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Books on the topic 'Rhetoric of protest'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Browne, Stephen H., and Charles E. Morris. Readings on the rhetoric of social protest. State College, Pennsylvania: Strata Publishing, Inc., 2013.

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2

Rhetoric and American democracy: Black protest through Vietnam dissent. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1985.

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3

Lahusen, Christian. The rhetoric of moral protest: Publiccampaigns, celebrity endorsement, and political mobilization. Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1996.

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4

Lahusen, Christian. The rhetoric of moral protest: Public campaigns, celebrity endorsement, and political mobilization. Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1996.

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5

American rhetoric and the Vietnam War. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1993.

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6

1943-, Jensen Richard J., and Gutiérrez José Angel, eds. A war of words: Chicano protest in the 1960s and 1970s. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1985.

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7

Presidents and protesters: Political rhetoric in the 1960s. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992.

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8

Windt, Theodore. Presidents and protesters: Political rhetoric in the 1960s. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1990.

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9

Poets beyond the barricade: Rhetoric, citizenship, and dissent after 1960. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2012.

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10

Vernacular insurrections: Race, black protest, and the new century in composition-literacies studies. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2013.

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11

Lucas, Brad. Radicals, rhetoric, and the war: The University of Nevada in the wake of Kent State. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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12

Goodin, George. The poetics of protest: Literary form and political implication in the victim-of-society novel. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1985.

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13

Complaint: From minor moans to principled protests. London: Profile, 2008.

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14

Asking for rhetoric: The Hebrew Bible's protean interrogative. Boston ; Leiden: Brill, 2004.

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15

Craig, Kenneth M. Asking for rhetoric: The Hebrew Bible's protean interrogative. Boston: Brill, 2005.

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16

Kevin, Mahoney, ed. Democracies to come: Rhetorical action, neoliberalism, and communities of resistance. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008.

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17

When hens crow: The woman's rights movement in antebellum America. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995.

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18

Origins of the African American jeremiad: The rhetorical strategies of social protest and activism, 1760-1861. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland & Co., 2011.

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19

Washecka, John. Write to win, or, Persuasive writing avoids tax court. Austin, Tex: J. Washecka, 1993.

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20

1969-, Morris Charles E., and Browne Stephen H, eds. Readings on the rhetoric of social protest. State College, Pa: Strata Pub., 2001.

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21

1969-, Morris Charles E., and Browne Stephen H, eds. Readings on the rhetoric of social protest. 2nd ed. State College, Penn: Strata Pub., 2006.

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22

III, Charles E. Morris, and Stephen Howard Browne. Readings on the Rhetoric of Social Protest, 2nd Edition. 2nd ed. Strata Publishing, 2006.

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23

Lahusen, Christian. Rhetoric of Moral Protest: Public Campaigns, Celebrity Endorsement and Political Mobilization. De Gruyter, Inc., 1996.

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24

Tibet on Fire: Buddhism, Protest, and the Rhetoric of Self-Immolation. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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25

O'Rourke, Sean Patrick, and Lesli K. Pace. On Fire: Five Civil Rights Sit-Ins and the Rhetoric of Protest. University of South Carolina Press, 2021.

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26

Posters for peace: Visual rhetoric & civic action. The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015.

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27

Volkov, S. V. d.i.n., ed. 1918 god na Ukraine. Moskva: T͡S︡entrpoligraf, 2001.

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28

1918&god na Ukraine. Moskva: T︠s︡entrpoligraf, 2001.

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29

Tiedemann, Markus, and Lea Eisleb. Recht Auf Widerstand: Theorie und Praxis Einer Idee. Kohlhammer, W., GmbH, 2018.

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30

Unruly Rhetorics: Protest, Persuasion, and Publics. University of Pittsburgh Press, 2018.

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31

Hoover, Jesse A. The Apocalypse that Never Was. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825517.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 focuses on the ways in which Donatist appeals to the apocalyptic have been understood by those outside the dissident communion. Four patterns in particular are discussed. In the militant rhetoric of its early opponents, Donatist eschatological claims were dismissed as evidence of “madness.” By the nineteenth century, Donatists were no longer seen as madmen, but their apparent preoccupation with the end of the world caused many to brand them as anachronistic in an age of Christian emperors. Later reassessments would attempt to link apocalyptic rhetoric with socioeconomic protest against Roman oppression or attempt to downplay apocalyptic motifs altogether.
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32

Hehir, Aidan. Responsibility to Protect: Rhetoric, Reality and the Future of Humanitarian Intervention. Palgrave Macmillan Limited, 2012.

