To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Revisionist Zionism.
Journal articles on the topic 'Revisionist Zionism'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Revisionist Zionism.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Mousavi, Hamed. "Zionist Approaches to the Palestinian Question." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 2 (May 26, 2018): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p37.
Full textAbstract:
Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionists have much closer views to the right wing than would most like to admit. To demonstrate this, the views of Theodore Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, David Ben-Gurion, the most important actor in the founding years of the state, as well as the approach of left wing Israeli political parties are examined. Finally, it is argued that none of the mainstream Zionist political movements will allow the creation of a Palestinian state even on a small part of Palestine.
2
Shumsky, Dmitry. "State Patriotism and Jewish Nationalism in the Late Russian Empire: The Case of Vladimir Jabotinsky’s Journalist Writing on The Russo–Japanese War, 1904–1905." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 868–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.61.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn his autobiographical writings, the Russian-Jewish author and the founder of Zionist Revisionism Vladimir Jabotinsky constructed a retrospective self-image, according to which ever since becoming a Zionist early in the 20th century he exclusively clung to a Jewish national identity. This one-dimensional image was adopted by the early historiography of the Revisionist movement in Zionism. Contrary to this trend, much of the recent historiography on Jabotinsky has taken a different direction, describing him, particularly as a young man during the period of his early Zionism in Tsarist Russia, as a Russian-European cosmopolitan intellectual. Both these polarized positions are somewhat unbalanced and simplistic, whereas the figure of Jabotinsky and his worldview that emerge from reading his rich publicist writing in late Tsarist Russia present a far more complex picture of interplay between his deep ethnic-national primordial Jewish affinity, on the one hand, and an array of his different attachments to his non-Jewish surroundings including local, cultural, and civil identities, on the other. Focusing on Jabotinsky’s unexplored journalist writings that address the Russo-Japanese war of 1904–1905, the article discovers a previously unknown identity pattern of the young Jabotinsky—his Russian state patriotism—and traces its relationship to his Jewish nationalism.
3
Biale, David. "Ehud Luz. Wrestling with an Angel: Power, Morality and Jewish Identity, trans. Michael Swirsky. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. 350 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405380093.
Full textAbstract:
Perhaps no subject is more actual than the relationship of Zionism and the State of Israel to the exercise of military power. Ehud Luz's passionate cri de coeur appears, at first glance, to cover much the same ground as Anita Shapira's earlier Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881–1948: both books analyze comprehensively the way Zionist thinkers, writers, and activists struggled with the moral limitations on the use of force and violence in the acquisition of Jewish sovereignty. But Shapira's focus is more on political history, while Luz treats primarily writers and rabbis, ranging from the ultra-Orthodox pacifist Aharon Shmuel Tamares, the Labor Zionist poet Natan Alterman, the messianic Zionist Zvi Yehuda Kook, and the secular apocalyptic Uri Zvi Greenberg. Where Shapira ends her story with what she describes as the emergence of a new Israeli mentality in the wake of the 1948 war, Luz brings the debates up to virtually the present day. Shapira leaves readers—perhaps unwittingly—with the impression that the values of havlagah (self-restraint) which characterized Labor Zionism in the 1930s were largely replaced by a more ruthless ethos of retaliation: after 1948, Labor Zionism came to adopt the position of its Revisionist archrival. Yet, as Luz demonstrates, the debates of the prewar period continued, if in a new key, in the half-century after Israeli sovereignty.
4
Shlaim, Avi. "The Likud In Power: The Historiography of Revisionist Zionism." Israel Studies 1, no. 2 (October 1996): 278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/isr.1996.1.2.278.
Full text
5
Shlaim, Avi. "The Likud in Power: The Historiography of Revisionist Zionism." Israel Studies 1, no. 2 (1996): 278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/is.2005.0024.
Full text
6
Masalha, Nur. "New History, Post-Zionism and Neo-Colonialism: A Critique of the Israeli ‘New Historians’." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 1 (May 2011): 1–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0002.
Full textAbstract:
Ever since the 1948 Palestinian Nakba a bitter controversy has raged over its causes and circumstances. While the Palestinian refugees have maintained that they were driven into flight, Israeli historians claimed that the refugees either left of their own accord, or were ordered to do so by their own leaders. This essay explores the emergence of an Israeli revisionist historiography in the late 1980s which challenged the official Zionist narrative of 1948. Today the ‘new historians’ are bitterly divided and at each other's throats. The essay assesses the impact of the ‘new historians’ on history writing and power relations in Palestine-Israel, situating the phenomenon within the wider debates on knowledge and power. It locates ‘new history’ discourse within the multiple crises of Zionism and the recurring patterns of critical liberal Zionist writing. It further argues that, although the terms of the debate in Western academia have been altered under the impact of this development, both the ‘new history’ narrative and ‘Post-Zionism’ have remained marginal in Israel. Rather than developing a post-colonial discourse or decolonising methodologies, the ‘new historians’ have reflected contradictory currents within the Israeli settler colonial society. Also, ominously, their most influential author, Benny Morris, has reframed the ‘new history’ narrative within a neo-colonialist discourse and the ‘clash of civilisations’ thesis. Justifying old and neo-colonialist ideas on ‘transfer’ and ethnic cleansing, Morris (echoing calls by neo-Zionist Israeli politicians) threatens the Palestinians with another Nakba.
7
Zouplna, Jan. "Revisionist Zionism: Image, Reality and the Quest for Historical Narrative." Middle Eastern Studies 44, no. 1 (January 2008): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200701711754.
Full text
8
Brenner, Lenni. "The Jewish Radical Right: Revisionist Zionism and Its Ideological Legacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 35, no. 2 (January 1, 2006): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2006.35.2.102.
Full text
9
Shlaim, Avi. "The Iron Wall Revisited." Journal of Palestine Studies 41, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 80–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.2.80.
