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Zibakalam-Mofrad, Sadegh. "The historical genesis of the Islamic Revolution." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292692.
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Fajri, Nurul. "The role of religious symbols in the Iranian revolution of 1979 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56939.
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This thesis will analyze the role of Shi'i religious symbols employed in the Iranian revolution of 1979. During the revolution, the Shi'i symbolic structure of the Karbala' paradigm or the symbols of Karbala' and of Husayn's martyrdom were extensively employed to mobilize the masses. Regarded as the Imam and as the symbol of the revolution, Khumayni extensively utilized such religious symbols in order to generate mass revolutionary political consciousness against the Shah's tyrannical regime. In other words, throughout the revolution the traditional 'ashura' mourning ceremony--commemorating a tragic historical event the martyrdom of Husayn who was killed on the battlefield of Karbala' on Muharram 10, 60/680--was transformed into and politicized to be a vehicle of mass revolutionary political mobilization.
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Blatter, Deborah. "Die Iranische Revolution von 1979 Eine vorläufige Bilanz /." St. Gallen, 2004. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/99630576001/$FILE/99630576001.pdf.
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Talebi, Nader. "State power and revolution : toward a strategic-relational analysis of the 1979 revolution in Iran." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2018. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/128072/.
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This study is an attempt to understand how Islamists, especially a significant part of the Shi’a clergy, become the dominant political force in Iran in the 1970s, which was a decade of state transformation. Employing a conceptual toolbox and methods of investigation based on the Strategic-Relational Approach and Cultural Political Economy, this study introduces fresh perspectives, concerns, and concepts to reconstruct the key features of the complex revolutionary moment in 1979 and provide a periodisation of state (trans-)formations in Iran. It identifies two main periods: national state building (1848-1970) and expansion (1970-). By exploring the recontexualization and changing articulation of three discursive formations and taking note of different temporalities, this study identifies a ‘holy triad’ (justice, progress and independence) that sheds light on the development of the national state in Iran. I argue that justice is the master frame for conceptualising the changing significance of the other two. The thesis also argues that the political economy of oil became the triad’s primary point of crystallisation in the 1970s. Thus, an economic crisis that followed the collapse of the oil boom in the mid-1970s profoundly disoriented the state’s political and cultural legitimacy. This crisis created the setting for the rise and dominance of an innovative, Shi’ite messianic narrative. This was embodied in Khomeini’s role in Iranian politics. Therefore, this study explores the history of Shi’ism and the Shi’a messianic movements to identify the resources and capacities available to Khomeini to promote his counter-hegemonic visions. A further factor favouring Khomeini’s messianic movement was the history of (semi-)colonialism in the region and the intensifying Arab-Israeli conflict, which tended to confirm Khomeini’s narrative rather than the ideas of his rivals. In short, rather than re-interpreting the 1979 Revolution in the light of new historical findings, this study provides a spatio-temporally sensitive strategic-relational account of revolutionary conjuncture and historical specificity of the background to the revolution and its path-shaping impact on the present moment.
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Mojtabavi, Jafar. "An evaluation of rural development planning in Iran after the Revolution 1979." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/426.
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With the industrial revolution and huge emigration from villages to cities in developed countries, and later on with the changing balance between the Urban and Rural residents in third world countries, because of the poverty and lack of basic services in rural areas, rural development has become a major problem in the world, especially in third world countries. Iran, as one of such countries, has been faced with this problem, and some reforms for changing the situation and providing more acceptable living conditions for the rural people have been established and implemented. After the Revolution in 1979, the Islamic Government has its roots in the poor people who supported the Revolution in different stages so the effective factors for such improvements in rural condition are included in the revolutionary Constitution and later on in the National Development Programmes. The statements in the Constitution Law and the establishment of two independent agencies, Bonyad-e-Maskan & Jahad-e-Sazandegi, to deal with rural problems, have resulted in the start of Rural Development Planning activities. The national aims developed by the policymaker for development in rural areas in this regard are to: "Create necessary social, cultural and economic conditions necessary for development, and providing necessary possibilities and physical improvements and necessary facilities for improving housing and other environmental basic public services." With this overall policy, development activity has started with the aim of improvement in the standard of life for rural areas. Up to 1997, about 1000 plans have been prepared and 370 have been implemented. This research is looking to investigate the implemented cases, to evaluate the degree of success or failure and to make conclusions and recommendations. With this aim, the research includes a literature review, in the context of development planning, specifically Rural Development Planning, and then an investigation of Iranian Constitutional Law, the National Programmes, the agencies and Iranian planning organisation to be able to make an evaluation framework and design a process for case studies and data collection, in a qualitative approach to the research. With 59 cases which had passed their first five years period of planning, 13 cases have been chosen, of which five have been studied in detail, each with an individual field study report, leading to specific and general conclusions, which are divided into two parts. Firstly from the literature review, which draws the main points to establish the desired achievements for successful development planning in rural areas. Secondly the conclusions apply to all parts of the rural development process in Iran, from policy making to implementation and with recommendations for the overall process in principle and in detail and relating to the agencies and resources involved. The main results from the case studies have identified gaps and weaknesses in the process and therefore have lead to recommendations as to how the process would be more successful. It shows that the rural development planning, as part of the national development programme, needs: i) To have more accurate regional plans in advance in order to define the main potentials in each region, and to provide guidelines appropriate to each, ii) To ensure the correct designation of the villages which are to be planned; iii) To encourage the appointed consultants to follow best practice for plan-preparation; iv) To provide the necessary administrative organisation, with the powers and resources to be able to carry out the process; and v) To improve implementation.
