Journal articles: 'Revivals Evangelicalism'

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Nockles, Peter B. "The Oxford Movement as Religious Revival and Resurgence." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 214–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003600.

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It was ‘one of the most wonderful revivals in church history’, to be compared to the religious revival in the ‘days of Josiah towards the close of the Jewish monarchy’. This extravagant comment referred not to the Evangelical Revival of the eighteenth century, that paradigm of all religious revivals, but to something which the author, writing in 1912, characterized as ‘the Catholic Revival’.The idea of a revival or resurgence in either the individual soul or the life of the Church as a whole is as old as Christian history. Yet in the vast recent explosion of scholarship on the subject of religious revival, the term itself and whole framework of discussion continues to be applied primarily to Protestant Evangelicalism. While religious resurgence has not been tied to a specific theological or denominational tradition, religious revival (which is often classified in terms of a hierarchy of significance from ‘Awakenings’ downwards) and especially ‘revivalism’ (a term used to describe religious movements of enthusiasm) has tended to become synonymous with Evangelicalism.

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Wiard, Jennifer. "The Gospel of Efficiency: Billy Sunday's Revival Bureaucracy and Evangelicalism in the Progressive Era." Church History 85, no. 3 (September 2016): 587–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640716000482.

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This essay investigates the roles of Billy Sunday's staff during his urban revivals in the 1910s, especially the committees and departments they administered. Understanding this revival organization is central to understanding Sunday's success. A corporate organization not only allowed Sunday's team to reach urban populations, it also put evangelicalism culturally in step with the times. This committee structure made outpourings of the Holy Spirit predictable and even guaranteed, and it helped Sunday create a revivalism for an age of mass production, one that was palatable to a cross-class and nationwide audience and reproducible in cities across the country. Most scholars of American religion are familiar with the outline of Sunday's career, but the labors of his staff and their contributions remain virtually unexplored. Further, there is a looming historiographical problem with how scholars treat Sunday. His most important years as a revivalist were in the 1910s, before the fundamentalist movement began, but his name is virtually synonymous with fundamentalism. This article challenges scholars to interpret Progressive Era evangelicals not in terms of what they became in the 1920s, but in terms of how they shaped and were shaped by an era of urbanization and consumer capitalism.

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Yeager, Jonathan. "Nature and Grace in the Theology of John Maclaurin." Scottish Journal of Theology 65, no. 4 (October 9, 2012): 435–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930612000208.

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AbstractThe important, but unexplored, John Maclaurin of Glasgow (1693–1754) represents the branch of enlightened evangelicals in the Church of Scotland who defended aspects of supernaturalism as compatible with reason. Evangelicals like Maclaurin endorsed the transatlantic evangelical revivals while still maintaining that such pervasive and multifarious spiritual awakenings were not a chaotic display of enthusiasm. Maclaurin supposed that God had created humanity with the ability to reason and could influence one's thinking to adopt epistemological assumptions about religion which some saw as irrational and superstitious. In order to prove this point, Maclaurin turned the tables on the opponents of the revivals by arguing that in order to be truly natural, in the sense of being a complete human, one must embrace the inner workings of the Holy Spirit. The corruption of our nature which occurred as a result of the sin of Adam and Eve left mankind in an incomplete state. Therefore, the purpose of God's supernatural grace is to restore mankind to its authentic natural state. Without such divine aid to form knowledge, he argued, one would never be able to gain a full understanding of spiritual truth. Similar to Thomas Aquinas, Maclaurin assumed that humans can know many things about God and his work in the world using reason. Sin has not corrupted our intellect to the extent that we cannot ascertain any truth about God from observing the world around us. Nevertheless, in order to have a thorough understanding of God, divine grace is needed. Following Aquinas, Maclaurin claimed that God uses secondary causes like preaching to motivate people to seek grace. Such secondary causes cannot produce any real change in a person unless accompanied by the supernatural work of the Holy Spirit. As opposed to many of the more liberal ministers of the day, Maclaurin, although not entirely comfortable with the fainting and weeping which sometimes appeared at the revivals, was willing to admit that emotional displays could be a natural response by a person whose heart had been moved by the spirit of God. While defending extreme emotions, Maclaurin's main point in his sermons was that evangelicalism was entirely reasonable.

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Goff, Philip. "Revivals and Revolution: Historiographic Turns since Alan Heimert's Religion and the American Mind." Church History 67, no. 4 (December 1998): 695–721. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169849.

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Thirty years ago Alan Heimert published his monumental study of religion's relationship to the American Revolution. Religion and the American Mind: From the Great Awakening to the Revolution contradicted the conventional wisdom rooted in Vernon Parrington's 1927 Main Currents of American Thought and implicitly challenged the more recent interpretation put forward by Heimert's own mentor, Perry Miller. Critics responded vigorously, but their reproofs did not foretell the future of Heimert's argument. Indeed, in the past twenty years a cadreof young scholars assumed either his thesis or method and moved the debate toward the personalities and movements Heimert underscored. Some of today's leading scholars who study connections between the revivals and the Revolution pay homage to Heimert's thought in footnotes if not in the texts themselves. Two social/intellectual movements seemingly at cross-purposes, namely Protestant evangelicalism and the new cultural history, rescued Heimert's work from scathing yet well-placed criticisms to establish its assertions as a leading model for understanding religion's role in the American Revolution.