Full textAbstract:
More than a decade after the publication of his acclaimed The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World, Avi Shlaim returns to Ze'ev Jabotinsky's theory as a framework for understanding Israel's Arab policies, this time focusing on the post-1967 period. The author revisits the theory's formulation by the leader of Revisionist Zionism in 1923 and its near total convergence with the (unacknowledged) strategy followed by Labor Zionism. Examining each Israeli government since 1967, he shows that all zealously followed stage one of Jabotinsky's strategy (constructing an “iron wall” of unassailable military strength) but that the lesser known stage two (serious negotiations with the Palestinians after being compelled by stage one to abandon all hope of prevailing over Zionism) has been completely ignored except by Yitzhak Rabin. Indeed, the recent periods have witnessed a full-blown return to the iron wall at its starkest, with increasing resort to violence and unilateralism.
10
Shavit, Jacob. "The Jewish Radical Right: Revisionist Zionism and Its Ideological Legacy (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 25, no. 1 (2006): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2006.0141.
Full text
11
Nicosia, F. R. "Revisionist Zionism in Germany (I): Richard Lichtheim and the Landesverband der Zionisten-Revisionisten in Deutschland, 1926-1933." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 31, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 209–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/31.1.209.
Full text
12
Zouplna, Jan. "Beyond a one-man show: the prelude of Revisionist Zionism, 1922–25." Israel Affairs 19, no. 3 (July 2013): 410–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2013.799871.
Full text
13
Braverman, Mark. "Zionism and Post-Holocaust Christian Theology: A Jewish Perspective." Holy Land Studies 8, no. 1 (May 2009): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947509000390.
Full textAbstract:
Analysis of the Israel–Palestine conflict tends to focus on politics and history. But other forces are at work, related to beliefs and feelings deeply embedded in Judeo-Christian tradition. The revisionist Christian theology that emerged following the Nazi Holocaust attempted to correct the legacy of Christian anti-Semitism. In the process it has fostered an unquestioning support of the State of Israel that undermines efforts to achieve peace in the region. The conflict in Christian thought between a commitment to universal justice and the granting to Jews a superior right to historic Palestine permeates the current discourse and is evidenced in the work of even the most politically progressive thinkers. The article reviews the work of four contemporary Christian theologians and discusses the implications of this issue for interfaith dialogue, the political process, and the achievement of peace in the Holy Land.
14
Nicosia, F. R. "Revisionist Zionism in Germany (II): Georg Kareski and the Staatszionistische Organisation, 1933-1938." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 32, no. 1 (January 1, 1987): 231–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/32.1.231.
Full text
15
RUBIN, GIL S. "VLADIMIR JABOTINSKY AND POPULATION TRANSFERS BETWEEN EASTERN EUROPE AND PALESTINE." Historical Journal 62, no. 2 (November 16, 2018): 495–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000419.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDrawing on new archival findings, this article argues that shortly after the outbreak of the Second World War, Vladimir Jabotinsky, founder and leader of the right-wing Revisionist Zionist movement, had begun to advocate for the transfer of the Arab population from Palestine – an aspect of his thought previously unknown. Jabotinsky's support for population transfers runs counter to his lifelong political thought. Prior to the war, Jabotinsky was a staunch advocate of minority rights for Jews in Europe and for extensive autonomy for the Arab population in Palestine. This article argues that Jabotinsky's shift was a product of the war. Jabotinsky believed that millions of Jewish refugees would be prevented from returning to their pre-war homes in eastern Europe and would immigrateen masseto Palestine; to resettle these refugees, the Arab population, he argued, ‘would have to make room’. Attentively following debates on population transfers in Europe, Jabotinsky concluded that the era of minority rights had come to an end and envisioned an increasingly ethno-national Jewish state. By highlighting the eastern Europe context in Jabotinsky's thought, this article emphasizes the importance of studying the history of Zionism alongside the transformation of the nation-state in eastern Europe in the 1940s.
16
Medoff, Rafael. "Communication: The influence of revisionist Zionism in America during the early years of world war II." Studies in Zionism 13, no. 2 (September 1992): 187–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531049208576005.
Full text
17
Shelef, Nadav G. "From ?Both Banks of the Jordan? to the ?Whole Land of Israel:? Ideological Change in Revisionist Zionism." Israel Studies 9, no. 1 (April 2004): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/isr.2004.9.1.125.
Full text
18
Rudd, Gordon W. "The Israeli Revisionist Historians and the Arab-Israeli Conflict--Part One: From the Founding of Zionism to the 1967 War." Journal of Military History 67, no. 4 (2003): 1263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0330.
Full text
19
Shelef, Nadav G. "From "Both Banks of the Jordan " to the "Whole Land of Israel:" Ideological Change in Revisionist Zionism." Israel Studies 9, no. 1 (2004): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/is.2004.0019.
Full text
20
Toth, Anthony B. "LAILA PARSONS, The Druze Between Palestine and Israel, 1947–49, St Antony's Series (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000). Pp. 197. $65.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802351067.
Full textAbstract:
Laila Parsons situates her study alongside those of the so-called new historians of the Arab– Israeli conflict who in recent years have rewritten large parts of the dominant narratives of the “traditionalist” historians. One of elements of these narratives has been the assumption that the struggle between Arabs and Jews was a starkly bipolar affair, with a relatively small number of Jews in conflict with a much larger, monolithic population of Arabs. Recent “revisionist” works, however, have shown that this interpretation is inaccurate. For example, an integral part of Zionist policy was to make contact with various Arab leaders and groups before, during, and after the emergence of the State of Israel and forge relationships that could advance the movement's geopolitical agenda. Scholars who have worked on this question include Avi Shlaim (Collusion across the Jordan: King Abdullah, the Zionist Movement, and the Partition of Palestine and The Politics of Partition: King Abdullah, the Zionists and Palestine, 1921–1951) and Kirsten Schulze (Israel's Covert Diplomacy in Lebanon). In The Druze Between Palestine and Israel, a compact and narrowly focused study based on the author's doctoral thesis, Parsons skillfully employs archival sources in Israel, as well as published accounts in English, Arabic, and Hebrew, to show how Zionist officials developed relationships with Druze leaders and representatives and how these links could benefit both sides.
21
Benvenisti, Meron, Yitzhak Shamir, and Kati Marton. "The Last Revisionist Zionist: History Left Yitzhak Shamir Behind." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 1 (1995): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047028.