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Pilvar, Nahid. "La presse iranienne depuis la révolution islamique : les deux âges d'or 1978-1979 et 1997-1998." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015GREAL028/document.
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Cette recherche, insiste sur les deux périodes post révolutionnaires de relative décentralisation du pouvoir dans ce pays les période que les presses sont développer ; l'une dans les deux premières années après la victoire de la révolution de 1979 à 1981, et l'autreLa deuxième époque se situe pendant les deux premières années de la présidence de Mohammad Khâtami, vingt ans après l'installation de la République islamique<br>This research emphasizes the two periods of revolutionary post on decentralization of power in this country the period that the presses are developed; one in the first two years after the victory of the revolution of 1979 to 1981, and the otherThe second time is during the first two years of the presidency of Mohammad Khatami, twenty years after the installation of the Islamic Republic
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Nateghpour, Mohammad Javad. "Modernisation in Iran : Westernisation or Islamisation (the historical and intellectual background to the 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran)." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498398.
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Kassam, Shelina. "The language of Islamism : Pakistan's media response to the Iranian revolution." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69615.
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In recent Muslim history, the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 has been a watershed event which has had--and continues to have--a significant impact on Muslim societies. Indeed, the Revolution is often perceived as the single most important example in contemporary times of the manner in which Islamism has been utilized as a revolutionary tool. The success of the Revolution in utilizing ideological Islam has had important implications for Pakistan, given the latter's reliance upon Islamism in its public life. This thesis examines editorial response in the Pakistani press to the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 and analyzes the factors which influenced this reaction.<br>Pakistan's response to the Iranian Revolution provides a glimpse into the nature of a country coming to terms with itself and its own interpretation of its dominant socio-political ideology. The Revolution highlighted already-existing tensions within the Pakistani national psyche: questions were raised with regard to the ideological direction of the country, its pragmatic concerns for security as well as the role of Islam in the formation of a public identity. The Iranian Revolution, by presenting differing perspectives on some of these issues--though all were framed within the context of the language of Islamism--served to deepen the collective Pakistani soul-searching. The nature of Pakistani response was essentially one of an intricate balancing act amongst competing loyalties, perspectives and imperatives. This response highlighted Pakistan's somewhat tense relationship with itself and its reliance upon Islam as a dominant socio-political ideology. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Fatehrad, Azadeh. "Photography, desire and resistance in the lives of women, following the 1979 revolution in Iran." Thesis, Royal College of Art, 2015. http://researchonline.rca.ac.uk/1784/.
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In my last four years of PhD by practice at the Royal College of Art, I have conducted extensive research on archival photography including materials held at the Museum der Weltkulturen, Frankfurt am Main; the Institute for Iranian Contemporary Historical Studies (IICHS) , Tehran; and the International Institute of Social History (IISH), Amsterdam. My project started with the fortuitous encounter with a photograph taken by Iranian photographer Hengameh Golestan on the morning of March 8, 1979. The photograph shows women marching in the streets of Teheran in protest against the introduction of the compulsory Islamic dress code. In 1936 Reza Shah had decreed a ban on the headscarf as part oh his westernising project. Over forty years later following the 1979 Revolution, Ruhollah Khomeini reversed this decision by ordering that women should now cover their hair. This ‘found image’ presented me with a glimpse into the occulted history of my own country and the opportunity to advance towards a deeper learning and understanding of the event of March 8, 1979 a significant date in the history of feminism in Iran. In what follows I revisit the history of Iran since the 1979 revolution with a particular inflexion on the role women played in that history. However, as my project develops , I gradually move away from the socio-historical facts to investigate the legacy of the revolution on the representations of women in photography, film and literature as well as the creation of an imaginary space of self representation. To this end my writing moves constantly between the documentary, the analytical and the personal. In parallel I have made photographs and video works which are explorations of the veil as object of fascination and desire as well as symbol of repression.
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Shafafi, Pardis. "Secretly familiar : public secrets of a post traumatic diaspora." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11830.
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In 1979, the socio-political landscape of Iran was transformed beyond recognition. After years of conflict between the Shah and a myriad of political opposition groups, it seemed that the people had indeed triumphed over an authoritarian monarch. As is now widely known, their short lived victory transformed into a systematic programme of terror that turned back on and attacked those that the Islamic Republic deemed contrary to its values. The ‘bloody decade' of the 1980s saw thousands of executions and disappearances under the cloak of the war with neighbouring Iraq. The records of these massacres are still largely unreliable and/or incomplete. The programme of terror in question, that ensued and persists up to the present day, has instigated a sprawling transnational Diaspora with a familiar but rarely divulged public secret. My doctoral thesis comprises two main parts in relation to these events. They are connected by the running theme of alternative narratives of past violence, and a post-traumatic political activism. This is an intimate ethnography that examines global processes (revolution, Diaspora, transnational activism) from the vantage point of local and particular histories of Lur, former Fadaiyan guerilla fighters in Oslo. In the second part of this work, these histories are located within the collective movement of the Iran Tribunal, a literal attempt to make secrets public and to bring together subjective experiences of violence into a truth-‐telling process. Opening up a new space for critical reflection, this study proposes an alternative lens of analysis of tumultuous historical processes. With regards to their actors, efforts are made to better understand how lives and narratives are ordered around the characteristic disorder of violence, fear and Diaspora itself, and how subjective traumas manifest into collective, and in this case transnational, movements. My ethnography of disordered and interrupted lives works to inform studies of such critical contemporary realities as well as to ethnographically introduce the Iranian Diasporas' public secret of violence for wider anthropological enquiry, and to contribute towards its critical analysis.
