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Journal articles on the topic 'Return to Judaism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Neusner, Jacob. "Resentment and Renewal: Toward a Theory of the History of Judaism." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 16, no. 1 (2013): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341242.

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Abstract Diverse Judaic religious systems, from the Pentateuchal statement to the Zionist reiteration of that statement, endure and will define future Judaisms too. A single paradigm defines those systems, however varied they are in detail. I propose to explain the endurance of the Judaic paradigm, which is realized in the myth of exile and return.

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2

Mühlstein, Jan, Lea Muehlstein, and Jonathan Magonet. "The Return of Liberal Judaism to Germany." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490105.

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AbstractThe German Jewish community established after World War Two was shaped by refugees from Eastern Europe, so the congregations they established were Orthodox. However, in 1995 independent Liberal Jewish initiatives started in half a dozen German cities. The story of Beth Shalom in Munich illustrates the stages of such a development beginning with the need for a Sunday school for Jewish families and experiments with monthly Shabbat services. The establishment of a congregation was helped by the support of the European Region of the World Union for Progressive Judaism and ongoing input from visiting rabbis. The twenty years since the founding of the congregation have also seen the creation of the Union of Progressive Jews in Germany, the successful political struggle for a share of the state funding for Jewish communities and the establishment of the first Jewish theological faculty in Germany.

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3

Arbell, Mordechai. "Return to Judaism: The Circumcisers of Curaçao." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 18, no. 1 (1999): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1999.0097.

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4

Sherwood, Jessie. "Coacta voluntas est voluntas: Baptism and Return in Canon Law." Medieval Encounters 28, no. 6 (December 14, 2022): 447–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340151.

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Abstract Throughout the early Middle Ages, the border between Christianity and Judaism was comparatively permeable, and baptized Jews, particularly those baptized under duress, frequently returned openly to Judaism. While modern scholars of Jewish-Christian relations often assume that medieval canon law always forbade this, a single norm governing converts’ re-conversion, or reversion, did not begin to emerge until the mid-twelfth century with the Decretum Gratiani. The Decretum established the preeminence of the canon that barred Jewish baptizands’ reversion and acted as a catalyst for discussions about the limits of consent and coercion, baptism and conversion. These debates provided the foundation for the mandates of the early thirteenth century that did establish the legal boundary between Jew and Christian which lasted into modernity: so long as baptizands consented, even if under duress, they were Christians and could not return to Judaism.

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Schorsch, Jonathan. "The Return of the Tribe." Common Knowledge 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 40–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-8723035.

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As a part of “Xenophilia: A Symposium on Xenophobia’s Contrary” in Common Knowledge, this essay examines the interest in, affection for, friendship with, and romanticization of Native Americans by Jews in the United States since the 1960s. The affinity is frequent among Jews with “progressive” or “countercultural” inclinations, especially those with strong environmental concerns and those interested in new forms of community and spirituality. For such Jews, Native Americans serve as mirror, prod, role model, projection, and fictive kin. They are regarded as having a holistic and integrated culture and religiosity, an unbroken connection to premodern attitudes and practices, an intimate relationship with the earth and with nonhuman creatures, along with positive feelings toward their own traditions and a simple, honest, and direct way of living. All of these presumed characteristics offer to progressive Jews parallels and contrasts to contemporary Jewishness and Judaism. For some, Native America has become a path back to a reconstructed Jewishness and Judaism; for others, a path away. Each path is assessed in this article with respect to questions of authenticity, psychobiography, family history, theology, and theopolitics.

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6

Utterback, Kristine T. "“Conversi” Revert: Voluntary and Forced Return to Judaism in the Early Fourteenth Century." Church History 64, no. 1 (March 1995): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168654.

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Forced to choose between conversion and death, many medieval Jews chose to be baptized as Christians. While not all Jews in Western Europe faced such stark choices, during the fourteenth century pressure increased on the Jewish minority to join the Christian majority. Economic, social, and political barriers to Jews often made conversion a necessity or at least an advantage, exerting a degree of coercion even without brute force. Once baptized these new Christians, called conversi, were required to abandon their Jewish practices entirely. But what kind of life actually awaited these converts? In the abstract, the converts had clear options: they could either remain Christians or return to judaism. Reality would surely reveal a range of possibilities, however, as these conversi tried to live out their conversion or to reject it without running afoul of the authorities. While the dominant Christian culture undoubtedly exerted pressure to convert, Jews did not necessarily sit idly by while their people approached the baptismal font. Some conversi felt contrary pressure to take up Judaism again. In the most extreme cases, conversi who reverted to Judaism faced death as well. This paper examines forces exerted on Jewish converts to Christianity to return to Judaism, using examples from France and northern Spain in the first half of the fourteenth century.

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7

Hochberg, Gil, and Shir Alon. "Decolonizing Judaism: Barbarism and the Return to Nativism." boundary 2 44, no. 4 (September 28, 2017): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-4206385.