Full text
22
Kaplan, Eran. "Decadent pioneers: Land, space and gender in Zionist revisionist thought." Journal of Israeli History 20, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531040108576147.
Full text
23
Ben-Ari, Nitsa. "Political dissidents as translators, editors, and publishers." Sociological Turn in Translation and Interpreting Studies 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2012): 144–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.7.2.03ben.
Full textAbstract:
Against the backdrop of the British mandatory rule of Palestine (1917–1948), Socialist and Revisionist factions struggled bitterly over the character of the new Israeli culture/nation in the making. Crucial ideological differences intermingled with violent fights over topical problems such as whether resistance to British rule should be violent or subdued and how to face growing Arab aggression. The struggle intensified during World War II when the Socialist Zionist camp, headed by Ben-Gurion, backed the British in the war against Nazi Germany. This camp eventually won, as we know, and dissidents found themselves not only jobless but unable to obtain employment in public office. As a result, many Revisionists turned to the private book industry, becoming translators, editors, and publishers. This essay will describe the conditions that led to this choice and will analyze the options left for Revisionist intellectuals rejected by the mainstream. It will then describe them as a far from homogenized sociopolitical group, analyze their various habituses, then present particular examples of participants in the alternative book industry. It will try to find a correlation between their sociopolitical ideology and their professional behavior. Cases of ex-dissidents that found a way into the mainstream will also be presented. Using a diachronic approach, this article will attempt to sum up their contribution, as well as the effects of the strife (schism, in fact) on Hebrew culture that this work represents. Finally, this article will attempt to incorporate these findings within the framework of the sociological turn, problematizing the application of Bourdieu’s habitus and field theories to the study of translation.
24
Pinto, Vincenzo. "Betweenimagoandres: The Revisionist-Zionist Movement's Relationship with Fascist Italy, 1922–1938." Israel Affairs 10, no. 3 (September 2004): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353712042000242590.
Full text
25
Shavit, Yaakov. "Politics and Messianism: The Zionist revisionist movement and polish political culture." Studies in Zionism 6, no. 2 (September 1985): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531048508575883.
Full text
26
Garami, Bosmat. "Chronology and Ideology." European Television Memories 2, no. 3 (June 30, 2013): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2013.jethc036.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines two major Israeli historic-documentary television series, PILLAR OF FIRE (POF), product of the 1970's, and REVIVAL (RL), product of the 1990's.The series deal with the Zionist enterprise and its realization. The research applies Gerard Genette's central narratological typology to the series' temporal structures, through the categories of Order, Duration and Frequency. Findings show that while POF's classic, linear, , historicist structure serves its celebration of the Zionist narrative, RL employs a unique, complex , multi-dimensional structure, which enables its historical multivocality, and supports its critical presentation of the cyclical Arab-Israeli Conflict and revisionism of Israeli history.
27
Balestrieri, Anna. "The Memoirs and Journalism of Yakov Vladimirovich Veynshal: Exploring the Interplay of Autobiography and Psychoanalysis." Word and Text - A Journal of Literary Studies and Linguistics 13 (2023) (December 30, 2023): 144–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51865/jlsl.2023.09.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the interplay between literature and psychoanalysis through the writings and personal experiences of Yakov Vladimirovich Veynshal, a prominent Zionist Revisionist journalist and Hebrew writer in Mandate Palestine. Veynshal’s memoirs and journalistic work provide insights into the connection between these two fields by using personal experiences, literary analysis, creative expression, and cultural and political commentaries. They also demonstrate how literature and psychoanalysis intersect through creative and symbolic expression. The article explores first Veynshal’s journey, from a non-traditional ‘bar mitzvah’ trip to Palestine to his experiences in Russia and his complex relationship with Russian culture. Secondly, it demonstrates how his writings reflect the formation of his Zionist sentiments and unique identity. Additionally, Veynshal’s experiences in Palestine during the 1920s are analysed, highlighting the historical and political context of British Mandate Palestine and the development of Jewish and Arab relations.
28
Koljanin, Milan. "The Jewish Community and Antisemitism in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia 1918-1941." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 9 (December 31, 2020): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2020.010.
Full textAbstract:
The Jewish Community and Antisemitism in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia 1918-1941The Jews in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia made up about 0.5 percent of the total population. The new national framework provided the ability to accept the new state and national idea, but also gave impetus to strengthening their own identity embodied in Jewish nationalism, Zionism. Jews adapted to the new political circumstances relatively quickly and without major turmoil, at least as a whole. A liberal political foundation enabled the Jews to identify relatively easily with the new state. However, over a shorter or longer period, there were earlier national identifications as well. The spread and acceptance of antisemitism in Yugoslavia was affected by different traditions of the attitude towards the Jews in the political culture, political relations in the country and international circumstances. These factors were cumulative, although international circumstances certainly had a crucial impact, especially the coming to power of National Socialists in Germany. The manifestation of antisemitism in Yugoslavia can be divided into three main periods: 1918-1933, from the establishment of the Yugoslav state to the intensification of antisemitic propaganda, 1934-1938, from the intensification of antisemitic propaganda to the start of Jews’ conditioned loyalty, and 1939-1941, from the start of Jews’ conditioned loyalty to the Axis powers’ invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941. Hostility towards Jews was manifested much more strongly in the Habsburg Monarchy than in the Kingdom of Serbia. Therefore, the new state in the former monarchy territories inherited latent and sometimes open antisemitism. The spread of antisemitic propaganda and legislation in Yugoslavia should be associated with the state leaders’ attempts to find a modus vivendi with the totalitarian revisionist neighbors, primarily Germany. As a result, in early October 1940 the government adopted two anti-Jewish decrees. The destruction of the Yugoslav state in April 1941 heralded the beginning of the Holocaust there. Społeczność