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Nasim, Mogharab. ""I Saw Myself Released": The Impact of Modernization on Women's Literature in Pre-Revolution Iran, 1941-1979." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34409.
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This thesis examines the first collections of modern Persian literature written by Iranian female authors in the context of a process of gender modernization during the Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s reign (1941-1979). This thesis argues that women’s literature written during the period of transition from tradition to modernity is clearly influenced by the state’s gender policy and illustrates the changing position of women’s status in private and public life. Indeed, an examination of the collections of short stories and poems that were produced in this period demonstrates that female authors were concerned with the unveiling policy, arranged marriage and polygamy, women’s education, women’s social participation, women’s domestic obligations, women’s political awakening, and female sexuality. Furthermore, central themes covered by female authors changed significantly based on the transformations of gender politics the society experienced from the 1940s and 1950s to the 1960s and 1970s.
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Khadivi, Golrang [Verfasser]. "Islamischer Feminismus im Iran : Aus der Perspektive der männlichen Denker seit der Revolution von 1979 / Golrang Khadivi." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2019. http://d-nb.info/119585790X/34.
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Shahidi, Moadab Shaban. "Les relations entre l’Iran et la France de 1969 à 1979." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL042.
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L’Iran a toujours été un pays important pour de multiples raisons. Sa position géostratégique l’a placé au croisement de trois mondes, slave, turc et arabe, et ses ressources naturelles sont convoitées par les pays occidentaux. Entre 1969 et 1979, l’Iran est devenu une puissance régionale et la France une puissance moyenne mondiale. Les rapports entre Paris et Téhéran, pendant cette durée, évoluent progressivement. Le pétrole iranien s’échange avec la technologie nucléaire et les produits agroalimentaire français. À compter de 1969, la France entre en compétition avec ses partenaires européens, américains et japonais pour bénéficier du fleurissant marché de consommation iranien ; d’autre part, elle résiste à l’invasion culturelle anglo-saxonne pour conserver son influence culturelle et linguistique traditionnelle en Iran, par une coopération culturelle multifacette. L’Iran promeut sa présence culturelle dans les milieux universitaires et artistiques en France. Bien que les années 1969-1979 prolongent quatre siècles de contacts bilatéraux, celles-ci sont également marquées par l’accueil de l’opposant politique au Shah, l’Ayatollah Khomeiny. Ce dernier a très adroitement profité de la liberté d’expression en France afin de mobiliser les Iraniens et renverser le régime impérial de Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, avec lequel le président Valéry Giscard d’Estaing avait tissé les meilleures relations. Après 1979, les rapports bilatéraux sont devenus complexes pendant trois décennies<br>Iran has always been an important country for many reasons. Its geostrategic position which has placed it at the crossroads of three worlds; Slavic, Turkish and Arab, and its natural resources, which covets the Western countries. During the period of our research Iran has become a regional power and France a world average power. Relations between Paris and Tehran over this period of time have been progressively evolving. Iranian oil traded with nuclear technology and French agrifood products. In the duration of our study, on the one hand France took offendive against its European, American and Japanese partners to benefit from the flourishing Iranian consumer market, on the other hand it had to resist in the face of Anglo-Saxon cultural invasions to maintain its traditional cultural and linguistic influence in Iran. It carried out the second task through a multi-faceted cultural cooperation. Iran, for its part, promoted its cultural presence in academic and artistic circles in France. Although the period from 1969 to 1979 was the extension of four centuries of bilateral contacts, it was a laps of time at the end of which France unwittingly welcomed the archi political opponent of the Shah of Iran ; Ayatollah Khomeini, who very cleverly took advantage of freedom of expression in France to mobilize the Iranians to overthrow the imperial regime of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, with whome President V. Giscard d'Estaing had established the best relations. After the 1979 Revolution, the calm river of bilateral relations transformed into a tumultuous obscure river, dangerously navigable for the diplomats of the two countries, at least for three decades
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Mohammadighalehtaki, Ariabarzan. "Organisational change in political parties in Iran after the Islamic Revolution of 1979 : with special reference to the Islamic Republic Party (IRP) and the Islamic Iran Participation Front Party (Mosharekat)." Thesis, Durham University, 2012. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3507/.
