “politics from below” in the region, the books invites a rethinking of the functionings, shapes, and boundaries of the political.

This chapter considers how photography emerges as an incomplete, iterative form of portraiture against an elusive subject. It looks specifically at Marcel Proust’s definition of modernist portraiture in À la Recherche du Temps Perdu as an incomplete, serial form. The narrator turns repeatedly to photographic tropes of portraiture to try to capture an image of Albertine, the woman he loves. She remains unseeable, her opacity constructed both by still photography and by her suspected lesbianism. The chapter traces lesbian sexuality’s resistance in a number of figures and photographs alongside Proust’s novel, incorporating readings of Alfred Stieglitz’s portraits of Georgia O’Keeffe and concluding with modernism’s most inscrutable female figure, Greta Garbo. The point conveyed is not that photography fails to get at its subject (although this is Proust’s complaint), but that photography makes the subject’s inscrutability and opacity visible as such.

This chapter addresses the underlying causes, and potential remedies, of pandemic diabesity, a term coined to capture the expanse, and causal pathway, from excess body fat, to insulin resistance, to type 2 diabetes. The case is made that to be effective, clinical approaches must emphasize both prevention and holism, salient principles of integrative preventive medicine. More importantly, if lifestyle is the requisite medicine to alleviate this malady—and the case is made that it is—then the constraints of clinical encounters may constitute a spoon too small to deliver this medicine effectively and get it to go down universally. This chapter concludes with the proposition that lifestyle is the right medicine for obesity and type 2 diabetes alike, and that all of culture must be the spoon that delivers it. This, too, is concordant with an integrative perspective of care, and a focus on prevention.

A life in grace begins with a surrender to God on the part of a person Jerome as Jerome is coming to faith. That surrender includes a change from the state of resisting God’s love and grace to quiescence, the cessation of resistance. Once Jerome’s will is in this quiescent state, the whole process of justification and sanctification can get started. In justification, God infuses operative grace into Jerome’s will. This grace moves Jerome’s will to the will of faith, to repudiating his own evil and longing for God and God’s goodness; and so it instills into Jerome’s will a global second-order will for a will that wills the good. In sanctification, God cooperates with this overarching second-order willing of Jerome’s to bring Jerome’s will into ever-increasing integration around the good. A union of love between God and a human person is what justification and sanctification aim at and effect.

This chapter discusses Patterson's travel to the Soviet Union for treatment for his collapsed lungs, as it was the only place where a Negro without money could get adequate medical care. The FBI maintained that it was during this era—the mid-1930s—that Patterson was ensconced in the anti-Nazi underground in Europe, darting furtively in and out of Hamburg and Paris particularly. The authorities had reason to know, as they kept track of his movements as the ailing Communist—then listed as residing at 181 West 135th Street in Harlem—departed from New York for Europe on July 21, 1934, after spending a tumultuous two weeks in Cuba in May. However, Patterson was not the only U.S. Negro who had served time in the Soviet Union, for his comrade James Ford had spent more than two years there as well, as Moscow—along with Hamburg—had become a fortress of anti-Jim Crow and anticolonial resistance.

The development and rapid adoption of genetically engineered, virus-resistant papaya for Hawaii was an early, rare successful case of a small-scale horticultural crop improved for farmers of mostly modest means by the public sector. Demand was potentially great because the technology addressed a crop-destroying disease for which there were—and are—no alternative solutions. The developers of the technology promoted diffusion with a philanthropic spirit of public-sector universities and personal commitment. Success in Hawaii demonstrated that the technology could benefit papaya growers world-wide. To replicate that success, Thailand was among the first countries to work to adapt the technology. The greatest challenge facing those charged with introducing virus-resistant transgenic papaya into Thailand turned out not to be a technical but political one as Greenpeace targeted virus-resistant papaya as the likely first GE crop to be grown in the country and thus, a gateway for other GE crops. The subsequent anti-GE papaya campaigns foiled biotechnology in Thailand and throughout Southeast Asia, which is puzzling because many biotech crops being developed in that region have similar potential to benefit smallholder farmers, impact the environment positively, and address major nutritional challenges. Many are developed by the public sector. Had Thailand successfully promoted transgenic papaya despite opposition from Greenpeace, governments and scientific agencies across Southeast Asia might have been encouraged by the success story and continued to use the tools of biotechnology in their own agricultural sectors to confront rapidly mounting global agricultural challenges. That this best-case scenario for biotechnology—a pro-poor papaya developed in the public sector without multinational property claims—has not reached resource-poor farmers in the developing world almost twenty years after its release in Hawaii offers lessons larger than a minor crop. The case aids in understanding the reasons for the limited spread of biotechnology for small farmers globally and the dimensions of opposition and reasons for success of opposition to all transgenics technologies.

