Journal articles on the topic 'Resultative compounds'

Washio (1997) contrasts resultative constructions in English and Japanese in terms of strong and weak resultatives and proposes that both strong and weak resultatives are allowed in English while only weak ones are acceptable in Japanese. When strong and weak resultatvies are examined in two types of Chinese resultative constructions: resultative V-A-(NP) compounds and V-DE-(NP)-A constructions, it can be found that both strong and weak resultatives are allowed in resultative V-A-(NP) compounds while only strong ones are acceptable in V-DE-(NP)-A constructions. Why so? It is related to the function of DE and this question can be explained in terms of the syntactic structures of strong and weak resultatives in Chinese based on Folli’s three-layer system.

Abstract It has been observed that Chinese resultative compounds display varied aspectual behaviors. Yong (1997) distinguishes between simple change resultatives, i.e. resultatives expressing instantaneous change, but allowing a process preliminary to the final change, and complex change resultatives, i.e. those allowing a gradual development of action. Starting from this distinction, this paper aims at providing a structural account of these resultative compounds, based on the constructionist framework put forth by Ramchand (2008), arguing that only simple change resultatives are characterized by having a result layer in their eventive structure. Complex change resultatives, in contrast, are characterized by having the result element in the complement position of the process projection, providing a scalar path. This allows a gradual change of state, and telicity emerges when the path is bounded. The paper also discusses the relation between complex change resultatives and degree achievements.

According to Washio’s (1997) strong and weak resultative analysis, Chinese resultative V-A-(NP) compounds allow both strong and weak resultative constructions while Chinese V-DE-(NP)-A constructions allow only strong resultative constructions, i.e., weak V-DE-(NP)-A constructions are not accepted in these constructions when the result predicate is a stage-level predicate + le. However, it can be found that these ungrammatical weak V-DE-(NP)-A constructions are possible to be grammatical in Chinese when the result predicate is an individual-level predicate or is modified by a degree word. A natural question to ask here is why so. In the paper, I will suggest a reason for it in terms of the function of DE and the aspect marker le in Chinese resultative constructions and the syntactic structures of V-DE-(NP)-A constructions.

This article revisits the formation of the resultative V-V compounds in Chinese. While presenting evidence to show the inadequacies of the lexicalist approach, we instead argue that these compounds are derived via syntactic operations. Meanwhile, the multiple readings of V-V compounds, once claimed to be the strong argumentation of the lexicalist account, are actually the results of such characteristics of Chinese syntax as the object realization, focalization, and topic-prominence. The evidence provided by the lexicalists thus does not constitute an argument against the syntactic account.

Abstract This paper argues that compounding, the major source of word-formation in Chinese, and the root-and-pattern system in Hebrew involve fundamentally the same syntactic operations and observe the same locality constraints, despite the salient differences. More specifically, it addresses the well-known continuum that the coordinate and attributive compounds behave more like words, whereas resultative and subordinate compounds are much more like phrases. It puts forward the idea that this continuum can be accounted for by assuming that there is a distinction between word-formation from roots and word-formation from words, with the former giving rise to more lexical properties and the latter more phrasal properties. The paper also discusses some related issues, such as the correct formulation of word-level phases and the structure of the major types of compound words in Chinese.

This paper is dedicated to a comparison of transitive/intransitive verb alternation in Japanese and Chinese. Discussions are focused upon three grammatical elements: monosyllabic verbs, compound verbs and constructions. The findings reveal that the two languages share similarities in two aspects: (i). transitive and intransitive verbs share the same word form; (ii) transitive and intransitive verbs can derive from the same adjective stems. Significant distinctions are also seen between the two: anticausativisation and decausativisation in Japanese are mainly facilitated in morphological level, e.g. anticausativisation is realised through the morpheme and decausativisation is conveyed by . The morpheme can be used with both intransitive and transitive verbs. Regarding Chinese, lexical and syntax have a curial role to play in transitive/intransitive verb alternation. Decausativisation appears the most favourable strategy of the alternation. Two ways of decausativisation is observed: schema of [action + resultative state]; verb compounds (V-V). Three types of V-Vs are possible for this strategy, i.e. Predicate-Complement V-V, Modifier-Head V-V and Coordinative V-V. Among them, predicate-complement V-V has the largest token of decausativisation. Moreover, constraints on Chinese anticausativisation and decausativisation are seen. When a resultative complment predicate an internal argument, the higher the agentivity that implies manner of action, the greater the unlikelihood of anticausativisation. In decausativisation, the internal argument that accepts the change of state is limited to the ‘possessive relationship.