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The aim of this study is to develop a historical analytical narrative of the development of political parties under the Islamic Republic of Iran, accounting for their organisational structures, ideological evolution and internal distributions of power; to provide an analysis of the change in Iranian political parties after 1979; to examine their intra-party dynamisms of power as well as the developments in the environment of the Iranian parties which stimulated their change. This study gives special reference to the Islamic Republic Party (IRP) and the Islamic Iran Participation Front Party (Mosharekat). Also to address the problem of poor party institutionalisation in Iran after the revolution by examining a combination of factors that have contributed to the disruption of the institutionalisation process in the Iranian political parties such as at the hostility and uncertainty in party environment, the organisational zones of uncertainty in the Iranian political parties and the impact of state on party institutionalisation in Iran. Finally to examine the typological similarities between at least one modern party in Iran (Mosharekat) and some parties in the Western Democracies to understand whether partial similarity in society dimensions such as advancements in technology and the emergence of a new social cleavage map instead of the old social stratification, have resulted in similarities in the party types in Iran and the West.
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Nahavandy, Firouzeh. "Contribution à une sociologie politique des révolutions: le cas iranien." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213491.
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Oskouie, Mana. "Etat, Religion et société en Iran au XXe siècle : origines et impacts des Révolutions constitutionnelle de 1906/07 et islamique de 1979." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2040.
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L'histoire contemporaine de l'Iran est marquée par deux révolutions qui ont bouleversé les relations entre l’Etat, la religion et la société. L’objectif de cette recherche est d’analyser l’évolution de ces rapports sous l’impact de la Révolution constitutionnelle de 1906/1907 et de la Révolution islamique de 1979, en soulignant que tous ces changements ont été influencés ou ont influencé l’économie de l’Iran. La Révolution constitutionnelle de 1906/1907 a été l’aboutissement des évolutions qui étaient à l’origine des conflits entre les modernistes et les forces attachées à l’ordre ancien. Elle a fait basculer le rapport de force en faveur des courants et des acteurs œuvrant pour l’entrée de l’Iran dans la modernité. Entre la Révolution constitutionnelle et la Révolution islamique, les forces ont subi des modifications importantes qui ont, tour à tour, favorisé les trois pôles du pouvoir : la monarchie et sa cour, le clergé et les élites modernistes. La montée au pouvoir de Reza shah a rompu l’équilibre fondé sur la Constitution en faveur de la monarchie au détriment du pôle religieux en s’appuyant sur les élites modernistes. L’invasion de l’Iran par les alliés et l’exil forcé de Reza Shah ont contribué à la montée des sentiments nationalistes hostiles à l’Occident. La nationalisation des ressources pétrolières par le gouvernement Mossadegh fait suite à cette évolution portée par une société iranienne acquise à ce nationalisme. Plus tard, la société et la religion se sont rejointes pour contester l’Etat autoritaire et répressif des Pahlavi. Cette dynamique aboutira à la Révolution de 1979 et donnera au pays un nouveau régime politique reflétant les rapports de forces entre les acteurs de cette deuxième révolution que le pays a connue soixante-douze ans après la Révolution constitutionnelle. La Révolution islamique de 1979 a été la principale conséquence du passage d’un « nationalisme autoritaire » incarné par Reza Shah Pahlavi à un « nationalisme libéral » porté par le Dr Mossadegh, puis à un « nationalisme religieux » représenté par l’ayatollah Khomeini<br>The exsisting history of Iran is noticeable regarding to two revolutions witch mystified the relation among the State, the religion and the society. The objective of this research is to analyze the evolution oh these reports under the impact of the constitutional Revolution of 1906/1907 and the islamic Revolution of 1979. It shoud be emphasized that all these changes effected the economyof Iran. The constitutional revolution of 1906/1907 was the result of the evolutions witch were at the origin of the conflicts between the modernistic ones and forces attached to the old order.It turnes over the strength in favour as of currents and of the actors working for the entry of Iran into modernity. Between the constitutional Revolution and the islamic Revolution, the forces underwent important modifications witch have, in turn, supported the three poles of the power : monarchy and its court, cleargy and elites modernistic. The Reza Shah’s rise to power broke the balance based on the Constitution in favour of monarchy to the detriment of the religious pole while being based on the modernistic elites. The invasion of Iran by the allies and the forced exile of Reza Shah contributed to the rise of the hostile nationalist feelings in the Occident. Nationalisation of the oil resources by Mossadegh government made this evolution won over this nationalism carried by an Iranian company. Later, the company and the religion met to dispute the authoritative and repressive State of Pahlavi.These dynamics lead to the Revolution of 1979 and give the country a new political regime, reflecting the struggle between the actors of this second revolution the country faced the constitutional Revolution after 72 years. The islamic Revolution of 1979 was the principal consequence of the passage of « authoritative nationalism »incarnated by Reza Shah Pahlavi with a « liberal nationalism » carried by Dr Mossadegh, and with the « religious nationalism » which is represented by Ayatollah khoneini
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Khosrokhavar, Farhad. "Rupture de l'unanimisme dans la Révolution iranienne." Paris, EHESS, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992EHES0047.