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8

Heilman, Samuel C. "Return to Judaism: Religious Renewal in Israel.Janet Aviad." American Journal of Sociology 90, no. 4 (January 1985): 951–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/228171.

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9

Kaufman, Debra Renee. "Women Who Return to Orthodox Judaism: A Feminist Analysis." Journal of Marriage and the Family 47, no. 3 (August 1985): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/352257.

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10

Koltun-Fromm, K. "A NARRATIVE READING OF MOSES HESS'S RETURN TO JUDAISM." Modern Judaism 19, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/19.1.41.

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11

DeHart, Paul R. "The Return of the Sacral King." Catholic Social Science Review 25 (2020): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20202527.

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In Pagans & Christians in the City, Steven D. Smith argues that in contrast to ancient Rome, ancient Christianity, following Judaism, located the sacred outside the world, desacralizing the cosmos and everything in it—including the political order. It thereby introduced a political dualism and potentially contending allegiances. Although Smith’s argument is right so far as it goes, it underplays the role of Christianity’s immanent dimension in subverting the Roman empire and the sacral pattern of antiquity. This division of authority not only undermined the Roman empire and antique sacral political order more generally—it also subverts the modern state, which, in the work of Hobbes and Rousseau, sought to remarry what Western Christianity divorced.

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Magid, Shaul. "Loving Judaism through Christianity." Common Knowledge 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 88–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7899599.

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This contribution to the Common Knowledge symposium on xenophilia examines the life choices of two Jews who loved Christianity. Elijah Zvi Soloveitchik, born into an ultra-Orthodox, nineteenth-century rabbinic dynasty in Lithuania, spent much of his life writing a Hebrew commentary on the Gospels in order to document and argue for the symmetry or symbiosis that he perceived between Judaism and Christianity. Oswald Rufeisen, from a twentieth-century secular Zionist background in Poland, converted to Catholicism during World War II, became a monk, and attempted to immigrate to Israel as a Jew in 1958. Rufeisen, while permitted to move to Israel to join a Carmelite monastery in Haifa, was denied the right to immediate citizenship of Israel which the Law of Return guarantees to all bona fide Jews. And this particular Soloveitchik has largely been forgotten, given the limits of Jewish interest in the New Testament and of Christian attention to rabbinic literature. This article explores the complex and vexing questions that the careers of these two men raise about the elusive distinctions between Judaism and Christianity, on the one hand, and, on the other, between the Jewish religion and Jewish national identity.

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13

Avrutin, Eugene M. "Returning to Judaism after the 1905 Law on Religious Freedom in Tsarist Russia." Slavic Review 65, no. 1 (2006): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4148524.

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As a consequence of the 17 April 1905 law on religious freedom, hundreds of baptized Jews petitioned to return to Judaism. While the law paralleled the liberalization of the attitudes and values regarding religious differences that occurred in European societies between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries, the reform also helped destabilize traditional social boundaries and religious identities in the empire. On one level, this essay examines the conflicts and problems authorities faced in categorizing a Jewish population that continually resisted conventional assumptions. In the context of rapid population movements, political and religious reforms, and increased acculturation, what it meant to be “Jewish” was redefined, and administrators needed to establish an acceptable criterion by which (baptized) Jews could be classified. On another level, this essay draws on individual petitions and government correspondence to analyze the personal choices and social dilemmas that baptized Jews faced when they attempted to return to Judaism.

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Hussain, Saqib. "The Qur’an’s Reformation of Judaism and Christianity: Return to the Origins." Journal of Jewish Studies 71, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3473/jjs-2020.

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15

Cohen, Martin A., and Jacob Neusner. "Self-Fulfilling Prophecy: Exile and Return in the History of Judaism." American Historical Review 95, no. 5 (December 1990): 1488. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162699.

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16

Dericquebourg, Régis. "Retour au Judaïsme: Les Loubavitch en France [Return to Judaism: The Lubavitch in France] by Laurence Podselver." Alternative Spirituality and Religion Review 2, no. 1 (2011): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/asrr20112149.

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17

Kohler, George Y. "“The Pattern for Jewish Reformation”: The Impact of Lessing on Nineteenth-Century German Jewish Religious Thought." Harvard Theological Review 113, no. 2 (April 2020): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816020000073.

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AbstractThe widespread Jewish sympathies for Lessing’s pre-Hegelian, pro-Jewish, progressive Deism from the Education of the Human Race spurred some Jewish authors to return to and discuss Lessing’s religious thought within the theological endeavors of the Wissenschaft des Judentums in nineteenth-century Germany. To be able to rely on Lessing, even retroactively, was welcome proof for Jewish Reformers that the humanistic approach to religious problems that stood at the very center of their project was at once Jewish and universal. It was the spirit of Lessing’s Education that was appropriated here for Judaism rather than Lessing’s letter. With Lessing in the camp of Reform Judaism the intended modernization of Judaism was safeguarded against the accusation of political and social egoism on the part of the Jews. It was the universal idea of religious progress that they shared with Lessing, not just the sloughing off of the yoke of outdated talmudic law.