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Bowman, Matthew. "Antirevivalism and Its Discontents: Liberal Evangelicalism, the American City, and the Sunday School, 1900–1929." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 23, no. 2 (2013): 262–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2013.23.2.262.

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AbstractThis article examines the rise of antirevivalism among a certain strain of American evangelicals in the first years of the twentieth century. It argues that, influenced by the new discipline of psychology of religion and growing fear of the chaotic environment of the early twentieth-century city, these evangelicals found revivalist evangelicalism to be psychologically damaging and destructive of the process of Christian conversion. Instead, they conceived of a form of evangelicalism they called “liberal evangelicalism,” which repudiated the emotional and cathartic revivalist style of worship and, instead, insisted that evangelicalism could be rational, moderate, and targeted toward the cultivation of socially acceptable virtues. The venue they chose to pursue this form of evangelicalism was the Sunday school. Throughout the nineteenth century, liberal evangelicals feared, the Sunday school had emerged as a revival in miniature, one in which teachers were encouraged to exhort their students to come to cathartic, emotional conversion experiences— a strategy that had found its apotheosis in the “Decision Day,” a regular event in which students were subjected to emotional preaching and encouraged to confess their faith in Christ. Though the Decision Day was itself an evangelical attempt to deal with the transient nature of the city, liberal evangelicals began, in the early twentieth century, to redefine it in ways that would better facilitate the sort of gradual and developmental form of conversion in which they placed their faith. Leading the effort was George Albert Coe, a professor and Sunday school organizer who used his school to experiment with such reforms.

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RITCHIE, DANIEL. "Transatlantic Delusions and Pro-slavery Religion: Isaac Nelson's Evangelical Abolitionist Critique of Revivalism in America and Ulster." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 3 (February 14, 2014): 757–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875814000036.

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This article considers the arguments of one evangelical anti-slavery advocate in order to freshly examine the relationship between abolitionism and religious revivalism. Although it has often been thought that evangelicals were wholly supportive of revivals, the Reverend Isaac Nelson rejected the 1857–58 revival in the United States and the 1859 revival in Ulster partly owing to the link between these movements and pro-slavery religion. Nelson was no insignificant figure in Irish abolitionism, as his earlier efforts to promote emancipation through the Belfast Anti-Slavery Society, and in opposition to compromise in the Free Church of Scotland and at the Evangelical Alliance, received the approbation of various high-profile American abolitionists. Unlike other opponents of revivals, Nelson was not attacking them from a perspective which was heterodox or anti-evangelical. Hence his critique of revivalism is highly significant from both an evangelical and an abolitionist point of view. The article surveys Nelson's assessment of the link between revivalism and pro-slavery religion in America, before considering his specific complaints against the revival which occurred in 1857–58 and its Ulster counterpart the following year.

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RITCHIE, DANIEL. "William McIlwaine and the 1859 Revival in Ulster: A Study of Anglican and Evangelical Identities." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 65, no. 4 (September 11, 2014): 803–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913000602.

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The Evangelical awakening which took place in the province of Ulster during 1859 was one of the most important events in the religious history of the north of Ireland. Although it has received virtually uncritical acceptance by modern Evangelicals in Northern Ireland, few are aware that there was a significant minority of Evangelicals who dissented from offering the movement their wholehearted support. This article examines why one of nineteenth-century Belfast's most controversial Anglican clerics, the Revd William McIlwaine, was very critical of the movement. Not all critics were outright opponents of the revival, however. McIlwaine was one of the revival's moderate critics, who believed that it was partially good. Nevertheless, the awakening's physical manifestations and its impact on theology and church order deeply disturbed him. The article also explains why 1859 was a turning point in McIlwaine's ecclesiastical career, which saw him move from Evangelicalism to a moderate High Church position.

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Curtis, Jesse. "White Evangelicals as a “People”: The Church Growth Movement from India to the United States." Religion and American Culture 30, no. 1 (2020): 108–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2020.2.

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ABSTRACTThis article begins with a simple question: How did white evangelicals respond to the civil rights movement? Traditional answers are overwhelmingly political. As the story goes, white evangelicals became Republicans. In contrast, this article finds racial meaning in the places white evangelicals, themselves, insisted were most important: their churches. The task of evangelization did not stop for a racial revolution. What white evangelicals did with race as they tried to grow their churches is the subject of this article. Using the archives of the leading evangelical church growth theorists, this article traces the emergence and transformation of the Church Growth Movement (CGM). It shows how evangelistic strategies created in caste-conscious India in the 1930s came to be deployed in American metropolitan areas decades later. After first resisting efforts to bring these missionary approaches to the United States, CGM founder Donald McGavran embraced their use in the wake of the civil rights movement. During the 1970s, the CGM defined white Americans as “a people” akin to castes or tribes in the Global South. Drawing on the revival of white ethnic identities in American culture, church growth leaders imagined whiteness as pluralism rather than hierarchy. Embracing a culture of consumption, they sought to sell an appealing brand of evangelicalism to the white American middle class. The CGM story illuminates the transnational movement of people and ideas in evangelicalism, the often-creative tension between evangelical practices and American culture, and the ways in which racism inflected white evangelicals’ most basic theological commitments.

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Hilton, Boyd. "Whiggery, religion and social reform: the case of Lord Morpeth." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 829–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015119.