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Ce travail tente d'analyser la revolution iranienne a meme la representation mentale de ses acteurs : la jeunesse revolutionnaire, les femmes les paysans depaysannes, le clerge, les classes moyennes-inferieures et les couches inferieures de la societe urbaine. Le travail repose sur des enquetes et sur des entretiens enregistres au debut des annees 80, decryptes et traduits. L'analyse du contenu mental de la conscience des acteurs montre que la revolution iranienne qui est devenue le modele de l'islamisme dans les representations occidentales mais aussi des autres groupes islamistes dans le monde, est en realite fort eloignee de ce modele dans la conscience d'un groupe largement majoritaire des acteurs du mouvement, la jeunesse urbaine. L'analyse de l'imaginaire revolutionnaire revele comment, dans la jeunesse, le sentiment intense de l'echec du mouvement revolutionnaire induit un desespoir se traduisant par le chiisme mortifere ou toutes les categories-cles du chiisme sont restructurees dans un sens morbide et macabre, pour faciliter la mise a mort des acteurs qui se culpabilisent de l'echec du mouvement et entendent s'assener la mort par le truchement du martyre. Le desespoir de la conscience revolutionnaire explique le terrrorisme et la terreur qu'elle ressent. Le mouvement debouche sur une impasse occasionnant des conduites de crise : la majorite s'en detache et s'enferme dans l'apathie alors q'une minorite se radicalise et use de la g
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Tello, Roberto. "RAPPROCHEMENT: THE NECESSARY ENGAGEMENT WITH THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4271.
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This study examines the decision making process in Washington which led to the current non-existence of political and economic relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States. The study examines the U.S.-Iran relationship at three levels-of-analysis: the individual, state, and system levels. From a geopolitical perspective, Iran and the United States have often been natural allies that pursued similar policy goals. After 9/11, the U.S. entered Afghanistan and Iraq which further necessitated the reengagement of Tehran. Iranian regional clout would play a vital role in stabilization of Iraq and Afghanistan and without Iran's assistance; peace will not likely be realized in those states. Amongst the most compelling reasons for Washington to engage in meaningful dialogue with Tehran are: terrorism, the war on drugs, the Iranian sponsorship of militant groups, and Tehran's pursuit of a nuclear program. The study concludes that rapprochement should occur in two phases. The first being cooperation in areas of mutual concern such as the war on drugs. The second phase promoting confidence building methods, which would lead to a strategic partnership based on mutual interests.<br>M.A.<br>Department of Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science MA
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Terrany, Bernard. "L'Iran dans cinq hebdomadaires français de la Révolution (1979) à nos jours." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020078/document.
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Le moins qu’on puisse dire est que l’Iran depuis la prise de pouvoir par les Ayatollahs en 1979 est un pays qui intéresse les hebdomadaires français et plus généralement les journalistes de notre pays. Une approche quantitative des articles consacrés à ce pays le prouve aisément. Mais il est particulièrement intéressant de constater que chacun des hebdomadaires français étudiés apporte une vision assez spécifique de ce qui caractérise l’Iran d’aujourd’hui. Toutefois, si la plupart des hebdomadaires sont d’accord pour reconnaître la complexité du problème iranien et de la société perse, "Valeurs Actuelles" par exemple va stigmatiser la barbarie du régime en place alors que"Courrier International", à l’inverse, va s’efforcer d’offrir un kaléidoscope d’opinions souvent contradictoires sur cette république islamique. De même, "Le Point" insiste sur la dangerosité de l’Iran d’aujourd’hui alors que "L’Express" met surtout l’accent sur les problèmes de nucléaire. "Marianne" pour sa part offre une étude équilibrée des problèmes tant internes qu’externes de l’Iran des Ayatollahs. En réalité, on peut constater un consensus des journalistes français spécialistes du monde persan sur le fait qu’en matière de politique intérieure, l’Iran ne cesse d’osciller entre démocratie et totalitarisme alors même que le pays semble avoir fait de la possession de l’arme nucléaire le futur point d’ancrage de sa politique extérieure à l’échelle internationale et de la sous-région<br>The least we can say is that Iran since the seizure of power by the Ayatollahs in 1979 is a country that interests French weekly magazines and journalists. A quantitative approach of the articles concerning this country proves this assertion easily. But it is particularly interesting to note that each of the French weekly magazines provides a fairly specific approach that characterizes today's Iran. Nevertheless most French magazines recognize the complexity of the problems of Iran and Persian society. However, Valeurs Actuelles stigmatizes the barbaric regime while Courrier International, conversely provides a kaleidoscope of rather conflicting opinions on this Islamic republic. Similarly, Le Point emphasizes the danger of Iran today while L'Express focuses primarily on nuclear issues. Marianne on the other hand offers a balanced study of both internal and external problems of this country ruled by Ayatollahs. In reality, there may be a consensus among French journalists who are specialists of the Persian world due to the fact that concerning its domestic policy Iran continues to oscillate between democracy and totalitarianism even though the country seems to consider the possession of nuclear weapons as the future anchor of its foreign policy and sub-regional diplomatic role
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Shams-Esmaeili, Fatemeh. "Official voices of a revolution : a social history of Islamic republican poetry." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b6f2561b-fd26-4064-88b8-f365d7abf2e4.