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18

van Klinken, Gert. "Eschatologie in na-oorlogs protestants Nederland, verkend aan de hand van de relatie met Israël." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 65, no. 4 (November 18, 2011): 278–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2011.65.278.klin.

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For the confessional mainstream of Dutch Protestantism, eschatological reflection had always centred on the return of Christ and the last judgment. This contribution examines how this focus changed during a process of rethinking the relationship between Christianity and Judaism. A new view, centred on justice and the coming of the Kingdom of God, emerged. Interestingly, opposition to this redefinition of eschatology was not restricted to classical Calvinists. An eschatological expectation in which the return of Jesus as the Messiah of Israel remained central was eloquently defended by Messianic Jews.

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19

Bird, Michael F. "Jesus and the Continuing Exile of Israel in the Writings of N.T. Wright." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 13, no. 2-3 (May 5, 2015): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455197-01302001.

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N.T. Wright’s thesis that the historical Jesus conducted his prophetic career in the context of a widespread belief that Israel was in a protracted state of exile has courted much controversy. This study sketches Wright’s articulation of the return-from-exile theme in Jewish literature, describes some of the scholarly criticisms to this view, and defends a chastened view of Wright’s thesis that return-from-exile remains a useful category for understanding Judaism and Jesus even if it does not necessarily carry the meta-narratival freight that Wright attributes to it.

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20

HENGEL, MARTIN. "Tasks of New Testament Scholarship." Bulletin for Biblical Research 6, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422142.

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Abstract New Testament scholarship must move beyond its current preoccupation with faddish methods (as evidenced by several variations of the so-called new literary criticism) and return to a solid grounding in history, primary source materials, archaeology, and competence in the pertinent languages. This also entails familiarity with early Judaism, the Greco-Roman world, and early patristics. The exemplary contributions of major biblical scholars of the last century are reviewed.

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21

Feldman, Dmitry. "“I have the Courage to Ask Most Sincerely...”." Judaic-Slavic Journal, no. 1 (5) (2021): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3364.2021.1.10.

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The publication of D.Z. Feldman, accompanied by his introductory article and comments, contains a petition of the baptized Odessa Jew who used to be in the Army and was exiled to Siberia for secretly professing Judaism, for amnesty and return to his homeland. This document testifies to a particular case of unsuccessful adaptation of the Jews to a new place of residence beyond the traditional “Pale of Settlement”.

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HENGEL, MARTIN. "Tasks of New Testament Scholarship." Bulletin for Biblical Research 6, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.6.1.0067.

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Abstract New Testament scholarship must move beyond its current preoccupation with faddish methods (as evidenced by several variations of the so-called new literary criticism) and return to a solid grounding in history, primary source materials, archaeology, and competence in the pertinent languages. This also entails familiarity with early Judaism, the Greco-Roman world, and early patristics. The exemplary contributions of major biblical scholars of the last century are reviewed.

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23

RAPOPORT, TAMAR. "One People, One Blood: Ethiopians-Israelis and the Return to Judaism byDon Seeman." American Ethnologist 38, no. 3 (July 5, 2011): 613–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2011.01325_21.x.

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24

Lehmann, David, and Batia Siebzehner. "Power, Boundaries and Institutions: Marriage in Ultra-Orthodox Judaism." European Journal of Sociology 50, no. 2 (August 2009): 273–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975609990142.

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AbstractThe growth in the numbers and influence of ultra-Orthodoxy – the haredim – since the Second World War has changed Judaism worldwide, even though it remains a minority culture. Growth has occurred through the maximization of family size and through the movement of t'shuva (“return”), and it has benefited from state and private subsidies to the institutions of Torah learning (yeshivot and schooling generally), which have become one of the twin pillars of ultra-Orthodoxy. The other pillar is the shidduch, the system of concerted marriage which ensures that more or less everyone gets married, and strengthens the educational institutions which inculcate among prospective brides a preference for a learned husband engaged in full-time study, and for a life devoted to sustaining him.

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25

Ariel, Yaakov. "Hasidism in the Age of Aquarius: The House of Love and Prayer in San Francisco, 1967–1977." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 13, no. 2 (2003): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2003.13.2.139.