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33

The Responsibility to Protect: Rhetoric, Reality and the Future of Humanitarian Intervention. Red Globe Press, 2012.

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34

Murray, Robert W., and Tom Keating. Responsibility to Protect, Polarity, and Society. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812852.003.0010.

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Robert Keating and Tom Murray argue that the implementation of R2P has failed despite the rhetorical consensus around R2P over the last decade. They suggest that the behaviour of the US and its NATO allies are partly to blame. These powers ignored the UN Security Council over Kosovo, which other world powers such as the BRICs took as an affront and a challenge. Normative defiance to the liberal world order was the reaction: Russia in particular became less willing to support humanitarian intervention than it had been throughout the 1990s. Similarly, in Libya, NATO refused to conform to the limitations on the intervention imposed by UNSC Resolution 1973. This weakened confidence in the Security Council’s ability to manage interventions, further undermining support for such operations generally. Thus the manner in which Western powers have sought to implement R2P has alienated the emerging powers on whose support successful R2P implementation depends.
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35

Dobos, Ned. On the Uses and ‘Abuses’ of Responsibility to Protect. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812852.003.0007.

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Critics of the R2P doctrine routinely warn of its abuse potential, but often leave underdescribed what this abuse consists of, and how it differs from the proper, legitimate use of R2P. This chapter seeks to remedy this descriptive neglect. The author distinguishes three kinds of foreign intervention that might, for different reasons, be considered abuses or misappropriations of the R2P norm. The first is where the language of R2P is used to publicly justify an intervention that in fact has little to do with protecting vulnerable populations. These are cases in which humanitarian rhetoric is used as window-dressing for economic or political self-aggrandizement. The second kind of R2P abuse involves its unilateral implementation. Third, the R2P norm is arguably abused when it is over-extended, as where it is invoked to justify the forcible democratization of undemocratic states, rather than being limited to the prevention of grave human rights violations.
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36

Hoffert, Sylvia D. When Hens Crow: The Womanâs Rights Movement in Antebellum America. Indiana University Press, 2002.

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37

Craig, Kenneth M. Jr. Asking For Rhetoric: The Hebrew Bible's Protean Interrogative (Biblical Interpretation Series) (Biblical Interpretation Series). Brill Academic Publishers, 2005.

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38

Schlapbach, Karin. The Mimesis of Dance between Eloquence and Visual Art. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807728.003.0003.

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This chapter shows that pantomime undermines the ostensible dichotomy of art and text by engaging in visual narration. It examines the perception of dance as a superior form of rhetoric, arguing that Lucian’s On Dancing cleverly deploys traditional ideals of rhetorical versatility (Proteus and the octopus) to show that the dancer embodies them more perfectly than the orator, because his skill is physical. The dancer’s body language is situated in the context of ancient theories of gesture and physiognomy as well as in the discourse on works of art (ekphrasis), from which the motif of silent speech and the use of notions such as ēthos and pathos are adopted. Finally, the chapter examines the possible role of Hellenistic sculptural groups emphasizing motion and narrative developments in preparing the path for pantomime’s empire-wide success.
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39

Demshuk, Andrew. Demolition on Karl Marx Square. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190645120.001.0001.

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Communist East Germany’s demolition of Leipzig’s intact medieval University Church in May 1968 was an act widely decried as “cultural barbarism”. Although overshadowed by the crackdown on Prague Spring mere weeks later, the willful destruction of this historic landmark on a central site called Karl Marx Square represents an essential turning point in relations between the Communist authorities and the “people” they claimed to serve. As the largest case of East German protest between the 1953 Uprising and 1989 Revolution, this intimate local trauma exhibits how the inner workings of a “dictatorial” system operated more broadly and exposes the often gray and overlapping lines between State and citizenry. Through deep analysis of untapped periodicals and archives, it introduces a broad cast of characters who helped make the demolition possible and restores the voices of ordinary citizens who dared in the name of culture, humanism, and civic pride to protest what they saw as an inconceivable tragedy. In this city that later started the 1989 Revolution triggering the fall of the Berlin Wall, residents from every social background desperately hoped to convince their leaders to step back from the brink. But as the dust cleared in 1968, they saw with all finality that their voices meant nothing, that the DDR was a sham democracy awash with utopian rhetoric that had no connection with their everyday lives. If Communism died in Prague in 1968, it had already died in Leipzig just weeks before, with repercussions that still haunt today’s politics of memory.
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40

Haywood, D'Weston. Let Us Make Men. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469643397.001.0001.