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This thesis is primarily concerned with the literary aspects of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Its immediate focus rests on the evolution of the Islamic republican poetic trend, encompassing both the disillusioned and conformist voices that rose to prominence in the course of the 1979 Revolution and their on-going engagement with the ruling political power. In this vein, this thesis investigates the various cultural policies of the state, as well as select political transformations of the past three decades, all of which played a pivotal role in this literary evolution. The thesis shows how the official poets that emerged during the 1979 Revolution, and which proved significantly active throughout the immediate history subsequent to that event (war with Iraq, the death of Ayatollah Khomeini and the rise and fall of the reform movement), evolved over time and thereby either received political support for their commitment to the state ideology or became gradually excluded from official cultural institutions. Finally, this thesis reviews the manner in which state strategies have shaped an institutionalised form of poetry that is monitored and reinforced by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic and official cultural authorities. It demonstrates how an innate linking of the project of Islamic republican literature to underlying ideologically defined notions such as 'religious verse', 'legitimate poetry' and 'commitment' was and continues to be an intrinsic part of the literary foundations of the ideological apparatus of the Islamic Republic.
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Nekouie, Naeenie Nasim. "Les enjeux de la sauvegarde du patrimoine culturel matériel en Iran depuis 1997 jusqu'en 2015." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2114.
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La Révolution de 1979 a provoqué en Iran une vague de méfiance à l’égard des autres pays et l’hostilité envers les États-Unis a mis le pays dans une position conflictuelle avec le monde occidental. Avec l’affaire de la prise d’otages en novembre 1979, les relations entre l’Iran, les États-Unis et l’Europe ont été coupées. Tout cela n’a pas été sans conséquences sur la conservation du patrimoine culturel : si Persépolis a échappé à la destruction, en revanche le mausolée de Reza Shah a été complétement détruit par les révolutionnaires. Cependant des démarches effectuées par les spécialistes eurent pour résultat l’enregistrement pour la première fois de trois monuments historiques de l’Iran sur la liste du patrimoine mondial : Tchogha Zanbil près de Suse, Persépolis dans la province de Fars et la place de Naghsh-e-Jahan à Ispahan. Malheureusement, le déclenchement subit de la guerre avec l’Irak n’a pas laissé le temps de mettre en place les mesures de protection et pendant huit ans les sites et les monuments historiques de l’Iran ont subi quantité de dégâts.Après la guerre, jusqu’en 1997, le gouvernement de M. Rafsandjani entreprit de relever les ruines résultant de « la Guerre Imposée ». Mais l’inflation, qui pourtant ne fut à aucun moment supérieure à ce qu’elle avait été pendant « l’époque de la Construction », entraîna peu à peu la dépréciation de la monnaie et l’augmentation des inégalités sociales. Cette situation, qui empira jusqu’au gouvernement de M. Rohani, fit qu’on porta moins d’attention au patrimoine culturel. En fait, après la Révolution de 1979, les biens du patrimoine culturel de l’Iran ont été répartis en deux groupes : ceux qui pouvaient être considérés comme le patrimoine religieux, et ceux qui, antérieurs à la conquête musulmane de la Perse, n’avaient aucun rapport avec la spiritualité musulmane chiite. Les investissements pour la restauration et la protection des monuments du premier groupe n’ont été faits que pour propager le chiisme et dans le but d’influencer de plus en plus l’opinion publique, déjà sensible à la question de la religion et aux miracles des imams chiites. Cependant, bien qu’appartenant à ce groupe, certaines mosquées historiques et des caravansérails n’intéressent pas les organismes culturels du pays, du fait de leur faible rentabilité. En soi, la meilleure solution pour réaliser les plans de sauvegarde des monuments historiques serait la participation de la population, mais l’étude du lien entre la société et le gouvernement montre qu’une telle coopération dépasse largement le seul domaine culturel et prend aujourd’hui en Iran un sens politique<br>The Revolution of 1979 in Iran leaded to a wave of distrust of the other lands and to hostility towards the United States. It put the land also into a situation of confrontation with western world. The hostage-taking in November 1979 resulted in a breakup of relations between Iran, the United States and Europe. All of this has not been without effect on the heritage conversations.If Persepolis escaped the destruction, but Reza Shah’s Mausoleum was completely demolished by revolutionists. However the employment of specialists had an outcome, that for the first time three historical monuments of Iran were put on the list of UNESCO-world heritage site: Tchogha Zanbil near Susa, Persepolis in Fars-province and Naghsh-e Jahan Square (world-image) in Esfahan. Unfortunately the sudden outbreak of war with Iraq allowed no time for protection-sanction and for 8 years the historical cities and monuments of Iran have been much more damaged.After the war, the government of Akbar Rafsanjani committed to rebuild the ruins resulted by imposed war. But never higher as “period of construction”, the inflation leaded gradually to a currency debasement, also to an increase in social inequality. Got worse till 11. government, this situation made the people pay less attention to cultural heritage.After the revolution of 1979, the cultural goods of Iran were separated into two groups, on the one hand, the ones regarded as religious heritage and on the other hand, the ones built before the Muslims’ conquest with no deal with shiitic spirituality. The investment for protection of monuments in the first group aimed to dissemination of Shiism thus the public opinion, which has already been sensitive to the religion issues and the miracle of shiitic imams, should be influenced. But a few historical mosques and caravansaries belonged to this group, due to its low profitability didn’t interest the culture-organization.The best solution to ensure the preservation of historical monuments should be the involvement of population. However the investigations of the relation between society and government showed, that such a cooperation goes far beyond the cultural field and has a political meaning in society
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Pelegrini, Mauricio Aparecido 1977. "Michel Foucault e a revolução iraniana." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279681.
