Academic literature on the topic 'Revolutionary slogans'

This chapter investigates the relationship between monologue and dialogue in Cuban revolutionary discourse. It proposes to attend to the “mono-logic”—the semiotic and ideological forces designed to compel alignments toward unity, coherence, and continuity, that are, asymptotically, never quite reached. Cuba’s political leaders have for decades insisted that citizens undergo a continual process of conscientization in which inner selves and outer displays jointly cultivate commitment to revolutionary principles. There are two semiotic calibrations of such discourse: (1) the charismatic, in which

This contribution examines the political violence of urban crowds in 1789. It endorses previous contributions that emphasize the importance of subsistence issues for urban consumers and the hopes the calling of the Estates-General stimulated for a drastic transformation. It argues, however, that popular consciousness should not be envisaged as moving from a less to a more sophisticated level. Instead, new slogans, aspirations, and heroes were grafted onto older sentiments like revenge for insults, assaults on hate figures, and the like. The crowd also enacted justice through the carnival of mo

This chapter investigates the historical context of citizen marketing, tracing a lineage that extends to the beginnings of political iconography. However, as symbols of monarchic and despotic allegiance give way to the promotional spectacle of modern Western democratic elections, symbolic artifacts of political sentiment such as banners and sashes begin to offer new entry points for citizen participation. Whereas part of the story of citizen marketing emerges from the tradition of formalized political assemblies and protest demonstrations, another key influence is the more vernacular tradition

AbstractThis chapter explores the possibilities offered by the ethnographic study of institutions when addressing the question of social change, taking Egyptian universities during the revolution and its aftermath as case study. Discussing how different actors address the issue of change, the chapter cautions against adopting explanatory schemes too easily, particularly when building narratives. Instead, it suggests looking at institutional constraints to see how contradictory and overlapping notions of change are created, enforced, and contested across competing networks of power, both during an uprising and in times of political repression. Furthermore, it shows how changes in an institution can reveal hints of transformation processes in the broader society. This chapter offers an alternative reading of the revolutionary changes that transformed the country in and after 2011. Focusing on two major perspectives on the change in Egypt’s higher education sector the article discusses some of the complexities of accounting for change through an institutional lens. The first, coming from those more actively involved in the 2011 revolution, is one of struggle, emancipatory will, and depression and silence as a consequence of the 2013 backlash. The second perspective stems from state-sponsored programs promoting higher education as a globally competitive object, subject to reform and geared toward innovation and quality. As a consequence of these different perspectives the university has become the site of a major battle between forces competing for power within society, demonstrating how such metanarratives of change shape the temporalities according to which university actors consider their action. By combining participatory observation, interviews, and the study of documents stating internal university regulations and reform programs, the author shows the importance of universities as privileged sites for the implementation of change, uncovering balances of power, beyond slogans and discourses.

This chapter highlights the proclamation of Indonesian independence in August 1945. It details the emergence of a process of revolutionary mobilization, with armed groups surfacing in villages, towns, and cities across Java, Sumatra, and elsewhere to proclaim independence, to assert new forms of authority and, in some areas, to carry out local social revolutions of their own. The chapter then examines the impacts of the surge of revolutionary mobilization unfolding across Java and Sumatra with such strong support from Communist and Islamic networks, and such demonstrations of solidarity from beyond the archipelago. In the face of the external constraints and internal challenges, this chapter outlines how Republik Indonesia moved quickly to establish recognizable institutions of republican, representative government through which to absorb and appropriate for itself the popular energies and aspirations embodied in the slogan kedaulatan rakyat (popular sovereignty). Ultimately, the chapter illustrates the Indonesian Revolusi's immediate outcome and the successful subordination of communism and Islam to the republicanism of Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta's Republik Indonesia.

This chapter assesses the most important period in the revolution, namely the last three months of 2011. By that time the revolutionary forces—those that stayed mobilized or that remobilized periodically throughout the year—had articulated a series of demands that went far beyond the ubiquitous but vague “bread, freedom, and social justice” slogan. They included the cleansing of institutions from Mubarakist elements, greater autonomy and political freedom within universities and al-Azhar, independent labor unions, the cessation of military trials for civilians, unambiguous civilian rule, and redress for those killed or injured by the security forces. None of this had anything to do with an institutionally nurtured “democratic transition” that occupied the attention of political scientists; none of it was acknowledged by institutions or powerful public figures, who never deviated from the line that the revolution was incoherent, and merely the product of a few feckless youths. Hence, chants at demonstrations of “down with military rule” were heard by March, but it was a series of massacres and street battles beginning in October and lasting until early February of 2012 that brought anti-SCAF (Supreme Council for the Armed Forces) sentiment much more openly into the mainstream than anyone could have dreamed, given the deeply institutionalized reverence for the military in Egyptian public culture. At that point, the military had little choice but to push ahead with elections that it knew would result in a transfer of power to the Muslim Brotherhood.