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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Americans encountered an unexpected group of people who, at first sight, seemed unreal: Hasidic hippies. Conceiving of Hasidic Judaism as being incompatible with the spirit of the era and of hippie culture as being far removed from the Jewish tradition, most Jews could not comprehend how anyone could try to amalgamate two such opposing cultures.Many of the young Hasidic hippies were affiliated with or influenced by the House of Love and Prayer (HLP), a Jewish outreach center that operated in San Francisco between 1967 and 1977 and promoted the mixture of traditional Hasidic Judaism with the counter-culture. It represented a new generation in American religious life: the baby boomers, with their spiritual journeys and cultural preferences, which included attempts to unite religious traditions and cultural trends that just a few years earlier had seemed too different to bridge. The HLP promoted the return to tradition and the embracing of the mystical and supernatural elements of Judaism. Together with other groups that emerged in the late 1960s and 1970s, the HLP helped bring about a revolution in the practicing of the Jewish tradition, one that gave expression to the style and values of the Jewish members of the counterculture.

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Tarteer, Khalid, and Moh’d Al-khateeb. "A Reading in History of the Jews and its Impact on Religious Thought." Jordan Journal of Islamic Studies 20, no. 2 (May 28, 2024): 189–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.59759/jjis.v20i2.450.

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The aim of this research is to elucidate the history of the genesis of Judaism and the impact of this history on its followers. The problem of research was represented in the following questions: What is Judaism, how did it originate, and who are its followers? What are the most significant historical events that have affected the formation of Jewish identity? What is the impact of history in forming Jewish religious thought? Through the researcher's adoption of the historical method and the analytical deductive method in his research, it appears that: Judaism is the oldest religion that its followers – according to their claim – belong to Abraham, which is still alive to this day, with millions of followers worldwide, primarily located in occupied Palestine, America, and parts of Europe. Jews have several names: Hebrews, Israelites, and the people of Moses, and they claim descent from Jacob and his twelve sons. They also claim lineage from Abraham, from whom they are distinct. The history of the Jews, through which they have passed many stages, was the main factor in forming Jewish religious thought. Judaism is based more on nationality and history than on doctrines, which have seen many changes over the ages. The writing of the Torah did not take place in the time of Moses, but after several centuries, in the time of Ezra and the priests after returning from Babylonian captivity. Zionist movements were built on the idea of the national union of Jews in Palestine after they faced significant persecution in Europe, as they claim. A Protestant Christian trend supporting the Jews emerged, asserting their right to return and occupy Palestine. This Jewish-Protestant alliance continues to exist.

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Lavender, Abraham D. "One People, One Blood: Ethiopian-Israelis and the Return to Judaism (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 30, no. 3 (2012): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2012.0048.

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28

Cook, John Granger. "The use of ἀνίστημι and ἐγείρω and the “Resurrection of a Soul”." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 108, no. 2 (August 28, 2017): 259–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2017-0010.

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Abstract: There are no explicit uses of ψυχή or πνεῦμα with ἀνίστημι, ἀνάστασις, ἐγείρω or ἔγερσις in a text that refers to resurrection until those mentioned by some Gnostic sources and heresiologists in their discussions of Gnostic groups in the second and following centuries. In texts from Second Temple Judaism and paganism, which describe a person’s return to life, ἐγείρω and so forth are used for the resurrection of a body. This thesis has significant implications for the interpretation of Dan 12,2 and 1Cor 15,3–5.

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Botha, P. J. J. "Gelykenisse in konteks: Aantekeninge oor Matteus 24:45–25:30." Verbum et Ecclesia 17, no. 2 (April 21, 1996): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v17i2.517.

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Parables in conte:d: some comments on Matthew 24:45-25:30 The three parables in Matthew 24:45-25:30 are usually read as advice to the church on how to behave while waiting for the return of the Lord. An alternative reading is proposed in this article: Matthew discusses the relationship between various Jewish groups, explaining who the disciples of the Kingdom are and why fonnative Judaism, competing for the allegiance of Jews of the late first century, is not a viable option for the future of Israel's inheritance.

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Blaich, Roland. "Health Reform and Race Hygiene: Adventists and the Biomedical Vision of the Third Reich." Church History 65, no. 3 (September 1996): 425–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169939.

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German Seventh-day Adventists entered the Nazi era with apprehension. As a foreign sect which resembled Judaism in many respects, Adventists were particularly threatened by a society based on the principle of völkisch racism. Yet the new state also had much to offer them, for it held the prospect of new opportunities for the church. The Nazi state banished the scourge of liberalism and godless Bolshevism, it restored conservative standards in the domestic sphere, and it took effective steps to return German society to a life in harmony with nature—a life Adventists had long championed.

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Byrne, Brendan. "Jerusalems Above and Below: A Critique of J. L. Martyn's Interpretation of the Hagar–Sarah Allegory in Gal 4.21–5.1." New Testament Studies 60, no. 2 (March 14, 2014): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688513000362.