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Previous issue date: 2015<br>Resumo: Em 1978, Michel Foucault escreveu uma série de artigos jornalísticos para o periódico italiano "Corriere della Sera". Intituladas "reportagens de ideias", tinham como objetivo acompanhar o nascimento das ideias no cruzamento com os acontecimentos do tempo presente. No âmbito deste projeto, realizou duas viagens ao Irã (em setembro e novembro), onde acompanhou de perto a movimentação popular durante os eventos da Revolução Islâmica. Para compreender as raízes da oposição ao governo do xá Reza Pahlavi em seus diversos locais de manifestação, Foucault não se restringiu a conversar com os líderes revolucionários, mas entrevistou diferentes categorias de manifestantes, desde os trabalhadores organizados até os profissionais liberais e intelectualizados, passando pelos diversos níveis de organizações religiosas espalhadas pelo país, dos mulás líderes tribais aos aiatolás das grandes cidades de Qom e Teerã. O que lhe interessava era assistir ao nascimento de uma nova forma de pensar entre os iranianos, e isto só seria possível se ele estivesse lá, em meio ao fervilhar revolucionário. O conjunto de textos, que compreende também artigos, manifestos e entrevistas publicados na imprensa francesa, foi objeto de enorme polêmica, principalmente devido aos desdobramentos posteriores à revolução, com a instauração de uma ditadura teocrática de caráter persecutório às minorias e aos direitos humanos, e permaneceram até hoje pouco explorados teoricamente. Esta dissertação pretende analisar as reportagens iranianas de Foucault a partir de sua construção textual, dos conceitos introduzidos e das diversas interpretações que as cercam. Estrutura-se, assim, em três eixos: o primeiro tem o objetivo de recuperar a trama conceitual interna às reportagens; o segundo, analisar as críticas recebidas e seu contexto teórico; o terceiro, apresentar a espiritualidade política como principal inovação introduzida no corpus teórico foucaultiano. Pretende-se destacar, ainda, ressonâncias dos textos iranianos em outras questões elaboradas por Foucault<br>Abstract: In 1978 Michel Foucault wrote a series of news articles for the Italian newspaper "Corriere della Sera". Called "journalism of ideas", the articles had the purpose of following the birth of ideas upon its crossing with present times¿ events. Within the scope of this project, he made two trips to Iran (in September and November), where he followed up close the popular movement during the events of the Islamic Revolution. In order to grasp the roots of the opposition to the Shah Reza Pahlavi government in its several places of manifestation, Foucault did not restrain himself to talking to revolutionary leaders but rather also interviewed different categories of protestors, from organized workers to independent and intellectualized professionals, going through the several level of religious organizations spread out through the country, from mullah tribal leaders to Ayatollahs of the large cities of Qom and Tehran. Foucault was interested in witnessing the birth of a new form of thinking among Iranians and it would only be possible if he would be there present, amidst the revolutionary effervescence. The set of texts, which comprises also articles, manifestos and interviews published by the French press was object of great polemic, mainly due to the unfolding of events following the revolution, with the instauration of a theocratic dictatorship having a persecutory nature against minorities and human rights, and remaining until nowadays not much theoretically explored. This dissertation has the purpose of analyzing the Iranian reportages by Foucault from its textual construction, of concepts introduced and several interpretations surrounding them. Therefore, this paper is structured in three axis, the first having the purpose of retrieving the internal conceptual scheme of the reportages; the second being the analysis of criticism received and its theoretical context; the third being to present the political spirituality as the main innovation introduced to Foucault¿s theoretical framework. It is intended to emphasize yet the resonances of the Iranian texts in other issues elaborated by Foucault<br>Mestrado<br>Historia Cultural<br>Mestre em História
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Meenai, Tasneem. "Iran's relations with the Soviet Union since the revolution in Iran, 1979-1984." Master's thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/11200.
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The primary objective of the sub-ethesis is
to assess the development of relations between Iran and the Soviet Union since the revolution in Iran.
In early 1979, the Iranian revolution brought an Islamic government into power. The anti-US slogans of the new government and its complete withdrawal
from total dependence on the United States, along with the chaotic situation within Iran, made it vulnerable to outside interference. On the other hand, in late 1979, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan posed security problems for Iran. The new government responded cautiously and
slowly to this development. Internally, the power struggle among the Islamic fundamentalists, the Islamic moderates and the various leftist groups conditioned
the relations between Iran and the Soviet Union as they evolved over the period. A 'reasonable working relationship'
developed between the two countries despite
the ideological differences...
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Golestaneh, Seema. "The Social Life of Gnosis: Sufism in Post-Revolutionary Iran." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D89G5KDZ.
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My research examines the social and material life of gnosis for the contemporary Sufi community in post-revolutionary Iran. In contrast to literatures which confine Sufism to the literary and poetic realms, I investigate the ways in which gnosis (mystical epistemology) is re-configured as a series of techniques for navigating the realm of the everyday. In particular, I focus on the ways in which mystical knowledge (ma'arifat-e 'erfani) is utilized by the Sufis to position themselves as outside of the socio-political areana, a move that, within the context of the Islamic Republic, in and of itself possesses vast political and social repercussions. I approach gnosis in two ways: both as object of study but also as critical lens, utilizing the Sufis' own mystical epistemology to guide me in understanding and interpreting my ethnographic case studies. In my dissertation, I address the following questions: What is the role of the Sufis, a group positioned on neither side of the orthodoxy-secular divide, within post-revolutionary Iran? How does a religious group attempt to create and maintain a disavowal of the political realm in a theocracy? More broadly, what is the role of mysticism within late modernity, and how might such a question be answered anthropologically?