Researching on resultative constructions has become a hot topic in linguistic field in recent years, because it plays an important role in illuminating the nature of lexical semantics and its relationship with syntax. This paper simply contrasts resultative constructions in English, Japanese and Chinese from the perspectives of their syntactic structures and Washio’s (1997) semantic distinctions, that is, strong resultatives and weak resultatives. I mainly discuss their similarities and differences to deepen our understanding of resultative constructions among these three languages. This paper is organized as follows: section 1 simply introduces types of resultative constructions in English, Japanese and Chinese; section 2 introduces Washio's analysis of strong and weak resultatives; section 3 compares V-V compound resultatives in Japanese and Chinese to illustrate their differences; section 4 compares resultative constructions in three languages which are based on Washio’s (1997) semantic analysis to identify the differences on resultatives in these three languages and furtherly explain why Japanese has only weak resultatives, according to Washio’s analysis; section 5 is the conclusion of this paper.

AbstractChildren have to figure out the lexicalization of meaning components in learning verb semantics (e.g. Behrens, 1998; Gentner, 1982; Tomasello & Brooks, 1998). The meaning of an English state-change verb (e.g. break) is divided into two portions (i.e. cause and result), respectively encoded with a separate verb in a Mandarin resultative verb compound (RVC). The majority of Mandarin monomorphemic verbs do not specify any realization of a state change (like hunt), or only imply it (like wash) (Talmy, 2000). This study examines the acquisition of the constructional meaning of RVCs and the semantic division of labor between the component verbs. Four groups of Mandarin-learning children (aged 2;6, 3;6, 4;6, and 6;1) participated in an elicitation experiment. The results reveal that, although transparency in form facilitates their learning of the state-change meanings of RVCs, Mandarin children have difficulties in unpacking the meanings of individual verbs, revealing language-specific learning issues.

This paper is dedicated to the formation of verb compounds in Early Middle Japanese, a stage of the Japanese language used in the Heian Period (794–1185). The findings reveal that current verb compounds have come a long way from Old Japanese. Multiple verbs in Old Japanese are assigned to an associate type, rather than a compounding type of relation. Thus, the serial constituents receive equal syntactic weight, giving rise to the extensive use of the coordinate type and succession type of multi-verbs. In Early Middle Japanese, the combinations of the two constituents seem much tighter, giving rise the frequent use of the modifier-predicate V-V. The conclusion emerging from this study is that it was not until Early Middle Japanese that verb compounds in the strict sense appeared. Moreover, two types of verb weakening are observed in Early Middle Japanese: (a) transformation of the first verb into a prefix, (b) grammaticalization of the second verb into a directional/resultative complement.

Abstract On the basis of the argument realization of Mandarin resultative verb compounds, this paper argues that the Proto-Agent properties as well as the Proto-Patient properties proposed by Dowty (1991) are not equal in status. Specifically, the Proto-Agent property corresponding to the Causer and the Proto-Patient property corresponding to the Causee are two higher-ranked properties. In a non-prototype approach to thematic roles, this means that the Causer and the Causee are two higher-ranked thematic roles that are immediately relevant to the argument realization of monotransitive causative predicates. The paper shows that, compared with Dowty’s equal-weight approach, the alternative approach recognizing the Causer and the Causee as two higher-ranked properties or roles can give a simpler, more effective, and more straightforward account of the argument realization associated with monotransitive causative predicates, including lexical causatives, morphological causatives, and resultatives. This study has implications for research in the argument realization of causatives involving three (or more) arguments as well. Meanwhile, it has implications for any theory utilizing thematic hierarchy because (i) none of the thematic hierarchies proposed in the literature includes both the Causer and the Causee and (ii) a complete theory of thematic roles needs to take these two higher-ranked roles into consideration.