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ABSTRACTM.P.s who supported the Grey, Melbourne, Russell and Palmerston governments were all described as ‘Liberals’ in contemporary registers such as those by Dod and McCalmont. However, historians have recently attempted to differentiate intellectually among these M.P.s, and in particular to sort out the liberals from the whigs. A difficulty here is that, in a period which was almost equally dominated by religious and ecclesiastical issues on the one hand and social and economic issues on the other, it appears that those politicians who were most ‘liberal’ in one context were least ‘liberal’ in the other. The subject of this article, Lord Morpeth, conformed to a type of ‘whig–liberal’ politician whose social policies were ‘whig’ rather than ‘liberal’, but who exemplified that tolerant approach to religious politics which has been termed ‘liberal Anglican’. It is possible to infer Morpeth's theological views from his many comments on sermons and devotional texts, and it appears that the best way to understand his religion (and its impact on his politics) is in terms, not of liberal Anglicanism, but of incarnationalism combined with a type of joyous pre-millenarianism (or jolly apocalypticism) not uncharacteristic of the mid nineteenth century. Reacting against the evangelical and high church revivals, yet sharing their piety and rectitude, Morpeth's incarnational religion represented an attempt to reconcile a theory of individual personality with ideas of community and brotherhood – to soften the ‘spiritual capitalism’ implied by ‘moderate’ Anglican evangelicalism, while retaining its emphasis on individual responsibility. Its secular equivalent was the type of ‘half-way’ social reform espoused by many whig-liberals in the third quarter of the century.

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Junk, Cheryl F., and Iain H. Murray. "Revival and Revivalism: The Making and Marring of American Evangelicalism, 1750-1858." Journal of Southern History 62, no. 2 (May 1996): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211800.

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Hanley, Mark Y., and Iain H. Murray. "Revival and Revivalism: The Making and Marring of American Evangelicalism, 1750-1858." William and Mary Quarterly 53, no. 3 (July 1996): 662. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947220.

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Rønne, Finn Aa. "Nyevangelismen set med danske øjne." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 81, no. 4 (August 12, 2019): 300–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v81i4.115361.

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Whereas the so-called “New-Evangelicalism” (“Nyevangelismen”) is a well-known phenomenon in Swedish revival history and has drawn much attention in Swedish church history scholarship, it has gone relatively unnoticed in a Danish context. This article focuses on the question: What is New-Evangelicalism from a Danish point of view? The question is addressed primarily within the discipline of His-torical Theology and in relation to soteriology. “New-Evangelicalism” is defined as the revival movement closely associated with the Swedish author, C.O. Rosenius (1816-1868). The article argues that New-Evan-gelicalism is characterized by a tension between pietism and moravian-ism, not least with regard to soteriological issues. This has resulted in different versions of the movement depending on whether the previous religious environment was dominated by either pietism or moravian-ism. It is also shown that the relation between pietism and moravianism in the local versions of New-Evangelicalism is expressed through their position on the doctrine of universal justification.

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Curtis, Heather D. "A Sane Gospel: Radical Evangelicals, Psychology, and Pentecostal Revival in the Early Twentieth Century." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 21, no. 2 (2011): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2011.21.2.195.

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AbstractThis article examines how radical evangelicals employed psychological concepts such as sanity, temperament, and especially the subconscious as they struggled to understand and respond to the rapidly expanding pentecostal movement within their midst. By tracing the growing tensions over ecstatic spiritual experiences that emerged among Holiness and Higher Life believers during the 1880s and 1890s, this article demonstrates that differing assumptions about the importance of consciousness for the religious life presaged reactions to the pentecostal revivals of the early twentieth century. Although their proclivity for rational judgment predisposed Higher Life evangelicals to question the sanity of involuntary phenomena such as speaking in tongues, some prominent leaders within this community appealed to “mental science” in an effort to revise conventional understandings of the spiritual self and its capacities. For participants in the Christian and Missionary Alliance— an organization in which disputes over the propriety of pentecostalism were particularly contentious—notions of temperament and the subconscious articulated in the works of “new psychologists” like William James offered resources for reassessing Higher Life views of authentic spirituality in light of pentecostal revivalism. By analyzing how a particular faction within the radical evangelical movement made use of psychological theories to contend with the challenge of the revivals at Azusa and elsewhere, this article exposes some of the social divisions that exacerbated debates over the validity of pentecostal religious experiences. Exploring the complicated interactions and creative tensions that arose as Higher Life evangelicals appropriated constructs such as the subconscious in the wake of Azusa Street also shows that this influential contingent of conservative Protestants engaged with aspects of the field of psychology in dynamic and inventive ways that involved both selective borrowing and critical resistance. While there is truth in the common observation that radical evangelicals were deeply suspicious of the “new science of Psychology,” this article uncovers a more complex history that expands our understanding of the interplay among scientific discourse, the varieties of evangelical spiritual experience, and the emergence of pentecostalism in the early twentieth century.

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Atkins, Gareth. "Reformation, Revival, and Rebirth in Anglican Evangelical Thought, c.1780–c.1830." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003569.