żydowska i antysemityzm w Królestwie Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców/Jugosławii 1918-1941Żydzi w Królestwie Jugosławii stanowili około pół procenta całej populacji. Nowe ramy narodowe dały im możliwość zaakceptowania nowego państwa i idei narodowej, ale jednocześnie wytworzyły impuls do umocnienia własnej tożsamości ucieleśnionej w żydowskim nacjonalizmie, syjonizmie. Żydzi, jeśli się patrzy całościowo, stosunkowo szybko i bez większych wstrząsów przystosowali się do nowych okoliczności politycznych. Liberalne podstawy polityczne sprawiły, że utożsamienie Żydów z nowym państwem było stosunkowo łatwe. Jednak przez krótszy lub dłuższy okres istniały wcześniejsze identyfikacje narodowe. Na rozprzestrzenianie się i akceptację antysemityzmu w Jugosławii miały wpływ kultura polityczna, stosunki polityczne w kraju oraz uwarunkowania międzynarodowe. Czynniki te działały łącznie, ale z pewnością kluczowe były okoliczności międzynarodowe. Chodzi tu przede wszystkim o dojście do władzy narodowych socjalistów w Niemczech. Manifestację antysemityzmu w Jugosławii można podzielić na trzy okresy: 1918-1933, od powstania państwa jugosłowiańskiego do wzmocnienia propagandy antysemickiej; 1933-1938, od wzmocnienia propagandy antysemickiej do początków warunkowania lojalności Żydów; oraz 1939-1941, od momentu warunkowania lojalności Żydów do ataku państw Osi na Jugosławię w kwietniu 1941 r. Wrogość wobec Żydów była znacznie silniejsza w Monarchii Habsburskiej niż w Królestwie Serbii. Dlatego nowe państwo odziedziczyło przejawy ukrytego, a niekiedy otwartego antysemityzmu na terenach dawnej monarchii. Rozprzestrzenianie się propagandy antysemickiej w Jugosławii i ustawodawstwo należy wiązać z próbą ustanowienia przez kierownictwo państwa modus vivendi z totalitarnymi rewizjonistycznymi sąsiadami, przede wszystkim z narodowosocjalistycznymi Niemcami. W rezultacie na początku października 1940 r. rząd przyjął dwa antyżydowskie dekrety. Zniszczenie państwa jugosłowiańskiego w kwietniu 1941 roku oznaczało jednocześnie początek w nim Holokaustu.
29
TAMIR, DAN. "FROM A FASCIST'S NOTEBOOK TO THE PRINCIPLES OF REBIRTH: THE DESIRE FOR SOCIAL INTEGRATION IN HEBREW FASCISM, 1928–1942." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 1057–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000053.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTApart from Italian fascism and German National-Socialism – the most famous fascisms of the interwar era – considerable research has been conducted during the past two decades about generic fascism: fascist groups, movements, and parties in other countries. In Israel, while the Revisionist Zionist movement has been continually accused by its political rivals of being fascist, these accusations have not yet been examined according to any comparative model of fascism. Relying on Robert Paxton's model of generic fascism, this article examines how one of its components – the drive for closer integration of the national community – was manifested in the writings of seven Revisionist activists in mandatory Palestine: Itamar Ben Avi, Abba Aḥime'ir, U. Z. Grünberg, Joshua Yevin, Wolfgang von Weisl, Zvi Kolitz, and Abraham Stern. Their writings between the years 1922 and 1942 reveal a strong drive for social integration, similar to that manifest in other fascist movements of the interwar era.
30
Masalha, Nur. "From Propaganda to Scholarship: Dr Joseph Schechtman and the Origins of Israeli Polemics on the Palestinian Refugees." Holy Land Studies 2, no. 2 (March 2004): 188–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2004.0006.
Full textAbstract:
In 1948 an official ‘Transfer Committee’ was appointed by the Israeli Cabinet to plan the Palestinian refugees' resettlement in the Arab states. Apart from doing everything possible to reduce the Arab population in Israel, the Transfer Committee sought to amplify and consolidate the demographic transformation of Palestine by: preventing the Palestinian refugees from returning to their homes; the destruction of Arab villages; settlement of Jews in Arab villages and towns; and launching a propaganda campaign to discourage Arab return. One of the Transfer Committee's initiatives was to invite Dr Joseph Schechtman, a right-wing Zionist Revisionist leader and expert on ‘population transfer’, to join its efforts. In 1952 Schechtman published a propagandists work entitled The Arab Refugee Problem. Since then Schechtman would become the single most influential propagator of the Zionist myth of ‘voluntary’ exodus in 1948. This article examines the leading role played by Schechtman in promoting Israeli propaganda and politics of denial. Relying on newly-discovered Israeli archival documents, the article deals with little known and new aspects of the secret history of the post-1948 period.
31
Jaworski, Wojciech. "Centrale syjonistyczne w Krakowie (1919–1939)." Krakowski Rocznik Archiwalny 23 (2021): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/12332135kra.17.005.14659.
Full textAbstract:
Władze Organizacji Syjonistycznej Małopolski Zachodniej (od 1920 r. Organizacji Syjonistycznej Małopolski Zachodniej i Śląska) pełniły od 1919 r. rolę dzielnicowej centrali syjonistycznej w Krakowie. Obejmowała ona początkowo swym działaniem byłą Galicję Zachodnią po rzekę San na wschodzie. W 1920 r. obszar działania centrali powiększył się o część przyłączonego do Polski Śląska Cieszyńskiego, a w 1922 r. część Górnego Śląska. Początkowo skupiała ona wszystkie nurty żydowskiego ruchu narodowego z wyjątkiem partii robotniczej Poalej Syjon-Prawicy. Decydującą rolę w działalności centrali do 1936 r. odgrywał postępowy rabin Ozjasz Abraham Thon, choć od 1926 r. ulegała ona osłabieniu. W 1925 r. powstała samodzielna dzielnicowa struktura władzy ortodoksyjno-syjonistycznej partii Mizrachi, a w 1927 r. lewicowej Hitachduth, co dało początek odrębnym centralom. W 1926 r. ujawniła się w ramach Organizacji Syjonistycznej Małopolski Zachodniej i Śląska grupa syjonistów-rewizjonistów, która w 1931 r. przekształciła się w samodzielną partię z własną centralą dzielnicową. Wobec słabości obu partii lewicowych Hitachduth i Poalej Syjon-Prawicy w latach 1934–1936 nastąpiło ich połączenie. Zionist headquarters in Krakow (1919–1939) The authorities of the Zionist Organisation of Western Malopolska (from 1920 the Zionist Organisation of Western Malopolska and Silesia) fulfilled the role from 1919 of Zionist headquarters in Krakow. Initially, its activities covered the area of Western Galicia to the River San in the east. In 1920, the area of activity was enlarged to include the part of Cieszyn Silesia added to Poland, and in 1922 part of Upper Silesia. In the beginning, it focused on all Jewish national movements, with the exception of the Poalej Zion-Right workers’ party. Rabbi Abraham Ozjasz Thon played a central role in the activities of the headquarters until 1936, although after 1926 his position was weakened. In 1925, an independent regional leadership structure was established for the Mizrachi Orthodox-Zionist party, and in 1927 for the left-wing Hitachduth party, which led to the beginning of separate headquarters. In 1926, a group of Zionist-revisionists appeared within the Zionist Organisation of Western Malopolska and Silesia, which in 1931 transformed into an independent party with its own headquarters. Due to the weakness of both left-wing parties, Hitachduth and Poalej Zion-Right in the years 1934–1936, their merger took place.