I am glad to observe that in line with the original concept of ALA, papers chosen for publication in this issue are addressing a variety of problems pertinent to a multifaceted phenomenon such as language. There are five papers, two dealing with Japanese, one with Punjabi and two with Persian, employing multiple perspectives and methodologies.The first paper, by Irena SRDANOVIĆ and Kumiko SAKODA, is concerned with Japanese as a second language. In it the authors present a learner's corpus (C-JAS) based analysis of learner’s production of adjectives. They illustrate the general trend in adjective acquisition on the example of the adjective takai (high), examining the correlation of learners' ability with semantic domains covered in their use of adjectives. Paper also proposes new methodology to be further tested on a new larger learner's corpus now being developed at the National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics.The second paper, by LI Wenchao, is looking at Japanese from the historical perspective, focusing on verb compounds in Early Middle Japanese (ENJ). The author argues that verb compounds actually developed in EMJ, from a looser association of verbs in earlier stagers of Japanese. Through weakening, compounds develop in two directions, one where the first verb morphs into a prefix, and the other where the second verb is transmuting into a directional/resultative complement, a result in accordance with grammaticalization theory.In the third paper, the authors, Barirah NAZIR, Umair AFTAB, and Ammara SAEED, are dealing passionately with the language shift away from Punjabi. The situation of Punjabi is very complex, being the second major language in Pakistan and also one of the major languages India. The authors are focusing their research on Sargodha region of Pakistan, arguing, based on analysis of questionnaires and interviews, that Punjabi indeed is experiencing language shift, due to the shifting perception of the social role of rival languages, Urdu, the national language, and English, the official language of Pakistan. This result is surprising, since Punjabi in India does not seem to be experiencing a similar shift towards Hindi and/or English.The fourth paper, by the authors Mahla SAEDI, Fateme ALAVI, and Akram SHEKARIAN BEHZADI, is a psycholinguistic study of the rate and intelligibility of speech in hearing impaired Persian speaking pupils. Their findings confirm the expected lower performance of hearing impaired pupils as compared to normally hearing ones. The findings also show statistically significant difference between hearing impaired boys and girls, boys performing better in both speed and intelligibility. On the other hand, in the group of normal pupils, it is the girls that perform better than boys. It would be interesting to know what factors, most probably social, are responsible for such a difference.The last paper, by Azadeh Sharifi MOGHADDAM and Farimah Farrahi MOGHADDAM also deals with Persian. While pointing out the lively cultural contacts between Iran and France since the 17 c. the authors are examining the semantic change undergone by French loanwords in Persian during the last 150 or so years. To explain and categorize the changes the authors propose an elaborate synchronic model of semantic change, able to encompass all of the observed changes.

Abstract. It has been often emphasized that, in Romance, the category of aspect has become subordinated to the category of tense and that the development of compound and double-compound forms was due to the necessity of recreating the opposition between perfectum and infectum, an opposition which dominated the Latin temporal system on the whole. As far as we know, there is no satisfactory explanation for this phenomenon. According to our hypothesis, the cyclic bleaching of the 'resultative value' is a consequence of a fundamental change in parameters affecting various categories such as gender, case, voice and tense. More specifically, the resultative value of compound tenses must have been in competition with the values of the newly created plain passive, which was also result-centered (as opposed to the agent-centered active and event-centered middle/reflexive). By turn, these changes in the voice paradigm were triggered by the reinterpretation of the inherent feature [+Passive] characterizing Latin neuter nouns as a contextual feature. Since the verb assigns various roles to its arguments, it is no wonder that the combination of 'topicality' with a 'passive role' will affect the entire sentential structure, including the verb markers. But if both the plain passive and the compound past are result-centered, the corresponding active forms may become first and foremost tense markers, with special pragmatic and narrative values as required by the discourse necessities of the predominantly oral registers that developed into Romance languages.

The Hongtong district is located in the Southern part of the Shanxi province. This paper analyzes the different uses of the aspectual particle zhe in the Hongtong dialect, especially those which are different from Contemporary Standard Chinese.The aspectual particle zhe can follow a "Verb + Object" compound in which the object is a noun, an NP, a VP or a "Subject + predicate" construction. A resultative or directional complement can also be inserted between a verb/adjective and the particle zhe. Finally, the verb/adjective preceding zhe can be reduplicated.All these structures were already attested in the vernacular language of the Tang and Song periods.

This article presents an experimental study investigating the compounding parameter in the L2 Spanish interlanguage of English and French NSs in light of the Subset Principle and its predictions for the process of L2 development. The compounding parameter (Snyder, 1995, 2001) argues that languages permit complex predicate constructions like verb particles, resultatives, and double objects if and only if they can productively form N-N compounds. English exhibits the plus value of the parameter, allowing N-N compounds and the related constructions, whereas in Spanish and French these compounds and constructions are ungrammatical. Because English also allows periphrastic constructions of the same meaning, which are the only option in French and Spanish, English represents the superset parameter value to the Spanish and French subset value. At issue is whether L2 learners are able to acquire the subset value of the compounding parameter based on the naturalistic input they receive. In this case, the learning task involves realizing that some L1 constructions are unavailable in the L2. Results indicate that the learners initially transfer the L1 (superset) value and do not start with the subset value of the parameter. Findings also inform the debate on whether negative evidence can engage UG-related acquisition. Ten of the 26 advanced subjects were able to successfully reset the whole parameter based on negative data for only two of the four constructions in the cluster. This fact suggests that it is not impossible for negative evidence to be utilized in grammar reorganization.