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For Anglican Evangelicals, terms like ‘awakening’ and ‘revival’ pointed rather to reinvigoration and the recovery of old glories than to some new and disturbing disjunction. Those seeking change, remarked Rowland Hill, would do well to follow the example of the reformers, who ‘did not innovate, but renovate, they did not institute, they only reformed.’ Nevertheless, this still left many – like Hill -balancing their urge to reform on the one hand with the importance of Anglican ‘regularity’ on the other. Several initiatives bore the mark of this tension. For example, the foundation of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in 1799 owed much to frustration with the inactivity of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG). The new society was ‘founded upon the Church-principle, not the High Church principle’, remarked John Venn, who stressed that it was possible to express Gospel zeal within a solidly Anglican framework. As the Missionary Magazine commented perceptively, ‘a set of people will no doubt contribute to this whose predilection for the Church and dislike to Methodists and Dissenters, would have effectively kept them from aiding the [London Missionary Society]’. The Christian Observer, founded in 1802 to be the periodical mouthpiece of ‘moderate’ Evangelicalism, evinced the same concerns in its first number, when it promised ‘to correct the false sentiments of the religious world, and to explain the principles of the Church’. As the leading Evangelical ‘regulars’ maintained, only this uneasy balancing act could bring far-reaching change.

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Chapman, Alister. "Anglican Evangelicals and Revival, 1945–59." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 307–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003673.

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This essay is a study of the religious revival that didn’t quite happen in Britain after the Second World War. It focuses on conservative evangelical Anglicans, whose own renaissance during these years puts them at the centre of discussions about the post-war increase in churchgoing. Its central contention is that human agency and cultural peculiarities are just as important for understanding this chapter of English religious history as any seemingly inexorable, broad-based social changes inimical to religious practice. More particularly, the chapter focuses on Anglican evangelical clergy and their attitudes to religious revival. In so doing, it highlights the fact that the practices and prejudices of church people are an essential part of the story of post-war English religious life. Scholars looking to explain religious malaise in post-war Britain have frequently looked everywhere except the decisions made by the churches and their leaders, the assumption seeming to be that because decline was unavoidable there was nothing pastors, priests or their congregations could do to stem the tide. This chapter seeks to redress the balance by examining the ways in which evangelical Anglican clergy pursued revival in England, some of the obstacles they faced in this pursuit, and how they responded when they felt they had failed. Among the things they discovered was that ‘revival’ was a word to be handled with care.

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Randall, Ian M. "Baptist Revival and Renewal in the 1960s." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003703.

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According to Callum Brown in The Death of Christian Britain, from 1963 Christianity in Britain went on a downward spiral. More generally, Brown sees the 1960s as the decade in which the Christian-centred culture that had conferred identity on Britain was rejected. This claim, however, which has received much attention, needs to be set alongside David Bebbington’s analysis of British Christianity in the 1960s. In Evangelicalism in Modern Britain, Bebbington notes that in 1963 charismatic renewal came to an Anglican parish in Beckenham, Kent, when the vicar, George Forester, and some parishioners received the ‘baptism of the Holy Spirit’ and began to speak in tongues. During the next quarter of a century, Bebbington continues, the charismatic movement became a powerful force in British Christianity. Both Brown and Bebbington view the 1960s as a decade of significant cultural change. Out of that period of upheaval came the decline of cultural Christianity but also the emergence of a new expression of Christian spirituality – charismatic renewal. Within the evangelical section of the Church this new movement was an illustration of the ability of evangelicalism to engage in adaptation. To a large extent evangelical Anglicans were at the forefront of charismatic renewal in England. The Baptist denomination in England was, however, deeply affected from the mid-1960s onwards and it is this which will be examined here.

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Ritchie, Daniel. "The 1859 revival and its enemies: opposition to religious revivalism within Ulster Presbyterianism." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 157 (May 2016): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.1.

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AbstractThe evangelical revival of 1859 remains a pivotal event in the religious culture of Ulster Protestants owing to its legacy of widespread conversion, church renewal, and its role in shaping the pan-Protestantism of Ulster society that later opposed Irish home rule. Being part of a wider transatlantic movement of religious awakening, the 1859 revival was seen as the culmination of thirty years of evangelical renewal within Irish Presbyterianism. What has often been overlooked, however, is the fact that many aspects of the revival were deeply troubling to orthodox Presbyterians. Although most Ulster Presbyterians were largely supportive of the movement, an intellectually significant minority dissented from what they saw as its spectacular, doctrinal, liturgical, ecclesiological, and moral aberrations. Given 1859’s mythological status among Ulster evangelicals, it is normally assumed that all who opposed the revival were either religious formalists or those of heterodox doctrinal opinions. It will be argued that such an assumption is deeply misguided, and that the Presbyterian opponents of 1859 were motivated by zeal for confessional Reformed theology and Presbyterian church-order. By focusing on theologically conservative opposition to an ostensible evangelical and Calvinistic awakening, this article represents a significant contribution to the existing historiography of not only the Ulster revival but of religious revivalism more generally. It also helps us to understand the long-term evolution of Ulster Presbyterian belief and practice in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

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HOLMES, ANDREW R. "The Ulster Revival of 1859: Causes, Controversies and Consequences." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 63, no. 3 (June 20, 2012): 488–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046910001120.

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The Protestant portion of the population of the north of Ireland experienced an extraordinary outburst of religious fervour in 1859. This article provides a critical overview of some of the interpretations of the revival offered by scholars and suggests a number of hitherto ignored themes under three headings: causes, controversies and consequences. The first section moves beyond questions of social and economic determinism to outline the sense of expectancy for revival that was created through the Evangelical reform movement amongst Presbyterians in the north of Ireland. The second considers the controversies of the revival, especially the various physical phenomena that accompanied some conversions, and the Evangelical critique of the revival offered by William McIlwaine and Isaac Nelson. The final section shows how the revival consolidated religious identities in Ulster and contributed to obscuring the dominance of conservative Evangelicalism within the Presbyterian Church.