32
Flisiak, Dominik. "Jak być polskim Żydem i zwolennikiem syjonizmu rewizjonistycznego po 1939 r? Rzecz o losach Jakuba Perelmana." Świat Idei i Polityki 16, no. 1 (December 31, 2017): 355–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201717.
Full textAbstract:
Jakub Perelman, the author of memoirs, was born on 20 December 1902 in Warsaw. He was politically linked to the Zionist revisionists. This movement was created after the First World War thanks to the activity of Vladimir Jabotinsky. He was a poet, a soldier and a politician. Perelman’s memoirs concern his political activity, Polish-Jewish relations during the Second Polish Republic, events from the Second World War, and his views on life in People’s Poland. The last fragment of the memoir is related to Israel, where Perelman was in the early 1960s.
33
Radchenko, Liudmyla. "Development of main principles and tasks of Jewish national movement for revival of the state by Vladimir Zhabotinsky." ScienceRise, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2313-8416.2021.001785.
Full textAbstract:
The social and political activity of V. Zhabotinsky as a Jewish politician, a famous Zionist, the founder of modern Israel and a multifaceted personality. Its focus on the consolidation of Jewish political and social organizations, the development of a common platform on the basic principles and objectives of the Jewish national movement for the revival of statehood and the involvement of Jews from around the world in this process is substantiated. V. Zhabotinsky's commitment to the Ukrainian national movement is proved.
The object of research: V. Zhabotinsky as a great political figure of the Jewish and Ukrainian national movement.
Investigated problem: V. Zhabotinsky contribution to the consolidation of Jewish political and public organizations, to the development of Zionist theory, the basic principles and tasks of the Jewish national movement for the revival of the independent Jewish state of Israel and the solution of the Ukrainian national question.
The main scientific results: based on the analysis of socio-political activities and creative achievements of V. Zhabotinsky as a Jewish politician, his focus on defining a common platform on the basic principles and tasks of the Jewish national movement for the revival of statehood, involving Jews from around the world. V. Zhabotinsky's commitment to the Ukrainian national movement was revealed.
The area of practical use of the research results: determined by the suitability for practical use of modern Jewish political and public organizations to preserve Jewish national identity, ideology and organization of the revisionist movement, as well as to address the Ukrainian issue of bilateral relations, understanding nationalism as a great life idea has nothing to do with chauvinism, racism or any form of ethical supremacy.
The results can be used in the development and teaching of courses: "World History" and "History of Ukraine".
Innovative technological product: on the basis of numerous sources and materials, some of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the V. Zhabotinsky Institute (Tel Aviv) has filled a significant gap in V. Zhabotinsky 's contribution as a great figure of the Jewish national movement. His commitment to the Ukrainian national movement is substantiated, the myth of eternal antagonism between Jews and Ukrainians is refuted, arguing that the two people have lived on Ukrainian lands for thousands of years.
Scope of the innovative technological product: theoretical research, development of Zionist theory and practice of preserving Jewish national identity, ideology and organization of the revisionist movement, solution of the Ukrainian national question.
34
Christison, Kathleen. "Revising Revisionism: The Politics of Partition: King Abdullah, the Zionists, and Palestine 1921-1951. . Avi Shlaim." Journal of Palestine Studies 21, no. 1 (October 1991): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1991.21.1.00p0073y.
Full text
35
Drozd, Jarosław. "Establishment and Activity of the Jewish Marine School for Officers in Civitavecchia (1934–1938) in the Pages of the Revisionist Zionist Press." Studia Maritima 35 (2022): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18276/sm.2022.35-04.
Full text
36
Goldberg, Chad Alan. "Introduction to Emile Durkheim's “Anti-Semitism and Social Crisis”." Sociological Theory 26, no. 4 (October 29, 2008): 299–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9558.2008.00331_1.x.
Full textAbstract:
Emile Durkheim's “Antisémitisme et crise sociale,” written in 1899 during the Dreyfus Affair in France, is introduced. The introduction summarizes the principal contributions that “Antisémitisme et crise sociale” makes to the sociology of anti-Semitism, relates those contributions to Durkheim's broader theoretical assumptions and concerns, situates his analysis of anti-Semitism in its social and historical context, contrasts it to other analyses of anti-Semitism (Marxist and Zionist) that were prominent in Durkheim's time, indicates some of the revisions and additions that a fuller and more complete Durkheimian theory of anti-Semitism would entail, and highlights the significance of Durkheim's ideas for the contemporary study of ethnic and racial antagonism. While noting the limitations of Durkheim's analysis, the introduction concludes that “Antisémitisme et crise sociale” has sadly regained its relevance in the light of a revival of anti-Semitism at the turn of the millennium.
37
Morozov, V. M., and S. V. Melnikova. "“Right Turn” in Israeli Political Life (1965—1977)." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 10 (October 31, 2020): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-10-353-367.