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In several studies of Galatians, J. Louis Martyn has argued that in the allegory of Hagar and Sarah (4.1–5.1), the ‘two covenants’ of 4.24b, traditionally identified with Judaism and Christianity respectively, refer, on the one hand, to a Christian Jewish Law-observant Gentile mission, Teachers from whom are disturbing Paul's Galatian converts, and to the Law-free Gentile mission promulgated by Paul, on the other. In the light, particularly, of Paul's overall usage of ‘covenant’, Martyn's interpretation is not sustainable – though this need not imply a return to an anti-Jewish interpretation of the text.

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Runesson, Anders. "What Does It Mean to Read New Testament Texts ‘within Judaism’?" New Testament Studies 69, no. 3 (July 2023): 299–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688522000431.

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AbstractFor centuries, Christians have understood some of the texts included in the New Testament as ‘Jewish,’ in the sense of them being written by (converted) Jews for other Jews. From a historical perspective, a new development in the academy suggests that such approaches do not do justice to the nature of these texts. Indeed, even more recent attempts at understanding the New Testament against the background of Judaism are also found wanting. Instead, placing these texts within the broader context of the diverse ways of embodying Jewish ancestral customs in the pre-rabbinic Second Temple period, this interpretive trajectory, involving scholars from a wide array of backgrounds, insists that Paul, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, Revelation etc., should be understood as expressions of Judaism. This article highlights key issues involved in such re-readings of New Testament texts, including ways in which they may or may not relate to normative-theological positions among Christians and Jews today. First, the study looks at how the question is asked in our contemporary setting. Then, moving down historical layers, issues related to history and categorisation are addressed before we, finally, return to the present to consider possible implications of our findings.

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Loewe, Raphael. "Judaism's Eternal Triangle." Religious Studies 23, no. 3 (September 1987): 309–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412500018874.

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Twenty years ago I attempted to clarify thinking about Judaism in proposing a more refined terminology which, if properly used, would eliminate the all too frequent fallacies of equivocation by which discussion is bedevilled (‘Defining Judaism:Some Ground-Clearing’, Jewish Journal of Sociology, VII, 2, 1965, pp. 153–75). It is not my purpose here simply to exhume that article: on the other hand, I do not feel that I can usefully begin again ab initio, since the situation has not been radically transformed as it had been in the thirty years preceding 1965. The two decades since and including the Six Days War have witnessed much entrenchment of position, intensification of doctrinaire assertion, and heightening of enthusiasm, but little inclination (until the Lebanon War began to stimulate it in Israel) towards questioning what have become popularly accepted axioms:and it is still the case that anyone who dares to question the assumption that Israeli national sovereignty now is, and for all time will remain, a sine qua non for the survival of Judaism will not get much of a hearing. What I intend here is to reconsider my earlier findings from the angles of belief, authority, and peoplehood, particularly since I feel that the last-mentioned had perhaps been allowed inadequate weight in my previous endeavour. I consequently repeat here, for convenience of reference, the terminological distinctions proposed in that article, together with the tentative working definition of Judaism with which it concluded. I doubt its usefulness, save from a negative standpoint, i.e. what it excludes. But if we are to consider peoplehood, we need to know who, and what, is a Jew: and the only uniquely valid definition of a Jew that satisfies me is a transmitter of Judaism. The question seems to me otherwise meaningless without some terms of reference, e.g. who is a Jew for purposes of joining synagogue X, or speaking for Anglo-Jewry or world Jewry at forum Y, or qualifying for Israeli citizenship under the law of return, etc. Here, then, is my tentative formula:

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Sgonnova, A. Yu. "Star of Jacob, and a Sceptre of Israel: King David’s Image in Priest Ideology." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 6, no. 4 (December 21, 2022): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2022-4-24-55-66.

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This article examines the peculiarities of royal power’s representation in the ideology of priests in early Judaism. Researchers of Judaism deem this period important since it is then that the basic ideas about the power institutions of society, their attributes, functions, and features were laid. The institution of the royal power appears to be the most significant here: this power transforms from purely secular to religious, and the priest becomes the king. This research is devoted to the aspects of these transformations that were not previously given due attention: the reflection of the authors who lived during this epoch upon the biblical king David’s image and his place in the new doctrine of power. Besides the understanding of the image within the scope of secular power, it also played an important role in the formation of priestly ideology in the period examined. Exploring the data from three sources (The 1st Book of Maccabees, The Book of Sirach, and The Damascus Document), the author concludes that the development of King David’s image perception took place in the following directions. The first one did not deny the possibility of the Davidic dynasty heir’s return but focused its attention on building a new doctrine of power, which would center around the figure of the elected priest. The second direction represented King David as a figure of the past, creating a new doctrine of power, where only a priest could lead the society. The third direction, represented by Qumran, radically revised the prophecies about the return of David’s bloodline to the throne: in their view, the Qumran community becomes King David by itself and receives primacy in Israel.

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Dy-Liacco, Veronica Chiari. "Expiation in Levinas and His Understanding of Judaism, and in the Catholic Mass." Philippiniana Sacra 55, no. 166 (September 1, 2020): 413–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.55997/ps3002lv166a2.