The aim of this article is to establish the present perfect functions syntactically and semantically in Persian. Taking the definition of perfect, typically functioning to express anteriority or perfect aspect, the authors analyzed this construction in Persian in terms of function, meaning, and usage. Using functional-typological approach, the category of perfect was analyzed in regards to form, composition, meaning, expression, and its specific uses in Persian in order to determine its fundamental functions and meanings. From a synchronic point of view, the resultative, experiential and current-relevance meanings of this construction could be covered from the compound verb form. The discussion on the meanings of the Persian compound form of present perfect was based on the analysis of its occurrences in contemporary spoken standard texts, including movies, talk shows, and TV serials as well as written texts and the authors’ intuitions, in rare cases. Fundamental to the present study were three assumptions: First, a closer look at the data indicates that there are both temporal and aspectual tendencies in this construction. Second, the findings lend support to the claim that indirect information, usually described under the label of evidentiality in many contexts, is a part of their functions. Third, a modified version of Kyparsky’s theory of event structure is used and we promote the idea of “hierarchical structure„ for the Persian perfect functions where the current relevance of a prior event is the main function and other functions are entailed from this.

This study aims at describing the types of Balinese adjectives, constructions of adjective phrases, and syntactic functions of adjectives. Data was obtained from Balinese speakers living in the island of Bali using Balinese in their daily life. The form of Balinese adjectives is divided into monomorphemic and polymorphemic adjectives, and polymorphemic adjectives can be classified into adjectives with affixes, compound adjectives, and reduplicated adjectives. Meanwhile, adjective phrases in Balines can be constructed by adjectives + adverbs and adjectives + unique morphemes. Adjectives can be also as the base of derived verbs of intransitive, transitive, passive, and resultative passive. Syntactic functions of Balinese adjectives are as modifier of NP, as predicates of intransitive constructions, and used in comparative constructions as well. Balinese adjectives can be also reduplicated with or without affixes. Reduplicated adjectives without affixes are used as the predicate of sentences and have cross reference meaning to subject nouns they modify, in this case the suject nouns have plural meaning. Meanwhile, reduplicated adjectives with affixes <em>se-/-ne</em> do not modify subject nouns but they modify the actions stated by verbs of the sentences. It means combinationn affix <em>se-/-ne</em> has changed adjectives into adverbs of manner. Other uniqueness found in Balinese adjectives is the use of unique morphemes to result in adjective phrases. Balinese has many unique morphemes and each is used for particular adjectives and their uses are not possibly exchanged one to others complementarily.

It is widely believed that the order of morphosyntactic elements in Modern Chinese is to a large extent constrained by the Principle of Temporal Sequence (PTS) proposed by Tai (1985, 2002, 2007). However, there are indeed some constructions in this language apparently deviating from PTS, e.g. 蹲到 dūn-dào ‘squat-to; go to squat’, with the two elements reverse-chronological. In the present paper I provide instead a new diachronic perspective, in the framework of Linguistic Inventory Mightiness (LIM) developed recently by Liu (2011, 2012), to account for constructions of this kind. I argue that it is the diachronic extension of the directional resultative-verb-compound (DRVC) pattern, since it shows the property of LIM that motivates the emergence of reverse-chronological constructions. It is argued that the LIM approach can also explain other related diachronic changes in the history of Chinese, e.g. 摸进 mō-jìn ‘touch-enter; enter accompanied by action of touching’, with the first verb being an static action verb originally but now having a manner-of-motion meaning in the construction, as well as the constructions of 回到 huí-dào ‘return-to’ and 进来 jìn-lái ‘enter-come’ which do not exist before Pre-Modern Chinese but emerge to be in use thereafter. The approach proposed in the present paper favors a two-fold standpoint, i.e. the organization of linguistic structure on the one hand follows cognitive principles, but on the other impact and constrain related conceptual organization in discourse as well.