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Lane, Hannah. "Revivalism, Historians, and Lived Religion in the Eastern Canada-United States Borderlands." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 251–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003624.

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Historians of evangelicalism in Canada and the United States have long debated the timing and nature of changes in revivalism in the northeast during the nineteenth century and the vocabulary that best describes these changes. Calvinist and Arminian theologies provided two approaches to this history: revivalism and ‘declension’ as widespread but cyclical, and wholly dependent on God; or revivalism as a dispersed but continual force, sustained also by human effort. The former framework has informed studies of Baptists and Congregationalists, and the latter, studies of Methodists, whose history did not fit common periodizations of the Second Great Awakening.

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GLEADLE, KATHRYN. "CHARLOTTE ELIZABETH TONNA AND THE MOBILIZATION OF TORY WOMEN IN EARLY VICTORIAN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 50, no. 1 (February 13, 2007): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005930.

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This article addresses the historiographical neglect of tory women in the early Victorian period. The existence of a vibrant culture of female conservative letters, combined with the widespread participation of women in ultra-Protestant pressure-group politics, is suggestive of the neglected contribution women made to the revival of grass-roots toryism during these years. In particular, it is suggested that a consideration of the distinctive features of premillenarian Evangelicalism enables a more discriminating approach to the impact of Evangelicalism upon contemporary women. By focusing upon the career of the prominent premillenarian Charlotte Elizabeth Tonna, and her editorship of the Christian Lady's Magazine, it is argued that contemporary attitudes towards ‘female politicians’ were far more flexible, variable, and contingent than is frequently assumed. The associational activities with which many premillenarians were involved, combined with their attention to Old Testament models of publicly active women and the sense of urgency that distinguished their theology, frequently led its adherents to problematize and critique existing formulations of women's roles.

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Wellings, Martin. "Renewing Methodist Evangelicalism: the Origins and Development of the Methodist Revival Fellowship." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000365x.

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When the Wesleyan, Primitive and United Methodist Connexions combined in 1932 to form the Methodist Church of Great Britain, much was made of their shared evangelical heritage. The doctrinal clause of the founding Deed of Union affirmed that the Connexion ‘ever remembers that in the Providence of God Methodism was raised up to spread Scriptural Holiness through the land by the proclamation of the Evangelical Faith and declares its unfaltering resolve to be true to its Divinely appointed mission.’

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Bebbington, David. "The Baptist Revival Fellowship (1938-1972): A Study in Baptist Conservative Evangelicalism." Baptist Quarterly 50, no. 1 (April 11, 2018): 40–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0005576x.2018.1453702.

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Brauer, Jerald C. "Revivalism RevisitedTriumph of the Laity: Scots-Irish Piety and the Great Awakening, 1625-1760. Marilyn J. WesterkampHoly Fairs: Scottish Communions and American Revivals in the Early Modern Period. Leigh Eric SchmidtSeasons of Grace: Colonial New England's Revival Tradition in Its British Context. Michael J. CrawfordThe Divine Dramatist: George Whitefield and the Rise of Modern Evangelicalism. Harry S. StoutThe Protestant Evangelical Awakening. W. R. WardEvangelicals and Politics in Antebellum America. Richard J. Carwardine." Journal of Religion 77, no. 2 (April 1997): 268–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/489973.

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Little, Thomas J. "The Origins of Southern Evangelicalism: Revivalism in South Carolina, 1700–1740." Church History 75, no. 4 (December 2006): 768–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700111837.

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Despite the continuing “discovery of southern religious history” and the growing scholarly fascination with southern intellectual and cultural history, historians of the South have devoted all too little attention to the origins of southern evangelicalism in the colonial period. Over the past thirty years or so, they have generally tended to follow the lead of Samuel S. Hill, Jr., arguably the single most important and influential southern religious historian, who concluded in an interpretive survey article that “the history of religion in the South before it was the South … is, in all candor, not very impressive.” In his pioneering Religion in the Old South, for instance, Donald G. Mathews paid but scant attention to the origins of popular Protestantism in the South during the middle decades of the eighteenth century. What is more, he focused almost exclusively on colonial Virginia.

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Mazur, E. M. "Countercultural Conservatives: American Evangelicalism from the Postwar Revival to the New Christian Right." Journal of Church and State 55, no. 4 (October 8, 2013): 824–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/cst072.

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Hankins, B. "Countercultural Conservatives: American Evangelicalism from the Postwar Revival to the New Christian Right." Journal of American History 99, no. 2 (August 20, 2012): 647–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas265.

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Hinch, Jim. "A New African Revival Comes to Orange County." Boom 5, no. 4 (2015): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/boom.2015.5.4.44.

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In 2006, the evangelical Mariners megachurch in Orange County began to incorporate the teachings of Mavuno, an evangelical church in Nairobi, in its mission. Kenyan evangelicals have become leaders in Mariners, and Mariners members have travelled to Mavuno to learn from members there firsthand. This reversal of the standard missionary dynamic—where American Christians bring their style of religious practice to places such as Kenya—has had a profound impact on this suburban California religious community. In the last decade, Mariners has become more involved in its wider community–hosting a farmers market on the church grounds, donating to local charities, hosting intrafaith discussions, encouraging its members to take a more hands–on approach to charity, and becoming involved in political issues such as immigration reform.