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The Jewish philosopher Emmanuel Levinas describes ethical substitution as a suffering for another’s suffering. Levinas’s phenomenology would make of the act of substitution a universal calling, a calling regardless of race, culture, and ethnicity, that makes one truly human. Levinas’s ethical phenomenology, imbued with his Jewish faith tradition, provides philosophical illumination on the Christian and specifically Catholic understanding of Jesus Christ as the Suffering Servant of God, as found in the New Testament and in the Liturgy of the Mass. These connections and illuminations return us to our Christian roots and re-emphasize the primordially ethical basis of Christian spirituality and worship, an ethics of vicarious substitution and expiation celebrated in the Holy Eucharist.

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Seppälä, Serafim. "Forsaken or Not? Patristic Argumentation on the Forsakenness of Jews Revisited." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 11, no. 2 (August 1, 2019): 180–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2019-0014.

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Abstract After the Shoah, the Catholic-Jewish dialogue has reached considerable intellectual depth, existential honesty, theological advancement and thematic width. The Orthodox Church, however, has hardly started its process of reconciliation. At the heart of the problem is the patristic argumentation on the forsakenness of the Jews, which in the Early Church was organically connected with the truth of Christianity. The patristic authors, however, were largely ignorant of the theological developments of Rabbinic Judaism and thus based their reasoning on mistaken presuppositions. In our times, this is especially clear with the patristic argument that it is perpetually impossible for the Jews to return to rule their Holy Land and Jerusalem.

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Carbullanca Núñez, César. "The emergence of suffering self. A study about lists and social structures in the Antiquity." Franciscanum 59, no. 167 (February 10, 2017): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.21500/01201468.2846.

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This article adopt the perspective of de Sciences of religion for to show the existence of the literary genre of lists in Antiquity and Palestine during the post-exile, which were used to systematize and legitimize ideologically certain groups or interests religious-cultural. In Antiquity, there are lists of gods, angels, and kings. In this context, we find in late Judaism, upon the return from exile, other propheticeschatological lists in which marginal individuals are transformed into political persons. This show a revolutionary change in relation to the Greco-Roman secular context, that is, the emergence in propheticapocalyptic texts of lists of marginal subjects that begin to occupy a literary-social space.

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Wright, Archie. "Some Observations of Philo's De Gigantibus and Evil Spirits in Second Temple Judaism." Journal for the Study of Judaism 36, no. 4 (2005): 471–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006305774482678.

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AbstractThe following discussion delineates Philo's interpretation of Genesis 6:1-4 in his various treatises. The presentation provides a brief description of his understanding of the journey of the soul, which includes the origin of the soul, its place in the heavens, its time on earth, and its eventual return to the divine realm. Throughout the discussion, I will introduce various points of the interpretation of the Genesis passage found in the Watcher tradition of 1 Enoch and its adaptation in various documents in Second Temple Jewish literature. In doing so, I will highlight the similarities and differences between the interpretations which suggest Philo had knowledge of some form of the Watcher tradition and was perhaps attempting to write a corrective of its understanding of the problem of evil and the cause of human suffering in the first century C.E.

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France, R. T. "Conversion in the Bible." Evangelical Quarterly: An International Review of Bible and Theology 65, no. 4 (September 6, 1993): 291–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-06504001.

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A variety of Hebrew and Greek words are used in the Bible to convey the concept of ‛conversion’. The New Testament recognises both ‛insider conversion’ and ‛outsider conversion’—the former being a call to return to their God and the latter demanding both a new experience of God and a change of religious affiliation. The distinction rests on where a person comes from and the degree of dislocation involved in joining the community of faith. Nevertheless, within the new community the distinction is theologically unimportant. As the church became increasingly separate from Judaism, the conversion of Jews was seen more and more as ‛outsider conversion’; with the growth of ‛nominal Christianity’ the need for ‛insider conversion’ has redeveloped.

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Griffith, Sidney H. "Review of Holger M. ZELLENTIN (ed.), The Qur’an’s Reformation of Judaism and Christianity: Return to the Origins." Journal of the International Qur’anic Studies Association 5, s1 (November 30, 2020): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jiqsa-2020-06s102.

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Tabary, Serge. "De l’antijudaïsme religieux à l’antisémitisme politique." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 32, no. 2 (2000): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2000.5585.