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This book conducts a close, gendered reading of the modern black press to reinterpret it as a crucial tool of black men’s leadership, public voice, public image, gender and identity formation, and a space for the construction of ideas of proper masculinity that shaped the long twentieth-century black freedom struggle to promote a fight for racial justice and black manhood. Moving from the turn of the twentieth century to the rise of black radicalism, the book argues that black people’s ideas, rhetoric, and strategies for protest and racial advancement grew out of a quest for manhood led by black newspapers. Drawing on discourse theory and studies of public spheres to examine the Chicago Defender, Crisis, Negro World, Crusader, and Muhammad Speaks and their publishers during the Great Migration, New Negro era, Great Depression, civil rights movement, and urban renewal, this study engages the black press at the complex intersections of gender, ideology, race, class, identity, urbanization, the public sphere, and black institutional life. Departing from typical histories of black newspapers and black protest that examine the long roots of black political organizing, this book makes a crucial intervention by advancing how black people’s conceptions of rights and justice, and their activism in the name of both, were deeply rooted in ideas of redeeming Black men, prioritizing their plight on the agenda for racial advancement. Yet, the black press produced a highly influential discourse on black manhood that was both empowering and problematic for the long black freedom struggle.
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41

Majumder, Sarasij. People's Car. Fordham University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823282425.001.0001.

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People's Car explores one of the major movements for resisting the acquisition of land by the government in the interests of siting a Tata Motors car factory in Singur, India. The factory becomes the alibi for nuanced interrogations that are both material and theoretical on resistance, changing rural realities in globalizing India and the very nature and idea of land. It asks why such long drawn resistances against corporate industrialization coexist with political rhetoric and slogans promoting fast paced industrialization. It argues that such contradictory rhetoric and promises target divided sentiments in rural India where land is more than a simple agricultural plot to middle caste small and marginal landowners aspiring nonfarm futures. People's Car breaks new ground by ethnographically establishing the incommensurability between land and money. Such incommensurability or non-equivalence, the book shows, simultaneously drives protests against land acquisition and fuels the demands for non-farm jobs and industrialization, the crux of rural middle-caste aspirational politics. It questions the dominant trend of romanticizing rural life and associated anti-development protests that uses the clichéd dichotomous tropes—rural Bharat vs. urban India.
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42

Butler, Judith. Dispossession: The Performative in the Political. Polity, 2013.

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43

Harvey-Kattou, Liz. Contested Identities in Costa Rica. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620054.001.0001.

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Costa Rica is a country known internationally for its eco-credentials, dazzling coastlines, and reputation as one of the happiest and most peaceful nations on earth. Beneath this façade, however, lies an exclusionary rhetoric of nationalism bound up in the concept of the tico, as many Costa Ricans refer to themselves. Beginning by considering the very idea of national identity and what this constitutes, this book explores the nature of the idealised tico identity, demonstrating the ways in which it has assumed a white supremacist, Central Valley-centric, patriarchal, heteronormative stance based on colonial ideals. Chapters two and three then go on to consider the literature and films produced that stand in opposition to this normative image of who or what is tico and their creation as vehicles of soft power which aim to question social norms. This book explores protest literature from the 1970s by Quince Duncan, Carmen Naranjo, and Alfonso Chase who narrate their experiences from the margins of society by virtue of their identity as Afro-Costa Rican, feminist, and homosexual authors. Cinema from the twenty-first century is then analysed to demonstrate the nuanced and intersectional position chosen by national directors Esteban Ramírez, Paz Fábrega, Jurgen Ureña, and Patricia Velásquez to challenge the dominant nation-image as they reinscribe youth culture, Afro-Costa Rica, a female consciousness, and trans identity into the fabric of the nation.
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44

Hehir, Aidan. ‘Words Lying on the Table’? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812852.003.0009.

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This chapter laments that the Responsibility to Protect has become nothing more than ‘a largely ineffective empty signifier’: it may have found its way into state discourse, but it has not meaningfully influenced state behaviour. This is the result of R2P having been ‘co-opted’ over time: parties hostile to the norm have publicly endorsed it, but worked to redirect and manipulate its evolution so that the norm has come to serve their interests and values. Hehir argues that the BRICS countries, and especially Russia, have succeeded in almost entirely expunging Pillar III; the part of the R2P doctrine that calls on the international community to intervene and protect human rights where sovereign states cannot or will not. Without Pillar III, however, we are left with a rendering of R2P that makes no provisions for its actual enforcement. All we have is another high-sounding rhetorical device.
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45

Smith, Tony. Liberal Internationalism from George W. Bush to Barack Obama. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0013.