Mandarin Resultative Verb Compounds, different from any simplex words, have complicated θ-structures, since both the verb (Vcaus) and its complement (Cres) have the capacity of assigning their own thematic roles. The thematic roles assigned by Vcaus form the θ-structure's main structure, and those assigned by Cres form the embedded structure. Sometimes an entity plays a role in the main structure, and at the same time plays a role in the embedded structure. If the two roles are identical, they are "coindexed"; if they are different, they form a composite role. RVC's θ-structure is further compounded when ambiguity occurs and when causation is taken into consideration. The ambiguity of RVCs can be attributed to the different combination of thematic roles. As for causation, the two causative roles, causer and cause, can be assigned to thematic roles according to certain constraints.

AbstractIn this paper, it is argued that synthetic compounds based on the passive participle in English fall into two classes, depending on whether they possess the capacity to license modifiers pointing to the presence of the external argument. Compounds such as computer-generated, pencil-drawn or home-made are typically used as eventive and resultative participles, both of which are syntactically agentive. Compounds belonging to this group are contrasted with adjectives such as action-packed, family-oriented, work-related or adult-themed, which are shown to behave syntactically like underived adjectives, with no traces of the external argument. As such, they correspond to the class of stative participles.

<p><strong>1. Introduction. </strong>There exists an interesting paradox: English-speaking learners of Mandarin tend to significantly underuse the Resultative Verb Compounds in speech production tasks (Wen 1995 and 1997, Christensen 1997, Duff &amp; Li 2002) but at the same time demonstrate understanding of the compositional nature – and therefore, the meaning – of RVCs in sentence acceptability judgment tasks (Qiao 2008, Yuan &amp; Zhao 2011). In addition, learners significantly overuse the perfective aspect marker<em> –le.</em> The main goal of this study is to investigate this discrepancy and effect of <em>–le </em>on understanding of change-of-state events. Theoretical evidence suggests that speakers of two languages construe change of state in general and result specifically differently. I adapt the cognitive linguistics framework and specifically Talmy’s (1991, 2000) conceptual approach: namely, event conflation and crosslinguistic analysis of verbal patterns of how change-of-state is conceived and habitually expressed in English and Mandarin. </p><p> Following Talmy, I view both languages as belonging to a satellite-framed group of languages. However, there are several points in which English and Mandarin differ significantly with respect to understanding and thus linguistically expressing change of state. English speakers mainly use resultative verbs (<em>break</em>) and the resultative construction (<em>wipe the table dry</em>). And thus, in English, both the Resultative Construction and monomorphemic resultative verbs are habitually used to express change of state. With respect to Mandarin, it is commonly asserted that in order to convey change of state an RVC must be used. However, Mandarin also has a list of single-root verbs carrying resultative meaning. The perfective aspect marker <em>-le</em> is affixed to these verbs. For example, <em>zou-le </em>(leave-PFV) means ‘leave’ and <em>guan-le </em>(close-PFV) means ‘turn off’. Even thoughMandarin has a very limited number of monomorphemic resultatives, the most common way of expressing change-of-state situation is to use an RVC. One of the typical examples of RVCs is <em>ku-shi </em>(cry-wet):</p><p>(1) Ta <strong>ku- shi</strong> le shoujuan<em>. </em> <br /> He cry-wet PFV handkerchief<br /> ‘He cried the handkerchief wet.’</p><p> Lexically, RVCs are a combination of two or more morphemes (verbs or adjectives) forming a single verb (among many others, Chao 1968, Thompson 1973, Li &amp; Thompson 1981). The components of the RVC can be either transitive or intransitive with V₁ expressing a cause and V₂ expressing result. Syntactically, RVCs involve two or sometimes three verbs forming a construction that schematically looks like V₁+V₂. RVC acts like a single verb meaning that (1) nothing can be inserted between its constituents, (2) the aspect marker, which often accompanies RVCs, follows the compound treating it as one unit, and (3) arguments follow the entire RVC rather than being inserted between the action and result predicates (Chao 1968, Li &amp; Thompson 1981, Chen 2008). </p><p> Leonard Talmy’s (1991 and 2000) classification of English and Mandarin Resultatives shows that speakers of these two languages construe change-of-state events differently. It also provides the key-explanation of why there should be a problem with English speakers using Mandarin RVCs. First of all, English speakers view many change-of-state events as consisting of a single vent, where two subevents are conflated in such a way that