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It is generally accepted that the concept of «race», whatever the criteria used for its definition, can be considered as showing a shift from essentially religious anti-Judaism and the advent of anti-Semitism as a way of thinking. The introduction of the concept of «race» would not be enough to eliminate the religious dimension which remains crucial to anti-Semitism. But unlike anti-Judaism, anti-Semitism does not serve an established order. Far from being a return to past values, anti-Semitism goes well beyond them. It is a religion in its own right. Therefore, instead of breaking away from religion, anti-Semitism tends to be a substitute for it and to endow it with a political mission. It becomes then the «political religion» so desired by Paul de Lagarde, mentor of Theodor Fritsch, who was himself considered as the «Oldmaster of German anti-Semitism» in the IIIrd Reich. The study of the evolution of Fritsch’s thinking between 1881 and 1914 provides an astounding illustration of this radical mutation. According to him, in order to elaborate this religion, it was necessary to operate a threefold inversion : an inversion of the spirit of the Talmud, an inversion of Christianity as well as that of Gobineau ’s philosophical point of view. Völkisch anti-Semitism thus became a kind of «positive Christianity».

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Ben-Pazi, Hanoch. "“A Fall of Snow Maintains the Warmth of the Earth”." European Journal of Jewish Studies 14, no. 1 (September 10, 2019): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-11411081.

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Abstract This essay attempts to shed light upon the European Jewish partnership in the second half of the twentieth century, through an analysis of the persona of the philosopher Léon Brunschvicg, one of the major teachers of Emmanuel Levinas. Beyond the inherent interest in his intellectual stature and prominence as a philosopher, our study will reveal an additional aspect of the French-Jewish partnership at the turn of the century, and will reconsider the import of assimilation—as an enabler of Jewish involvement in Western civilization. The moral and intellectual appreciation that Emmanuel Levinas had for his teacher, Léon Brunschvicg, motivated him to call for a return to Jewish cultural discourse, and to honor the role models whose Judaism found expression not through their national or religious commitments, but rather through their universal concerns.

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Mroczek, Eva. "How Not to Build a Temple: Jacob, David, and the Unbuilt Ideal in Ancient Judaism." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 4-5 (November 25, 2015): 512–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340108.

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Jacob and David share one distinction in early Jewish literature: both wish to build temples, but are denied by direct divine revelation—David in Chronicles, and Jacob in Jubilees. Considering these figures together through the motif of a denied sanctuary illuminates how early Jews conceptualized the temple, both earthly and heavenly. The prohibitions against building are also occasions for cultic inauguration, revelation of writing, and promises of an ideal or eschatological sanctuary. When the Jerusalem temple was considered less than ideal, a return to founding moments, when the temple was still unbuilt—but only a blueprint, vision, or promise—was an important theological move. In those primordial times, nothing had yet been constructed, so nothing could have been ruined; Jacob and David serve as exemplars of how to live when the ideal temple is not yet real. Considering them together provides a richer imaginative context for Chronicles, Jubilees, 11QT, 4QFlor, and other texts.

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Żywica, Zdzisław. "Eklezja Mateusza – eschatologiczną „Resztą Izraela”?" Collectanea Theologica 86, no. 1 (November 25, 2016): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/ct.2016.86.1.02.

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In a holistic look at the history of Israel and the Church, Evangelist Matthewseems to express the hope that taken by him idea of “Rest”, proves tobe a kind of bridge for the followers of rabbinic Judaism. He also trusts thatin the eschatological times – finally closed by the Second Coming of the Sonof Man – they profess, at least some of them, faith in Jesus from Nazarethas the Messiah and Son of God at the same time. Faith confessed by themwill allow to enter into the Church and obtain the same equal rights as otherparticipants of that idea in the following centuries of the God’s salvationhistory, in which the chosen people of Abraham will be able to participateas the only nation from the beginning until the definite its completion, withonly a short break discontinued, however, by conversion and return to GodYahweh – the Father of Jesus.

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Carlson, Stephen C. "Eschatological Viticulture in 1 Enoch, 2 Baruch, and the Presbyters of Papias." Vigiliae Christianae 71, no. 1 (January 5, 2017): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341289.

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This study looks at three of the most prominent instances of eschatological viticulture in early Judaism and Christianity, namely 1 En. 10.19, 2 Bar. 29.5, and the presbyters of Papias in Irenaeus, Adv. haer. 5.33.3, paying particular attention to their tradition histories and intertextual relationships. All three of these texts imagine that the grape vine will be fantastically productive in God’s renewed creation, but they develop this image in different ways based on different biblical texts. First Enoch uses the trope in conjunction with its use of the account of Noah’s renewal of the earth after the Flood in Gen 9. Second Baruch uses it to complement an eschatological banquet feasting upon the primordial beasts of Leviathan and Behemoth, followed by a return to the fragrant fruits of paradise of Gen 2. Papias, by contrast, applies the trope to the Blessing of Isaac in Gen 27:28.

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Friedmann, Luciana. "Refuge and integration from the perspective of the Torah. Considerations from an ancient perspective on the modern phenomenon of immigration." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Ephemerides 66, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeph.2021.2.03.

