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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Rhetoric of protest'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Lehman, Alaina. "From Protest to Prayer: Bound4Life, A New Trend in Pro-Life Rhetoric." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1337286821.

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2

O'Byrne, Megan Sue. "When the President Talks to God: A Rhetorical Criticism of Anti-Bush Protest Music." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1225216520.

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3

Wright, Devon A. "Conservative Right-Wing Protest Rhetoric in the Cold War Era of Segregationist Mobilization." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3457.

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In the early Cold War decades, the Citizens’ Councils of America (CCA) became the flagship conservative right-wing social movement organization (SMO). As part of its organizational activities, it engaged in a highly sophisticated propaganda effort to mobilize pro-segregationist opinion, merging traditional racist arguments with modern Cold War geopolitics to characterize civil rights activism and federal civil rights reforms as an effort to bring about a tyrannical, Soviet-inspired, dictatorship. Through a content discourse analysis, this research aims to contribute to understanding what factors determine how SMO’s deploy propaganda rhetoric. The main hypothesis is that geopolitical factors, defined here as specific geographic contexts in which sociopolitical issues are situated and from which propaganda rhetoric is deployed, are influential determinants. Since SMO rhetoric reflects its larger ideological orientation, SMO ideology is also influenced by geopolitical factors. For comparative analysis, propaganda literature from the Ku Klux Klan, as well as elite segregationist rhetoric from the same period is included. Relying on frame theory all rhetoric is quantitatively analyzed centering on the question of what factors drive SMO frame messaging. To contribute to frame theory a concept is proposed called frame constellation, which is a web of SMO frame rhetoric and symbolism that functions as an overlapping, intersecting and interrelated system of ideas which revolve around a central intellectual logic for collective action.

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4

Nordin, Olov. "Protestretorik : En studie av kroppen som ett retoriskt medel under demonstrationen i Båstad 1968." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-217160.

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5

Crowder, Craig Alan. "IDENTITY, SPECTACLE, AND EMBODIMENT IN SOCIAL PROTEST." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/english_etds/94.

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This dissertation examines the way rhetorical performances of identity function within a social movement. Examining the University of Kentucky chapter of a campus activist organization, United Students Against Sweatshops, I argue that embodied performances of identity often leverage spectacle in disruptive ways and work not only to solidify activists’ identities as part of a social movement but ultimately help to create solidarity within the movement, thereby working toward movement objectives. Historically under-examined in social movement literature in the rhetoric and composition tradition, identity performance examples are taken from an oral history project and archival materials to show how identity is constructed and reinforced in ways that make it an important tool with which to achieve social movement goals.

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6

Warford, Elisa Leigh. "Americans in the Golden State the rhetoric of identity in four California social protest novels /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3429.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: English Language and Literature. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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7

O'Byrne, Megan. "When the President talks to God a rhetorical criticism of anti-Bush protest music /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1225216520.

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8

Crosby, Aubrey M. A. "News Media Representation of The Dakota Access Pipeline Protest (A Study Using Systemic Functional Linguistics)." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1594292005011941.

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9

Maraj, Louis Maurice. "Black or Right: Anti/Racist Rhetorical Ecologies at an Historically White Institution." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1524145658002913.

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10

Pride, Aaron N. "Religious Ideology in Racial Protest, 1901-1934: The Origin of African American Neo-Abolitionist Christianity in the Religious Thought of William Monroe Trotter and in the Public Rhetoric of the Boston Guardian in the struggle for Civil Rights." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1543232668594518.

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11

Bruce, Kathleen. "Burning protests, the rhetoric of agitation and control of the journey of harmony tour." Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/740.

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This study is a rhetorical analysis of the protests that occurred along the international leg of the 2008 Beijing Olympic torch relay. This study aimed to identify the rhetorical strategies employed by the agitators that were demonstrated along the torch relay. There were two agitative groups: The movement and the counter-movement. The movement began at the start of the torch relay and the counter-movement began demonstrating one week later. There were a number of protest groups in the movement including human rights activists, media rights activists, and environmentalists. However, there was only one distinct group in the counter-movement, pro-China supporters. The movement agitated the Chinese government and their nation's government. To establish the rhetorical strategies and tactics utilized by the two agitative groups and the control groups, this study analyzed the artifact through the model of the rhetoric of agitation and control created by Bowers, Ochs, and Jensen (1993) and symbolic interaction. This study . found that the Chinese government (the control) created the counter-movement to suppress and provide a counter-persuasion to the movement. To achieve this rhetorical strategy the control fully co-opted the rhetorical strategies of the movement. This study also, found that the governments to which the agitators belonged to completely denied the demands of the agitators in order to maintain healthy relations with China.