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Jaffe, J. A. "The “Chiliasm of Despair” Reconsidered: Revivalism and Working-Class Agitation in County Durham." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 1 (January 1989): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385924.

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The role of evangelical religion in the social history of the English working class has been an area of both bewildering theories and un-founded generalizations. The problem, of course, was given a degree of notoriety by Elie Halévy who, according to the received interpretation, claimed that the revolutionary fervor characteristic of the Continental working class in the first half of the nineteenth century was drained from its British counterpart because of the latter's acceptance of Evangelicalism, namely, Methodism.It was revived most notably by E. P. Thompson, who accepted the counterrevolutionary effect of Methodism but claimed that the evangelical message was really an agent of capitalist domination acting to subordinate the industrial working class to the dominion of factory time and work discipline. Furthermore, Thompson argued, the English working class only accepted Methodism reluctantly and in the aftermath of actual political defeats that marked their social and economic subordination to capital. This view has gained a wide acceptance among many of the most prominent labor historians, including E. J. Hobsbawm and George Rudé who believe that Evangelicalism was the working-class's “chiliasm of despair” that “offered the one-time labour militant … compensation for temporal defeats.”There could hardly be a starker contrast between the interpretation of these labor historians and the views of those who have examined the social and political history of religion in early industrial Britain. Among the most important of these, W. R. Ward has claimed that Methodism was popular among the laboring classes of the early nineteenth century precisely because it complemented political radicalism.

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Dreyer, Frederick. "Evangelical Thought: John Wesley and Jonathan Edwards." Albion 19, no. 2 (1987): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050388.

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Historians suppose that men are ultimately to be understood in terms of their own time. If the age in which people live makes no difference to the way we perceive them, then historical explanation becomes superfluous. The evangelical revival, however, is often regarded as a event that occurs out of its proper time. It is the step-child of eighteenth century studies. For Peter Gay it belongs not to the eighteenth century but to the twelfth. Leslie Stephen denied all affinity between the evangelicals and their enlightened contemporaries: “There could scarcely be said to exist even the relation of contradiction.” To be sure, an affinity with the age was not a claim that the evangelicals insisted upon. No one would wish to number Jonathan Edwards and John Wesley among the philosophes. The merit claimed by the evangelicals was the merit not of thinkers but of believers. Yet, like it or not, the revival is still one of the facts of eighteenth century history. It cannot be wished away or passed off onto some other period. It started in the eighteenth century and it prospered in the eighteenth century. In any census of the times, it is a fair presumption that the saints will out-number the sceptics. Moreover, the revival is something that has to be analyzed in contemporary terms. What John Maynard Keynes once said of ranting politicians in the twentieth century works for ranting preachers in the eighteenth: “Mad men in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back.” Faith, like thought, is an historical event that occurs in a specific historical context and ultimately it must be explained in terms of that context. It may be our deepest wish to think like St. Paul, but it is hard to do so in ways that St. Paul would have understood. Few men can insulate themselves against the intellectual influence of their time. In the case of John Wesley and Jonathan Edwards, the recognition of that influence is critical for the interpretation of their thought.

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McMullen, Josh. "The Making of Evangelicalism: From Revivalism to Politics and Beyond - By Randall Balmer." Religious Studies Review 36, no. 4 (December 2010): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2010.01468_1.x.

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Miller, John R. "Transatlantic Revivalism: Popular Evangelicalism in Britain and America 1790-1865 - By Richard Carwardine." Religious Studies Review 33, no. 2 (September 14, 2007): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2007.00178_2.x.

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Hancock-Stefan, George, and SaraGrace Stefan. "From the Ivory Tower to the Grass Roots: Ending Orthodox Oppression of Evangelicals, and Beginning Grassroots Fellowship." Religions 12, no. 8 (August 4, 2021): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080601.

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When considering the relationship between the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Evangelical Church, can we both celebrate progress towards unity, while acknowledging where growth must still occur? Dr. George Hancock-Stefan, who fled the oppressive communist regime of Yugoslavia with the rest of his Baptist family, now frequently returns to Eastern Europe to explore topics of modern theology. During these travels, he has recognized a concerning trend: the religious unity and interfaith fellowship celebrated in Western academia does not reach the Eastern European local level. This is primarily due to the fact that Orthodoxy is a top to bottom institution, and nothing happens at the local level unless approved by the top. This lack of religious unity and cooperation at the local level is also due to the fact that the Eastern Orthodox Church claims a national Christian monopoly and the presence of Evangelicals is considered an invasion. In this article, Dr. Hancock-Stefan unpacks the history of the spiritual revivals that took place in various Eastern Orthodox Churches in the 19th–20th centuries, as well as the policies established by the national patriarchs after the fall of communism that are now jeopardizing the relationship between Orthodox and Evangelicals. By addressing this friction with candor and Christian love, this article pleads for the Orthodox Church to relinquish its monopoly and hopes that both Orthodox and Evangelicals will start considering each other to be brothers and sisters in Christ.

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Dalton, James S. "Revival and Revivalism: The Making and Marring of American Evangelicalism 1750–1858. By Iain H. Murray. Carlisle, Pa.: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1994. xxiii + 455 pp." Church History 66, no. 1 (March 1997): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169736.

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Roberts, Wendy Raphael. "The Calvinist Couplet." Christianity & Literature 68, no. 3 (February 26, 2019): 412–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0148333119827675.