Full textAbstract:
The issues related to the events that took place in Israeli political life in the 60s and 70s of the XX century, which went down in history under the name of the “right turn”, when the leftwing parties came to replace the leading left-wing parties since 1949 are examined in the article. It is shown how, with their coming to power, foreign and domestic political approaches have changed, within which the ideas of Zionism-revisionism began to come to the fore. The authors analyze the reasons for the end of the era of the leadership of the left parties in Israeli politics, the essence the “right turn” and its consequences. Particular attention is paid to the activities of such forces of as MAPAI and Likud, which have largely shaped the political landscape of the state since the second half of the 1960s. It is emphasized that this issue is relevant from the point of view of analyzing later events and, in particular, the 2019—2020 crisis during the formation of the Israeli government, as well as intensifying its policy in the Palestinian direction. It has been proved that some of the key factors that still determine the internal political and social atmosphere in the country and the region appeared precisely at the considered historical stage.
38
Kimmerling, Baruch. "Between Celebration of Independence and Commemoration of Al-Nakbah: The Controversy over the Roots of the Israeli State." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 32, no. 1 (1998): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400036105.
Full textAbstract:
When The Jubilee year of the founding of the State of Israel arrived, the market was flooded with books, periodicals, special issues, TV documentaries and albums marking the 50th anniversary. As expected, some of these products stimulated sharp controversies, as a part of recent debates over Israeli historiography, collective memory, and identity. Perhaps the most controversy was focused on the Channel One (public TV) series titled “Tkuma” (“Revival”). Contrary to expectations, the series presented the Israeli past a little bit more courageously and less canonically than the usual conservative Zionist version. It was by no means a “revisionist” history, but for the first time the general public was exposed to a more balanced and less mythical version of Israel’s history. The uprooting and expulsion of the Palestinians during the 1948 war and their transformation into a refugee camp society were briefly mentioned with some empathy. Clips from the well-known Syrian reconstruction of the massacre in Kafr Qassem were aired. In the segment on Palestinian armed struggle use was made of films from the PLO archives (captured by the Israeli secret services during the 1982 invasion of Lebanon). The discrimination and peripheralization of the immigrants from Arab countries and their violent reactions (the Wadi Salib riots and the Black Panthers’ demonstrations) were not blurred. In general, alongside the state’s great economic, cultural, and military achievements, some of the shadows were remembered as well, such as Ben-Gurion’s one-man leadership and Golda Meir’s refusal to make any territorial concessions in exchange for security arrangements (peace?). Even the inevitability of the 1967 and 1973 wars was questioned. The series was heavily attacked and accused of being anti-Zionist, especially by the right-wing establishment. The Minister of Communication, Limor Livnat, who is in charge of public broadcasting, tried to “supervise” the series and especially the segment on the PLO; however, she withdrew when she was accused of censorship.
39
Guasco, Alberto. ""Dietro un muro di ferro". Un reportage dai territori." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 2 (November 2009): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2009-002008.
Full textAbstract:
- This is a reportage of last August's journey into the West Bank. It speaks about the "iron wall" in which, in 1923, Zeev Jabotinsky - father of the right-wing Revisionists-Zionists movement - considered necessary to confine the arabic population. It speaks of the cities and villages: Aboud, Qalqilya, Taybeh, Ramallah, Bir Zeit, Betlemme, At-Tuwani and Hebron. Of meetings with its people: Michel Sabbah, the patriarch of Jerusalem; priests from Aboud, Taybeh and Gaza; doctors at the Palestinian Medical Relief Society in Qalqilya; agronomists at the Palestinian Agricultural Development Association; attorneys-at law at the Mandela Center; embroiderers at the Palestinian Melchite Embrodery Center; violinists at Ramallah's music school Al Kamandjati; theologians at the Al-Liqa Center; nuns at the Bethlehem Charitas Baby Hospital, and ordinary families from Bethlehem and Jerusalem. It pretends only to be a direct encounter with the faces and voices of the Palestinian people.Key Words: West Bank, wall, check-point, Jerusalem, water, olive trees.Parole Chiave: West Bank, muro, check point, Gerusalemme, acqua, ulivi.
40
Libionka, Dariusz. "Apokryfy z dziejów Żydowskiego Związku Wojskowego i ich autorzy." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 1 (December 1, 2005): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.153.
Full textAbstract:
This article is an attempt at a critical analysis of the history of the Jewish Fighting Union (JFU) and a presentation of their authors based on documents kept in the archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw. The author believes that an uncritical approach and such a treatment of these materials, which were generated under the communist regime and used for political purposes resulted in a perverted and lasting picture of the history of this fighting organisation of Zionists-revisionists both in Poland and Israel. The author has focused on a deconsturction of the most important and best known “testimonies regarding the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising”, the development and JFU participation in this struggle, given by Henryk Iwaƒski, WΠadysΠaw Zajdler, Tadeusz Bednarczyk and Janusz Ketling–Szemley.A comparative analysis of these materials, supplemented by important details of their war-time and postwar biographies, leaves no doubt as to the fact that they should not be analysed in terms of their historical credibility and leads one to conclude that a profound revision of research approach to JFU history is necessary.
41
Reid, Donald. "The Making of an Egyptian Arab Nationalist." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 4 (October 1, 2001): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i4.1995.