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"Over the millennia, people have been forced, countless times, to leave their homeland and settle in other lands. As in the 21st century, the possible reasons were the same - the economic, political situation, discrimination, the difficulty of integrating or, simply, the fact that leaving was the only way out. The Jewish diaspora has known many stages, some recorded in the Bible - Torah - Old Testament. Others, such as the expulsion of the Jews from the Iberian Peninsula, led to the peregrinations of the Jews in various corners of the world. The present work aimed to put into the perspective of ancient Jewish religious writings the way in which the idea of refuge is treated today. The migration phenomenon is considered by some to be characteristic of the modern era, being regulated by national and international legislation. The way in which Judaism treated this subject - cities of refuge, moral obligation towards the one who asks for help, “Dina de malkuta dina” - the law according to which the law of the residence prevails over the religious law - represents an interesting model to follow, but also similar in certain aspects, with the current legislation. The present work aimed to highlight some good practices, less known, which facilitated the integration in various societies in certain situations. I researched the way in which the treatment of refugees changed over time, considering, however, that Judaism continued to be faithful, until today, to some religious principles that, in fact, regulate basic interpersonal relations. Keywords: Refugees, Torah, faith, Galut, exile, captivity, migration, Temple, Pikuah Nefesh, cities of refuge, Shabbat, wandering, Law of Return, allogene, “Dina de Malkuta dina”, Jerusalem."

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Geran Pilon, Juliana. "Jews and Leftist Politics: Judaism, Israel, Antisemitism, and Gender / Antisemitism and the left: On the return of the Jewish question." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2018.1452468.

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Ostrovskaya, Elena A. "Tradition as a Homeland to Return to: Transnational Religious Identity of the Post-Soviet Orthodox Jewry." Changing Societies & Personalities 5, no. 2 (July 9, 2021): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/csp.2021.5.2.129.

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This article highlights the outcome of a long-term field research into the transnational identity of the post-Soviet Orthodox Jewry. It analyzes biographical interviews taken between 2015 and 2018 in St. Petersburg and Minsk to define the religious identity and day-to-day practices of post-Soviet Orthodox Jews. In this article, I argue that the modern post-Soviet Jewry is a new socio-cultural phenomenon with no historical prototypes. As to the research methodology, it was a combination of the transnational approach, random choice case-study targeting post-Soviet Orthodox communities of Orthodox Jewry in large cities, and the biographical method. The backbone of the post-Soviet Orthodox communities of different strains of Judaism was formed in 1990–2008. It is made up of three generations of men and women born in the late 1940s–1960s, mid-1960s–early 1970s, and the 1980s. Each of these generations is characterized by its own unique pattern of observance, the formation of which is directly conditioned by the circumstances of involvement in religious Jewry. The transnational pattern of observance of the Post-Soviet Orthodox Jews involves the model they confronted at the very beginning of their journey, the model they learned in overseas educational institutions or through incoming envoys and rabbis in the country of residence, and the model of balance between the required and possible in the modern post-Christian and post-atheist environment.

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Androsova, V. "Chabad in the context of the religious revival of Ukrainian Jewry." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 48 (September 30, 2008): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2008.48.1989.

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In Ukraine, historically, there have been various religions, both national religions of peoples and world. In the Ukrainian territory, such a striking phenomenon of the Jewish religious tradition as Hasidism is emerging. This stage of Hasidism is conventionally called the second to separate it from German Hasidism of the Middle Ages. Ukrainian-Polish Hasidism gave birth to its numerous directions. Among them there is good Hasidism, as well as Uman, Chernobyl, Karlin-Stolin directions. Chabad, in its modern form with the adoration of the lover's rebbe, originated in the teachings of Schneur Zalman, who brought Hasidism as close as possible to the traditional tenets of Judaism and insisted on an intellectual service to God, restraining excessive religious emotionality. The Ukrainian roots of Hasidism in general and Chabad in particular, as well as the Ukrainian origin of the Seventh Lubavitch Rebbe, contribute to the return of this movement to the territory of Ukraine after the atheistic period of the Soviet Union.

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Simon-Shoshan, Moshe. "Past Continuous: The Yerushalmi’s Account of Honi’s Long Sleep and Its Roots in Second Temple Era Literature." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 3 (February 17, 2020): 398–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12511305.

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Abstract The Palestinian version of the seventy-year sleep of Honi Hamʿagel in y. Taʿanit 3:9 (66d), is an example of a rabbinic narrative deeply rooted in the culture of pre-rabbinic Judaism. Its authors were familiar with three distinct literary-historical traditions found in earlier texts: the depiction of Simon the high priest in Ben Sira; the account of Nehemiah hiding and restoring the fire of the temple altar in 2 Maccabees; and the story of Abimelech’s decades-long nap preserved in 4 Baruch and The History of the Babylonian Captivity. These three traditions were already connected to each other as part of a wider network of texts, traditions, and collective memory about the Babylonian exile and the return to Zion. The creators of the Honi story built on and extended this body of cultural materials, creating an original work about the continuity of Jewish life and tradition from the biblical era to their own.

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