Grave Attending: A Political Theology for the Unredeemed mounts a challenge to a regnant neoliberal capitalist narrative, pervasively secularized, of redemption. Its methodology relies on reading political theology anew through theories of affect, queerness, disability, and race. Surfacing the importance of emotion, mood, feeling, and affect for constructions of the political and the theological, this book proposes counter-redemptive narratives. Its opening provocation is a diagnosis of soteriological impulses within neoliberalism that demand we be productive, efficient, happy, and flexible in order to be of worth and therefore get saved from the wretchedness of being considered disposable. In the guise of opportunity, the theological underpinnings of neoliberalism offer a caged freedom. Counter to this cage, the affect theories explored in these pages offer a political theology that surmises that sticking with the moods of what it means to get crucified by neoliberal capitalism is both an act of resistance and the refusal to give up on life in execution’s wake. Hence, it suggests we stick with those whom neoliberalism has already marked as irredeemable. Through the concept of “grave attending” —being brought down by the gravity of what is and listening to the ghosts of what might have been (all those irredeemable subject positions and collectives we tried to closet away)—this book considers what it means to go unredeemed. An affect-infused political theology asks readers to stick with the moods of the irredeemable, while also salvaging the possibility of new worlds, not in spite of such moods, but through them.

This chapter tests the limits of understanding what masculinity means or tries to mean. It insists that queer masculinities are those that are not only suspicious, resistant, or out of the ordinary, but are also those that elude while stabilizing meaning. In other words, at the moment we examine the Rocky Horror Picture Show or an online dating site, we establish a set of assumptions regarding who people are; yet, we develop this interplay of subjectivities that presumptively iterates binaries without ever challenging how heterosexuality is nothing more than a construction of the masculine ideal. The chapter beckons us to not get too comfortable with our learned sense that we know what masculinity is. It turns our assumptions regarding masculinity topsy-turvy and forces us to recognize that whether you are a Rasta, rude boy, martial artist, womanizer, athlete, or soldier, masculinities are defined social constructions that vary across culture, context, and community.

The book “Experiências Narradas: Relatos e vivências no espaço escolar” is the result of a collective formation process in the perspective of the Narrative Documentation of Pedagogical Experiences with a group of 16 Basic Education teachers, developed by the Research Group in Education, Narratives, and Teaching Experience in Secondary Education – Narratividades, of the Federal University of Vale do São Francisco – Univasf. With the narratives presented, it institutes teaching authorship and the dissemination of the experiential knowledge constituted in the daily life of urban and rural classrooms, of difference, and diversity. Each chapter is motivated by the following key question: How did I get here? Such a provocation seeks to interweave the several journeys made by each of these teachers, their challenges, victories, learnings, and inspirations. Bringing these teachers together in this publication aims to inspire many other professionals through important elements, actions, and life experiences as a permanent challenge in the professional field. Retrieving such elements, which result in several learnings within the formative process proposed, represents resistance and persistence in this union of pedagogical knowledge and teaching practices. The narratives recorded in this book invite and inspire through inexperienced experiences that give birth to the teacher-educator, the passion for teaching, the discovery of the new based on the already lived, but not perceived, the hopes implicit in life and in the classroom, the universe already discovered and yet to discover, the come into being in teaching; the presence of the school ground materialized in words that come together to speak about the knowledge constituted by the pedagogical experience in Basic Education.

This book defends the view that epistemic vices are blameworthy or otherwise reprehensible character traits, attitudes, or ways of thinking that systematically obstruct the gaining, keeping, or sharing of knowledge. An account is given of specific epistemic vices and of the particular ways in which they get in the way of knowledge. Closed-mindedness is an example of a character vice, an epistemic vice that is a character trait. Epistemic insouciance and epistemic malevolence are examples of attitude vices. An example of an epistemic vice that is a way of thinking is wishful thinking. Only epistemic vices that we have the ability to control or modify are strictly blameworthy but all epistemic vices are intellectual failings that reflect badly on the person whose vices they are. Epistemic vices merit criticism if not blame. Many epistemic vices are stealthy, in the sense that they block their own detection by active critical reflection or other means. In these cases, traumatic experiences can sometimes open one’s eyes to one’s own failings but are not guaranteed to do so. Although significant obstacles stand in the way of self-improvement in respect of our epistemic vices, and some epistemic vices are resistant to self-improvement strategies, self-improvement is nevertheless possible in some cases.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.