speakers do not necessarily view this event as consisting of two subevents (take <em>kick</em>, for example). As a result, in addition to having a wide array of resultative constructions, English is rich in monomorphemic resultatives. Chinese speakers, on the other hand, for the vast majority of cases view resultative events as clearly consisting of two subevents. In order to say that Actor kicked Patient, an RVC <em>ti-zhao </em>(propel.the.foot.as.to.kick-come.into.contact.with) has to be used. An important factor that plays a role here is that Mandarin is rich in verbs with what Koenig and Chief (2008) call an <em>incompleteness effect</em> which is based on Talmy’s idea of <em>strength of implicature</em>. Secondly, if we look at classification of resultatives based on how speakers understand change of state events, we will find how exactly they differ. Talmy identified four patterns: (1) attainment fulfillment (<em>kick </em>something<em> flat</em>); (2) moot fulfillment (<em>hunt </em>somebody <em>down</em>); (3) implied fulfillment (<em>wash </em>something <em>clean</em>); (4) intrinsic fulfillment (<em>drown </em>as opposed to *<em>drown </em>somebody <em>dead</em>). English is rich in the first and fourth patterns when it comes to expressing change of state. It only has a few instances of the third pattern. Mandarin, however, has an extensively developed third pattern when if V₁is taken in isolation, it only implies that an action that took place with certain intention of a result and the implicature that the intention was realized. A V₂has to be used in order for an RVC to actually express realized change of state. In addition to this, in Mandarin a number of subtypes has developed where V₂ in addition to fulfillment and confirmation, also has ‘underfulfilment’, ‘overfulfilment’, ‘antifulfilment’, and ‘other event’ types of results. </p><p> What also has great influence on ability to use RVCs by English speakers is the perfective aspect marker <em>–le</em>, L2 acquisition of which is a widely acknowledged problem of its own. Both RVC and <em>–le </em>contribute to the aspectual properties of a sentence (Xiao &amp; McEnery 2004, Christensen 1997, Smith 1991). RVCs exemplify a lexical aspect and <em>–le </em>– a grammatical aspect. The fact that verb-final <em>–le </em>is used to perfectivise situations is a well-known and accepted phenomenon; however, RVCs function to perfectivise situations as well. The evidence yielded in the experiment discussed further suggests that there is a transfer of association from past tense marker <em>–ed </em>in English to the perfective aspect marker <em>–le </em>in Mandarin: possibly because English speakers correlate it with a past tense marker, or possibly because of the fact that simple past in English is the most common indicator of perfectivity. Thus, because of this strong L1 transfer, English speakers are strongly predisposed to use the verb-final <em>–le </em>with resultatives, whether it be RVCs or monomorphemic verbs which are treated as resultative in learners’ interlanguage.</p><p><strong>2. Experiment description and findings.</strong> In response, I conducted an experiment, which included 16 target video clips ranging from 5 to 25 seconds long. Video clips depicted an actor or actors performing certain actions. These 16 clips consisted of 8 pairs of clips where one clip showed an action where a result took place and another clip showed the same action but with no result achieved. No subject (48 L1 English speakers) watched both members of a pair. Each subject watched 8 target video clips (4 depicting change-of-state and 4 depicting no-change-of-state events) and performed 2 tasks: (1) a description task (where each participant described the clips in English) and (2) an acceptability judgment task with 2 sentences for each clip. Both sentences in each pair were the same except the first sentence contained an RVC plus <em>-le</em> and in the second sentence contained V₁ of an RVC plus <em>-le</em>. The acceptability judgment task was performed using a continuum scale where answers ranged in the following fashion: ‘completely unacceptable’, ‘probably unacceptable’, ‘I don’t know’, ‘probably acceptable’, and ‘completely acceptable.’ In the analysis the following scores were assigned to each value: ‘-2’, ‘-1’, ‘0’, ‘+1’, and ‘+2.’ Statistical analysis (ANOVA) was applied in evaluating outcomes of the experiment. Subjects’ description of the video clips in English showed that they treated change-of-state events and no-change-of-state as such and that with change-of-state events used in the experiment they would not use monomorphemic resultatives with two subevents conflated. </p><p> I used 8 RVCs which were divided into four groups depending on how V₁<em>-le </em>was related to V₁ of an RVC in meaning: (1) RVCs where V₁<em>-le </em>has the same meaning as V₁ of an RVC<em>-le</em>; (2) RVCs where V₁<em>-le </em>does not have the same meaning as V₁ of an RVC<em>-le</em> and at the same time may have some resultative meaning but different from the meaning expressed by the RVC<em>-le</em>; (3) RVCs where V₁<em>-le </em>has the same meaning as RVC<em>-le</em>; and (4) RVCs where V₁<em>-le </em>has ambiguous meaning as it may or may not be interpreted as having the same meaning as RVC<em>-le</em>. The overall goal of this experiment was to see whether English speakers would favor Mandarin single-root verbs along with <em>–le </em>in describing change-of-state events. Specific questions addressed were: (1) whether English-speaking learners of Mandarin understand that a two-constituent RVC must be used to express a change-of-state event and (2) whether they equate the V₁<em>-le </em>combination with RVC thus taking the perfective aspect marker <em>–le </em>as having resultative connotation.