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The article provides the first modern analysis of one of the bestselling transatlantic evangelical poems of the eighteenth century, the Scottish minister Ralph Erskine’s Gospel Sonnets. The article argues that the importance of the marriage metaphor and rhyme in the poem provided a specific meaning to the form of the couplet in eighteenth-century transatlantic evangelicalism—a form often associated with an outdated understanding of a monolithic enlightenment. In the case of Erskine, it produced the Calvinist couplet. What the author terms “espousal poetics” designates the much larger presence and purpose of the marriage metaphor in the emerging revivalist community: to fuse the paradoxes of a sound Calvinist theology with poetics.

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Lindman, J. M. "The Origins of Southern Evangelicalism: Religious Revivalism in the South Carolina Lowcountry, 1670-1760." Journal of American History 101, no. 3 (December 1, 2014): 916. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau613.

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Kim, Rebecca Y., and Sharon Kim. "Revival and Renewal: Korean American Protestants beyond Immigrant Enclaves." Studies in World Christianity 18, no. 3 (December 2012): 291–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0026.

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Much research has been conducted on the various functions that Korean Protestant churches provide for Korean immigrants and the centrality of the church for the community. Most of this research, however, focuses on the Korean American church as an immigrant enclave. Korean American churches are studied essentially as ethno-religious enclaves, detached and secluded from the larger society. Counterbalancing this tendency, this paper examines the multidimensional ways that Korean American Protestants and their churches are extending beyond their ethnic borders. Korean immigrant churches are civically and religiously moving beyond the enclave while also catering to the needs of co-immigrants. Second-generation Korean American congregations are also engaging the broader society even as they create unique hybrid spaces for themselves. Finally, there are Koreans who enter the United States specifically as missionaries to evangelise individuals in and outside of the Korean Diaspora, including white Americans. In their varied ways, Korean American evangelicals are taking part in efforts to bring spiritual revival and renewal in America and beyond.

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IAN DICKSON, J. N. "Evangelical Religion and Victorian Women: The Belfast Female Mission, 1859–1903." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, no. 4 (October 2004): 700–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904001460.

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In 1859, following the evangelical revival in Ulster, a Female Mission was founded in Belfast as an evangelistic agency and philanthropic enterprise. It was one of many voluntary societies. Upper-class evangelical women employed the services of lower-class women of similar religious energy to work among the poor of the city. This article explores the surviving documentation of the mission to assess its work, and, more important, to ascertain if involvement in this limited public sphere was a catalyst in the broader liberation of evangelical women. The issues go beyond the relationship of inner faith and public expression in popular religion to the notion that evangelicalism, as a heightened form of Christian belief and action, was a trajectory as well as a boundary in nineteenth-century society.

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Billingsley, S. "AXEL R. SCHAFER. Countercultural Conservatives: American Evangelicalism from the Postwar Revival to the New Christian Right." American Historical Review 118, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 216–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.1.216.

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Haykin, Michael A. G. "The Baptist Revival Fellowship (1938–1972): A Study in Baptist Conservative Evangelicalism, by Philip Douglas Hill." Evangelical Quarterly 92, no. 1 (August 6, 2021): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-09201008.

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Yoon, Young Hwi. "The Spread of Antislavery Sentiment through Proslavery Tracts in the Transatlantic Evangelical Community, 1740s–1770s." Church History 81, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 348–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640712000637.

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In the history of the Atlantic antislavery movement, two events were of great importance: the Great Awakening and the American Revolution. In the 1730s and 1740s, many evangelicals stimulated by the religious revival, travelled to the opposite side of the Atlantic, preached the gospel, and published a number of books that contained their evangelical faith and ideals. Through these activities many evangelicals in Anglo-American communities shared common interests, faith, and ideology, and some found a channel of transatlantic communication in which they were able to debate the slavery issue. The American Revolution also contributed to creating an atmosphere of tension in the 1770s, in which antislavery sentiment became transformed into moral conviction. The development of this ideology can be explained by the spread of antipathy toward slavery in the Atlantic world before the Revolution. This essay focuses on the change in the evangelical mindset between these two religio-political events, asking: how did the antislavery sentiment spread through the transatlantic evangelical network from the 1740s into the 1770s?

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Stievermann, Jan. "Faithful Translations: New Discoveries on the German Pietist Reception of Jonathan Edwards." Church History 83, no. 2 (May 27, 2014): 324–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714000055.

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This essay compares two neglected German translations of Jonathan Edwards's famous Faithful Narrative (1737). Both were published in 1738 but by different circles of German Pietists—one Lutheran and centered around Halle, one Reformed and located in the Nether Rhine area. Both were more intimately woven into transatlantic evangelical communication networks than has been understood. Each version show that the news about the American awakening was received enthusiastically as an encouraging sign of God's advancing kingdom, a model for inner-churchly revivals, and an argument for the legitimacy of Pietist conventicles at home. Comparing the two translations also reveals how Edwards was appropriated in quite divergent ways and with varying attitudes by the two groups, reflecting their distinct regional, denominational and social contexts, as well as specific religious needs and dogmatic emphases. While both texts evince that German Pietism very much partook in the emergence of a transatlantic evangelical consciousness, they simultaneously show how the formation of such an ecumenical identity was complicated by persisting confessional and regional differences. Finally, the two German translations of Edwards's narrative illustrate that the meaning of these revivals as part of a larger Protestant evangelical awakening was negotiated not only among Anglo-American evangelicals but also among Continental Pietists.