Full textAbstract:
Thirty years in the making, this ambitious book covers the first forty-threeyears of the life of Abd al-Rahman Azzam Pasha, the political activist andwriter who became the first secretary-general of the Arab League (1945-1952). Few biographies of public figures in the Arab world have treatedtheir subjects in comparable depth and detail. The Making of an EgyptianArab Nationalist is essential reading for anyone seriously interested in thecomplexities of evolving national and religious identities in 20th-century Egypt.Coury sets out to refute interpretations elaborated by such scholars asElie Kedourie, P. J. Vatikiotis, Nadav Safran, and Richard Mitchell thirtyor forty years ago. He argues that their works, reflecting the influence ofOrientalism, perpetuated false assumptions that Islam and Arab cultureharbored essentialist and atomistic tendencies toward extremism,irrationality, and violence. He maintains that in treating 20th-centuryEgypt, they set up a false dichotomy between a rational, western-inspiredterritorial patriotism and irrational, artificial pan- Arab and Islamicmovements. Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid's circle before World War I and theWafd Party in the interwar period represented the first school who opposedBritish imperialism but were eager to borrow western rationalism, science,secular liberalism, and democracy. In the 1930s this moderate patriotismbegan to give way before pan-Arab and Islamic movements tainted with theextremism, terrorism, and irrationality which the West has long attributedto Islam.Coury cites hopefully revisionist works by Rashid Khalidi, PhilipKhoury, Ernest Dawn, and Hassan Kayali but is dismayed that other recentstudies have perpetuated the old, hostile stereotypes. "Martin Kramer'sArab Awakening and Islamic Revival (1996)," he says, "reveals that eventhe old-fashioned Kedourie-style hysteria, compounded, as it sometimes is,by Zionist rage (Kramer refers to Edward Said as Columbia's 'part-timeprofessor of Palestine') is still alive and well . . . "Coury insists that Azzam's "Egyptian Arab nationalism" sprang from theperspectives, needs, and interests of an upper and middle bourgeoisiefacing specific challenges. The rank and file following came from a lower ...
42
Nikšić, Ljiljana. "Croatia's protest and exhibition "Jasenovac: The right to remembrance" in the United Nations, on the occasion of the holocaust remembrance day in 2018." Napredak 3, no. 2 (2022): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak3-39694.
Full textAbstract:
"Jasenovac - the Right to Remembrance" was the first exhibition of the Republic of Serbia about Jasenovac in the UN, but also the first one with the topic of Jasenovac after the Second World War and, with 7 tons of equipment and exhibits, the most monumental exhibition in the history of the United Nations. It was held in the UN in New York's East River, from 26 January to 2 February 2018. The director of this exhibition was Professor Gideon Greif, PhD, a world-renowned historian of the Holocaust and an expert for death camps in the Second World War and the Head of the International Expert Group of Historians "GH7 - Stop to Revisionism", while the coordinator of the Serbian-Jewish academic cooperation and all the segments of the exhibition preparation was Ambassador Ljiljana Nikšić, PhD. The exhibition was opened by First Vice-President of the Government of Serbia and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Ivica Dačić, in the presence of the children-survivors of Jasenovac and other children camps in the ISC, who spoke for the first time after the Second World War in the United Nations. The Republic of Croatia and the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in its full capacity, through all international organizations and in all possible ways tried to stop the exhibition, also by sending a diplomatic protest to the UN Commission, the State Department, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel and the EU. The Republic of Croatia based its protests (unsuccessfully) on the "territorial principle", since Jasenovac is situated in its territory. The United Nations took the side of the Republic of Serbia, accepting its argument that the purpose of the exhibition was the remembrance of the victims of Nazism and fascism, and that it was a matter of preserving the culture of remembrance related to the victims of the death camps in the Second World War, to whom the International Holocaust Remembrance Day is dedicated, taking place in the United Nations every year. The Croatian diplomacy conducted a persistent campaign with the UN Commission, with the condition that "negotiations should be initiated between Belgrade and Zagreb" about the exhibition, and that the Serbian ambassador to Zagreb should "receive the approval" from the relevant bodies in the Republic of Croatia, and only afterwards discuss it in the UN. This was followed by the protest of the Serbian side. The exhibition was the product of the Serbian-Jewish academic project. World agencies such as Reuters, Associated Press, Deutsche Welle, Washington Post and others, reported about the protest of the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but also wrote in detail about the exhibition and about the camp in Jasenovac, as well as about 57 methods of brutal killing that had been applied in the camp, which placed the exhibition in the focus of the worldwide attention. Immediately after the exhibition opening, on the margins of the OSCE Conference on Combating Anti-Semitism in Rome, the Serbian Minister of Foreign Affairs had a meeting with Pope Francis, but also with the President of the World Jewish Congress, using the occasion to familiarize them with Serbia's attitudes against the initiative of the Republic of Croatia for the canonization of Ustasha vicar and arch-bishop Aloysius Stepinac, and expressing his concern over Neo-Ustashism in Croatia. The exhibition "Jasenovac - the Right to Remembrance" in the UN brought about significant changes in the approach to Jasenovac, and resulted in the first official visit of a president of Israel. In July 2018, Reuven Rivlin was the first President of Israel who visited Belgrade and Zagreb and, on that occasion, also visited the Memorial Complex of Jasenovac and paid respects to the great martyrs of Jasenovac. During his visit to Belgrade, together with President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić, he unveiled the plaque with the name of the street dedicated to the founder of modern Zionism, Theodor Herzl, whose father and grandfather were born in Zemun. Moreover, the result of the exhibition was also the Appeal of the World Jewish Congress to Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković to adopt the Law on the Prohibition of the Use of Ustasha Greeting "Ready for the Homeland" and to remove the memorial plaque of the Croatian Defence Forces with the engraved inscription "Ready for the Homeland" from Jasenovac.
43
"The Jewish radical right: Revisionist Zionism and its ideological legacy." Choice Reviews Online 43, no. 05 (January 1, 2006): 43–2961. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.43-2961.
Full text
44
"REVIEW ESSAY - Revisionist Zionism: The Founder, His Disciple And Their Chief Adversary." Middle East Policy 22, no. 2 (June 2015): 168–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12136.
Full text
45
Lloyd, Michael. "[Commentary] Israel: A Problem the World Created (And Now Appears Unable to Solve)." Qeios, May 11, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.32388/8l64pm.