</p><p> The outcomes show that both advanced and intermediate groups of learners understand that RVCs have to be used to describe change-of-state events. I conclude this based on the data that show that learners assigned high scores to RVCs in those situations where change of state took place and low scores in those situations where no change of state occurred. This happened with all RVC types except RVC Type (4), but the RVC belonging to this type have an ambiguous meaning and is not treated as decisive for this conclusion. </p><p> The data show that learners do not treat the aspect marker <em>–le </em>as carrying resultative meaning in those situations where in their L1 they would not use monomorphemic resultatives. If they were to treat the verb-final –<em>le </em>as such, we would see that non-native speakers assigned high scores to V₁<em>-le </em>in change-of-state situations and low scores in no-change-of-state situations. In other words, they would treat these V₁<em>-le </em>combinations as RVCs. This was not the case. With the RVC Type (1) advanced learners behaved like native speakers. Intermediate learners behaved in a similar fashion as well with the exception of two situations both occurring with no-change-of-state events. In one situation the data barely showed significant difference (p&lt;0.05) between V₁V₂<em>-le </em>and V₁<em>-le </em>and in another situation there was no significant difference at all even though there should be <ins cite="mailto:Katinka" datetime="2014-05-06T08:53">a </ins>clear gap and, therefore, significant difference. With the RVC Type (2), learners’ reaction is not as clear as with the RVC Type (1) because of the individual meanings of the V₁<em>-le </em>combinations. RVC’s V₁<em>-le </em>counterparts proved to be more challenging for learners. Learners did not behave differently from native speakers in treating RVCs, but in most cases both groups of learners showed misunderstanding of the V₁<em>-le </em>combinations. However, no matter how both groups of learners interpreted these structures, they reacted to them differently than to RVCs thus indicating that they do not equate V₁<em>-le </em>with RVC<em>-le</em>. RVC Type (3) shows that advanced learners reacted in the same way as native speakers did. Namely, they treated the V₁<em>-le </em>combination the same as V₁V₂<em>-le</em>. This is the only case when this kind of reaction is expected. Intermediate learners, on the other hand, did not produce such a response because they treated these two structures differently in the no-change-of-state situation. With the RVC Type (4) both V₁<em>-le </em>combination and RVC<em>-le </em>have ambiguous meaning as the data indicate that each was understood as expressing a result and action. In short, in this experiment there was some inconsistency in learners’ reaction to the target sentences, especially by intermediate learners. Their reaction was similar to that of native speakers in situations when V₁<em>-le </em>did not have the same meaning as V₁of RVC<ins cite="mailto:Katinka" datetime="2014-05-06T08:55">,</ins> but they produced inconsistent results when V₁<em>-le </em>was equal to V₁V₂<em>-le </em>or had some other resultative meaning. However, no matter how they interpreted V₁<em>-le </em>combinations, in no-change-of-state situations, learners had a gap between V₁<em>-le </em>and RVC<em>-le</em>. This fact supports the conclusion that learners do not take <em>–le </em>as having resultative meaning.</p><p> In this study, I conducted an experiment containing Mandarin RVCs that do not correspond to English monomorphemic resultative verbs in which two subevetns are conflated. And the outcomes clearly indicate that English speakers do not treat the V₁<em>-le </em>combination as consistently carrying resultative meaning. This is to be expected since the video clips depicted such situations where English speakers would not use monomorphemic resultatives. The next step is to see if they would take the V₁<em>-le </em>combination as resultative in those situations where in their L1 a monomorphemic resultativ verb would be used. Given the evidence briefly presented here, English speakers should not decline the V₁<em>-le </em>combination in change-of-state events as opposed to only accepting RVC. This is only one of the first steps in proving experimentally that English speakers and Chinese speakers construe the change-of-state events differently. </p>