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Hoon Ko. "Book Review, Man-hyung Lee, Enlightenment and the Pyongyang Revival: A Correlation between Evangelicalism and the Enlightenment." THEOLOGICAL THOUGHT ll, no. 186 (September 2019): 457–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35858/sinhak.2019..186.016.

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Smith, G. S. "Evangelicals at a Crossroads: Revivalism and Social Reform in Boston, 1860-1910." Journal of American History 98, no. 3 (November 29, 2011): 847. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar341.

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Fischer, Benjamin L. "A Novel Resistance: Mission Narrative as the Anti-Novel in the Evangelical Assault on British Culture." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 232–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001340.

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‘Their annual increase is counted by thousands; and they form a distinct people in the empire, having their peculiar laws and manners, a hierarchy, a costume, and even a physiognomy of their own’, wrote Robert Southey for the Quarterly Review in 1810, opening a balanced critique of what he called ‘the Evangelical Sects’. Leaders of the Evangelical Revival had taught in pulpit, pamphlet and periodical that to be truly Christian meant radical difference from others in society, even others professing faith; or, as Charles Simeon, the model and mentor for hundreds of Cambridge-educated evangelical ministers, stated it, ‘Christians are either nominal or real’. Following William Wilberforce’s urging in his Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians… Contrasted with Real Christianity, Evangelicals strove in their separate spheres to accomplish a social revolution by which the mores, values and social practices received from the eighteenth century would be overturned by normalizing evangelical values in society. While working in their individual vocations, Evangelicals were also cooperating, ‘linked in a single, if multiform, social and religious phenomenon’. As Southey’s comments indicate, even by 1810 their revolution was proving noticeably effective.

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Holmes, Andrew. "The Scottish Reformations and the Origin of Religious and Civil Liberty in Britain and Ireland: Presbyterian Interpretations, c.1800-60." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.7.

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This article examines Presbyterian interpretations in Scotland and Ireland of the Scottish Reformations of 1560 and 1638–43. It begins with a discussion of the work of two important Presbyterian historians of the early nineteenth century, the Scotsman, Thomas McCrie, and the Irishman, James Seaton Reid. In their various publications, both laid the template for the nineteenth-century Presbyterian understanding of the Scottish Reformations by emphasizing the historical links between the Scottish and Irish churches in the early-modern period and their common theology and commitment to civil and religious liberty against the ecclesiastical and political tyranny of the Stuarts. The article also examines the commemorations of the National Covenant in 1838, the Solemn League and Covenant in 1843, and the Scottish Reformation in 1860. By doing so, it uncovers important religious and ideological linkages across the North Channel, including Presbyterian evangelicalism, missionary activity, church–state relationships, religious reform and revival, and anti-Catholicism.

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Hutchinson, Mark. "The Spirit of Christ and the Postmodern City: Transforming Revival among Auckland’s Evangelicals and Pentecostals." Pneuma 33, no. 2 (2011): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/027209611x575159.

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Johnson, Sylvester. "Thomas J. Little. The Origins of Southern Evangelicalism: Religious Revivalism in the South Carolina Lowcountry, 1670–1760." American Historical Review 119, no. 4 (October 2014): 1254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.4.1254.

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Duff, S. E. "The Dutch Reformed Church and the Protestant Atlantic: Revivalism and Evangelicalism in the Nineteenth-Century Cape Colony." South African Historical Journal 70, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 324–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2018.1468810.

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Guthman, Joshua. "“Doubts still assail me”: Uncertainty and the Making of the Primitive Baptist Self in the Antebellum United States." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 23, no. 1 (2013): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2013.23.1.75.

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AbstractThough forged in the fires of the early nineteenth-century evangelical revivals, Primitive Baptists became the most significant opponents of the burgeoning antebellum evangelical movement. The Primitives were Calvinists who despised missionaries, Sunday schools, Bible tract societies, and the other accoutrements of evangelical Protestantism. This article contends that a feeling of uncertainty dominated Primitive Baptists' lives, catalyzed their movement's rise, and fueled their strident opposition to the theological and organizational changes shaping churches across the country. For Primitive Baptists, it was their questioning–especially their experience of persistent doubt–that set them apart from evangelicals. The uncertainty that colored Primitive Baptist selfhood motivated believers rather than paralyzed them. It propelled them toward a community of like-minded souls, and it stirred those souls to action as a more ardent brand of evangelical Protestantism crowded church pews. It is in the Primitives' uncertain selves–not in their theology or their socio-economic condition–that we find the most compelling explanation of their movement's unlikely rise.

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Wolffe, John. "William Wilberforce’s Practical View (1797) and its Reception." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003570.

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Never, perhaps, did any volume by a layman, on a religious subject, produce a deeper or more sudden effect.This in 1826 was the judgement of Daniel Wilson, vicar of Islington and later bishop of Calcutta, looking back on the publication on 12 April 1797 of William Wilberforce’s Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians in the Higher and Middle Classes of this Country Contrasted with Real Christianity. Wilson went on to argue that the book ‘contributed in no small measure, to the progress of that general revival of religion which had already been begun’. It subsequently became a historiographical commonplace that the book was ‘the handbook of the Evangelicals’; but its impact on British religion also had other important dimensions that need to be explored.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Revivals Evangelicalism'

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