Full textAbstract:
The article takes the view that the conflict in Gaza, involving Israel and Hamas cannot be viewed objectively by assuming that the conflict started on October 7th, 2024. Rather is the conflict a reflection of the pattern of such events and related actions by Israel as the occupying power over 75 years since the declaration of the state of Israel on May 24th, and indeed related conflicts in Palestine prior to that declaration. The article briefly examines to origins of Zionism as an ethic nationalism in the rise of nationalisms in the final 30 years or so of the 19th century. It remarks in particular on the rise of and persistence of Revisionist Zionism and its European neo-liberal roots. It explores the development of Zionism and how it has morphed into a political instrument, going well beyond a benign ethnic nationalism. However, aside from documenting many of the repressive actions of the successive government of Israel since the inception of the state and arguing that Israel’s action following October 7th have been disproportionate, the article explores two potential permanent and practical solutions to the successive conflicts in Palestine: a two-state solution and a confederal solution, both to be guaranteed internationally. The aim of any settlement, it os argued, must provide security and integrity for the state of Israel and the establishment of a similarly recognized and protected Palestinian state. A variety of sources, including Jewish sources, have been used and referenced.
46
ÇINKARA, GÖKHAN. "İSRAİL SAĞI’NIN İDEOLOJİK, KURUMSAL VE KİŞİSEL ROTALARI: REVİZYONİST SİYONİZM, LİKUD PARTİSİ VE BİNYAMİN NETANYAHU." 3. SEKTÖR SOSYAL EKONOMİ DERGİSİ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15659/3.sektor-sosyal-ekonomi.23.08.2149.
Full text
47
"C2. REVISIONIST HISTORIAN BENNY MORRIS, INTERVIEW ON ZIONISM, THE 1948 EXPULSIONS, AND THE CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS, JERUSALEM, N.D." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 3 (2004): 166–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.3.166.
Full textAbstract:
The long interview, conducted by the journalist Ari Shavit, appeared under the title ““Survival of the Fittest”” in the 9 January 2004 edition of Ha'Aretz Magazine. In his introduction to the interview, Shavit recounts how Morris was mistakenly seen in some Israeli circles as a ““post-Zionist”” and an ““Israel hater,”” because his research largely supported Palestinian contentions about the 1948 war; this perception began to change as a result of his political commentaries in the wake of the second intifada. The interview generated considerable controversy, especially for its assertion that Ben-Gurion had made a ““serious historical mistake in 1948”” by getting ““cold feet”” and failing to ““complete the transfer,”” and because Morris appeared to leave the door open for the expulsion, under certain conditions, of today's Palestinians. Morris, who had belonged to the left-wing Hashomer Hatza'ir youth movement and who refused to do military service in the occupied territories, is now a professor of history at Ben-Gurion University in Be'er Sheva. His latest book, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, an extensively revised edition of the 1987 book that made his reputation, was published by Cambridge University Press in February 2004.
48
Rukuni, Rugare, and Erna Oliver. "Africanism, Apocalypticism, Jihad and Jesuitism: Prelude to Ethiopianism." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 75, no. 3 (August 28, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v75i3.5384.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopianism conceptually shaped modern Africa. Perceivably, this has been deduced from distinguished events in Ethiopian history. This investigation explored Ethiopianism as a derivate of the multifaceted narrative of Ethiopian religious political dynamics. Ethiopianism has arguably been detached from the entirety of the Ethiopian Christian political establishment, being deduced separately from definitive events such as the Battle of Adwa 1896. This research reconnected Ethiopianism to a wholistic religious–political matrix of Ethiopia. Therefore, it offers an alternative interpretation of Ethiopianism, as a derivate of Africanism and Apocalypticism, also correspondingly as a factor of Islamic Jihad and Jesuit Catholicism. The research was accomplished mainly through document analysis and compositely with cultural historiography. This study was a revisionist approach to Ethiopianism as a concept, deriving it from the chronological narrative of Ethiopian Christianity’s religious and political self-definition. Consequently, this realigned Ethiopianism as a derivate of multiple influences. Ethiopianism was possibly a convolution of the Donatist biblical appeal to the nativity, Judaic apocalypticism, Islamic attacks and Jesuit missionary diplomacy. Throughout the narrative of the Ethiopian Christian establishment, autonomy and independence are traceable; in addition, there is an entrenched enculturation of native Christianity and synergy with the political establishment. This formulates a basis for Ethiopianism as an ideology of African magnanimity. Parallel comparisons of Ethiopianism against Donatism and Zionism decode the nationalistic matrix of Ethiopia. Dually encultured native religious practice coupled with theocratic symbiosis of politics and religion fostered resistance from Islamisation and Jesuit Catholicisation. Further enquiry of Ethiopian Christianity as an index of the Ethiopian political establishment, from which Ethiopianism is derived, is qualified.
49
Galanti, Sigal B. "From the Margins to a Continuing Governing Position: The Miracle of the Israeli Rightist Likud Elite." World Political Science 4, no. 1 (January 18, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1935-6226.1040.
Full textAbstract:
It is frequently claimed that a chief miracle that characterized the politics of the pre-Israeli Zionist community and the Israeli one was the setting up of a ZionistSocialist political elite which headed it for decades. Yet another great miracle less discussed among scholars is the fact that the extremist territorialist ostracized ``Revisionist camp" the socialist's major rival succeeded with time to become the Israeli new governing elite. It established most of the Israeli governments in the years 1977-2006. The current research shows that though the Revisionists and their successors (mostly the parties of Herut / Gahal / Likud) were considered extremely radical, from their earliest days, they understood that in order to move ahead they must show pragmatism alongside their radicalism. Thus, pragmatism was manifested on all fronts: ideology, identity, organization, recruiting of members and the character of their elite an ``open elite". It was true before the creation of Israel and afterwards, and it has been the case since 1977. Nevertheless, when certain elements in this formula are abandoned, the party loses support, becomes damaged and banished to the ranks of the opposition. What is more, once all of those elements of success disappear, as was the case in 2006, the party collapses.
50
Gronau, Detlef. "Eri Jabotinsky, mathematician and politician: a short biography." Aequationes mathematicae, February 13, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00010-021-00779-w.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDespite the fact that Eri Jabotinsky (1910–1969) published only few (i.e. fourteen) mathematical papers, some of them had a remarkable influence in iteration theory. But also his life was remakable. Eri was the son of the famous Zionist Revisionist leader Vladimir Ze’ev Jabotinsky. Eri Jabotinsky was active in the Zionist movement and later as parlamentarian in the Knesset. Here we give an outline of his live and a complete list of his publications.