AbstractThe article focuses on certain cases in which the use of the compound perfect (CP) of Peninsular Spanish presents problems of interpretation, or apparently contradicts the norms for the use of this form, i.e., the CP is used together with a prehodiernal expression of time (e.g.,

<strong><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><font face="TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT"><p align="left"> </p></font></span><p align="left"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">SAMMENDRAG</span></span></p></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">I 1973 ble det påvist økt risiko for lunge- og nese-/bihulekreft blant norske nikkelverksarbeidere i en epidemiologisk</p><p align="left">undersøkelse fra Kreftregisteret. Analysene var basert på 48 lungekrefttilfeller, og man fant at</p><p align="left">risikoen var høyest i den gruppen som hadde lengst ansettelse i roste-, smelte- og elektrolyseavdelingene.</p><p align="left">Tilsvarende funn var tidligere gjort blant nikkelarbeidere i andre land, og undersøkelsen vakte oppsikt fordi</p><p align="left">forhøyet risiko også ble funnet blant ansatte i elektrolysen. Senere analyser med spesifikke eksponeringsdata</p><p align="left">har vist at kreftfaren er nært knyttet til eksponering for vannløselige nikkelformer. Nye data er nå blitt samlet</p><p align="left">inn i forbindelse med en pasient-kontroll-undersøkelse basert på 213 tilfeller av lungekreft og 525 kontrollpersoner.</p><p align="left">På bakgrunn av opplysningene er relativ risiko regnet ut ved hjelp av regresjonsmodeller der</p><p align="left">følgende faktorer var inkludert: total varighet av ansettelse ved bedriften, eller varighet av ansettelse i ulike</p><p align="left">avdelinger, tidspunkt for førsteansettelse og røykevaner. Resultatene fra pasient-kontroll-analysen bekreftet</p><p align="left">funnene fra 1973 når disse ble regnet om til relativ risiko, og tydet på at konklusjonene fra den gang var</p><p align="left">valide selv om analysene var basert på færre arbeidstakere, kortere observasjonstid, en forenklet inndeling</p><p align="left">av arbeidstakerene i henhold til deres avdelingshistorikk, og manglende opplysninger om røykevanene.</p><font face="TimesNewRomanPSMT" size="2"><font face="TimesNewRomanPSMT" size="2"><p align="left">Grimsrud TK.</p></font></font></span><font face="TimesNewRomanPSMT" size="2"><p align="left"> </p></font></span><p align="left"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">Lung cancer among Norwegian nickel-refinery workers: Reappraisial of<strong><font face="TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT" size="2"><font face="TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT" size="2"><p align="left">a classical study.</p></font></font></strong></span><strong><font face="TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT" size="2"><p align="left"> </p></font></strong></span></strong><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;">Nor J Epidemiol </span></span></em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">2001; </span></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">11 </span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">(2): 171-176.</span></span></p><p align="left"> </p><strong><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><font face="TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT"><p align="left"> </p></font></span><p align="left"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">ENGLISH SUMMARY</span></span></p></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">In 1973, increased risk of cancer of the lung and nasal cavities was demonstrated among Norwegian nickel</p><p align="left">workers in a study from The Cancer Registry of Norway (Kreftregisteret). The analyses were based on 48</p><p align="left">cases of lung cancer and the highest risk was found in workers with the longest employment in the electrolysis,</p><p align="left">roasting, and smelting departments. The study gave supportive evidence to epidemiological findings</p><p align="left">from other countries and was the first to identify an elevated risk in electrolysis workers. Evaluations based</p><p align="left">on specific exposure information have indicated a clear carcinogenic effect from water-soluble nickel compounds.</p><p align="left">New information has been collected for a case-control study including 213 cases of lung cancer and</p><p align="left">525 controls. Regression models were used to estimate the effect of the following variables: duration of</p><p align="left">employment at the refinery as a whole, or in three different department groups (electrolysis, roasting and</p><p align="left">smelting, and maintenance), time of first employment at the refinery, and smoking. The results from the</p><p align="left">case-control analyses were in agreement with most of the relative rates derived from the 1973 paper, and</p><p align="left">indicated that the conclusions in the oldest study were valid despite a much lower number of study subjects,</p><p align="left">a shorter follow-up, a simple categorisation of employees according to work history, and an absence of data</p><p>on smoking habits.</p></span></span>