At the heart of my dissertation is the analysis of four ethnographic case studies. In each instance, I illustrate the way that the Sufis' own concept of mystical knowledge may be used to interpret topics as varied as the relationship between commemorative (dhikr) rituals and national identity to the negotiation of state interference to the practice of youth-organized poetry readings to the spatial organization of meeting places. I trace the affective and sensory dimensions of gnosis as it influences the mystics' understanding of the body, memory, place, language, and their socio-theological position within Iranian modernity more broadly. By analyzing the question of the "apolitical," my dissertation intervenes into the presumed distinction between the aesthetico-epistemological and the political divide, tracking a group that favors not direct resistance or outright evasion, but a more elusive engagement. My dissertation may be utilized by those interested in questions of knowledge production, aesthetics and affect, and alternatives to the religious-secular divide.
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Manghebati, Gelareh. "Almost Iranians: the forgotten people of Iranian Balochistan. Exploring armed ethnic conflict and terrorism in Iranian Balochistan after the 1979 Islamic Revolution." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/30755.
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The Iranian region of Balochistan is located in southeastern Iran and the majority of its population are Balochs who have a distinct ethnoreligious and cultural identity. The Balochs are Sunni Muslims and have been systematically marginalized in a predominantly Shia country since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. In 2003, organized violence commenced in the region as the Iranian central government retaliated against Baloch paramilitary forces with even more violence. As a result, a cycle of direct and structural violence continues to affect the region to this very day. This thesis is a qualitative study that explores scholars and other experts’ perceptions and images of some of the causes behind the eruption and escalation of both physical and structural violence in Balochistan. It also examines how these experts perceive the construction of “the other” by the Iranian government who is contributing to this unending cycle of destructive conflict.<br>October 2015
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Bolourchi, Neda. "Contending Visions of Iran: Battle for the Sacred Nation-State, 1941-1983." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8TM7GVB.
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Iranians who were marginalized by Ruhollah Khomeini’s Islamicization of the 1979 Iranian Revolution nevertheless fought for Iran in the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). This has been ignored in popular discourse and academic scholarship. But leaving out the historical willingness of people from across the political and religious spectrums to die in the “Sacred Defense” has left us misunderstanding Iranian nationalism. In this dissertation, I argue that the willingness of “secular” Iranians to sacrifice for Iran results from internal conflicts over the sacred Iran, and the concomitant sacrifices, that occurred in the four preceding decades. I demonstrate that during this period religion and sacrificial rhetoric and imagery were intrinsic to groups across the political spectrum and not just to the political right (e.g., Khomeini), as existing research has it. Civil society engaged in a transformative discourse about Iran not just as a country or homeland (vatan) but as the sacred (moqadas) necessitating sacrifice (feda kardan). The deployment of writings, speeches, and images of Iran as sacred at the time of the Allied Forces Invasion in 1941 became politically ubiquitous by 1953. The battle between the Shah and the Liberal-Left being waged at this time was an ideological and physical contestation of each’s vision for their distinct, future, sacred Iran. By re-contextualizing both sides as utopian ideologues, I change the historical narrative to show an entrenched, continuous confrontation in the subsequent decades before the Iran-Iraq War over divergent, idealized notions of the nation-state. This period of “sacrificial creationism,” as I describe it, over contending visions of the sacred produced “the nation” and identified its people as “nationals” beyond the conceptualization of social and political elites who advanced an official state nationalism. This sacrificial creationism generated the charged sentiment and popular participation that united Iranians against the Iraqi invasion, a unity that crossed political and religious affiliations to include Christians, Zoroastrians, and the Fedayeen-e Khalq. Now, just like other nation-states, Iran became the higher, meaning-making entity—the sacred—that transcends individual interests.
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Toulany, Ghasem. "Eine Einführung in die Geschichte der Presse im Iran." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B39D-0.
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Zukerstein, Jaroslav. "Vytváření zvláštních vztahů: Írán v zahraniční politice Spojených států, 1953-1979." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-324996.
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In the years following World War II, Iran became one of the closest allies of United States of America in the Middle East. The era of friendship was replaced by hostilities and mutual mistrust after the 1979 Iranian revolution. In order to understand the current situation the analysis of American foreign policy towards Iran during the reign of Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi has been done. The author of the thesis The Making of a Special Relationship: Iran in the Foreign Policy of the United States, 1953 - 1979 questions what kind of policy the United States adopted towards Iran that inevitably led to such dramatic end? What kind of rule Washington pursued towards Tehran that Revolution arose with anti-American spirit? The research has been performed in a constructivist framework. American foreign policy with its specific values, norms, beliefs, culture and language towards other states creates, according to constructivist scholars, three different types of rule: hegemony, hierarchy and heteronomy. The analysis of U.S. foreign policy and declassified primary documents showed that U.S.-Iranian relations operated in heteronomic structures. United States created rules that determined Iran to be dependent on it. The country under Shah's rule became more developed and powerful, but not independent. Thanks to...