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This chapter examines the United States' liberal democratic internationalism from George W. Bush to Barack Obama. It first considers the Bush administration's self-ordained mission to win the “global war on terrorism” by reconstructing the Middle East and Afghanistan before discussing the two time-honored notions of Wilsonianism espoused by Democrats to make sure that the United States remained the leader in world affairs: multilateralism and nation-building. It then explores the liberal agenda under Obama, whose first months in office seemed to herald a break with neoliberalism, and his apparent disinterest in the rhetoric of democratic peace theory, along with his discourse on the subject of an American “responsibility to protect” through the promotion of democracy abroad. The chapter also analyzes the Obama administration's economic globalization and concludes by comparing the liberal internationalism of Bush and Obama.
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46

Bronstein, Michaela. Character and Identity. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190655396.003.0003.

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What is the appeal and use of a charismatic character? Henry James’s attempt to preserve an ideal of vivid character associated with older genres like romance becomes part of James Baldwin’s set of rhetorical tools for demanding recognition of gay and black humanity. James shows the contagion of personality among characters not to reject a Victorian style of defined characterization, but as material for his protagonists’ decisive acts of self-definition. When Baldwin rejects the protest novel for failing to recognize the agency of individuals in resisting the roles society casts them in, it is through a Jamesian ideal of identity constructed out of, but not trapped within, one’s social context. The charismatically individual character provides a template for resisting the influence of social convention.
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47

Stanley, Matthew E. “The War Fattens on the Blood of Western Men”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040733.003.0004.

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This chapter argues that Union soldiers from the Lower Middle West fought primarily to preserve the Union, rather than primarily for black liberation. Yet despite the refusal of many Lower Middle Western volunteers to embrace or even accept liberal war aims, conservative Unionism in the region proved flexible throughout 1863 and 1864 just as it was eroding in Kentucky. Inasmuch as many Union soldiers pushed emancipation, abundant dissenters, especially in the Lower Middle West, used both rhetorical and active means to pull the revolution backward and rein in its perceived radicalism. Countless “pullers”—conservatives who often had roots in the slaveholding South—never accepted the war’s liberalizing measures, and revealed their discontent by a spectrum of means, from personal protest to mass desertion.
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48

Gordon, Gregory S. International Human Rights and Domestic Law. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190612689.003.0003.

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In light of the compelling empirical connection between hate speech and atrocity, what laws, if any, criminalize the dissemination of such rhetoric? Chapter 2 begins to answer that question by examining international human rights instruments and domestic laws covering speech and violence. It notes there is an inbuilt clash in the principal human rights documents between free expression and freedom from invidious discrimination. Most of the world’s liberal democracies protect dignity against discrimination. The United States does not. The world’s most speech-protective jurisdiction, its Constitution’s First Amendment stipulates that the government may “make no law … abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press.” As the United States plays a prominent role in developing the criminalization of atrocity speech on the global stage, and as its Supreme Court has often held forth on issues of speech liberty, its domestic jurisprudence is a particular focus of this chapter.
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49

Harden Fritz, Janie M. Communication Ethics and Virtue. Edited by Nancy E. Snow. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199385195.013.21.

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Virtue approaches to communication ethics have experienced a resurgence over the last decades. Tied to rhetoric since the time of Aristotle, virtue ethics offers scholars in the broad field of communication an approach to ethics based on character and human flourishing as an alternative to deontology. In each major branch of communication scholarship, the turn to virtue ethics has followed a distinctive trajectory in response to concerns about the adequacy of theoretical foundations for academic and applied work in communication ethics. Recent approaches to journalism and media ethics integrate moral psychology and virtue ethics to focus on moral exemplars, drawing on the work of Philippa Foot and Rosalind Hursthouse, or explore journalism as a MacIntyrean tradition of practice. Recent work in human communication ethics draws on MacIntyre’s approach to narrative, situating communication ethics within virtue structures that protect and promote particular goods in a moment of narrative and virtue contention.
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50

St John, Taylor. Conversion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198789918.003.0008.

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This chapter analyzes the purposes that American officials ascribe to investor–state arbitration in their investment treaties, using internal documents from all pre-NAFTA American investment treaty negotiations. Officials drafting the initial US model treaty in the late 1970s saw ISDS as a narrow tool to protect investment, but a decade later, it was reimagined as a way to lock in domestic liberalization reforms in former Soviet or Latin American states. Similarly, the American investment treaty program was not intended to facilitate outward investments, but rhetoric has changed: in the early 1990s, additional investment was implied to treaty partners, before and after these years officials noted that treaties and ISDS do not necessarily lead to additional investment. Finally, while access to arbitration became a pillar of American policy, at first investor access to ICSID caused the State Department frustration and endangered US strategic interests.
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