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12

Bischof, Daniel. "Does protest matter? : parties' rhetorical reactions to protesters' claims in comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/37413.

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In my PhD thesis I disentangle the rhetorical reactions of political parties to public opinion and protest. Previous research on political responsiveness of parties pre-eminently views the relation between public opinion polls and party agendas as the key feature of responsiveness (Miller and Stokes 1963; Soroka and Wlezien 2010; Stimson, Mackuen, and Erikson 1995; Burstein 1998; Adams et al. 2006; Ezrow 2010). Yet, taking to the street has become an ever more important toolbox to articulate popular grievances. Social movements have emerged throughout Western advanced democracies and transformed the political landscape in Europe. Also new political parties emerged from these social movements – such as Green parties and the New Left (Kitschelt 1994; Kriesi et al. 1992). It is, therefore, surprising that the link between political parties and protest has largely remained a lacuna in social movement studies and the literature on party competition. My thesis is a first attempt to address this gap. I argue that besides public opinion polls, political protest will affect party position taking. I hypothesise that growing protest leads to polarisation of party systems. While all parties will increase their attention to the issue at stake during protest in an effort to secure votes and/or office, they respond differently to protest contingent on how their ideology relates to protesters’ demands. Furthermore, the success of protest depends on its support by the public at large. I test my theoretical framework using a new and unique data-set containing party positions on nuclear energy – revealed in interviews, press statements and press conferences – of 67 parties across 12 Western Democracies. I run time-series-cross-sectional models to test my theoretical arguments. Traditionally susceptible to responding to anti-nuclear protest, parties of the left understand increased protest as a window of opportunity to influence policy debate in their favour, while right-wing parties perceive protest as a threat to their ideological position on the usage of nuclear energy. Furthermore, I aim to understand in my last empirical chapter whether protest also affects parties’ issue emphasis in manifestos. To this end, I use the Comparative Manifesto Project data and protest data on 18 democracies across 15 years to estimate how parties adapted their issue emphasis to postmaterialist issues. While I again find a significant influence of protest on parties’ issue emphasis, the polarisation hypothesis does not find support in my last chapter. Finally, the instrumental variable models used in this last chapter suggest that the causal direction runs from protest to parties’ position.

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13

Ben, Ayed Maya. "Le cinéma d'animation en Tunisie : genèse et évolution (1965-1995)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0047.

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Ce travail cherche à comprendre comment le cinéma d’animation en Tunisie, une pratique artistique « en marge », à la fois dans son monde de l’Art et dans la société dans laquelle elle est produite, puisse s’ériger en tant que vecteur de contestation dans un contexte autoritaire. Il s’agit de tracer l’histoire méconnue de cet art depuis sa genèse et sur toute la période étudiée (1965-1995). Une histoire qui se confond avec celle des changements sociopolitiques du pays sous les deux régimes autoritaires postindépendance. Nous entendons dégager la ou les forme(s) de contestation en interrogeant, d’une part le matériau filmique etd’autre part les sources orales, mémoires vivantes de cet art. Nous confrontons deux discours celui du régime (du centre) et celui de l’art (la périphérie) afin de révéler le mécanisme de formulation du propos contestataire dans le cinéma d’animation tunisien
This work seeks to understand how animation in Tunisia – an artistic activity on the fringes, both in the art world and in the society in which it is produced - became a vehicle for political protest within an authoritarian context. It recounts the hitherto untold history of this art form together with the socio-political changes under the two post-independence authoritarian regimes. We intend to reveal the form(s) of protest by examining, on the one hand, the cinematic material and, on the other, live testimonials, first-hand memories of the art form. We confront two different types of rhetoric, that of the regime (core values) and the art of animation(marginal culture) to reveal the mechanisms used to formulate the protest statements in Tunisian animation

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14

"The African American Apocalyptic as Prophetic Social Protest." Doctoral diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.40363.

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abstract: This study provides a rhetorical analysis of how Black nationalist protest rhetors have employed apocalyptic discourse in order to call into question the ideological underpinnings of the hegemonic white American nation building project and to imagine new alternatives to replace them. Previous studies by Howard-Pitney (2005), Harrell (2011), and Murphy (2009) have explored how African American abolitionist and civil rights jeremiahs such as Frederick Douglass and Martin Luther King, Jr. have employed appeals to American civil religion in order to mobilize their audiences to seek liberal reforms to racial injustices by appealing to established values and institutions. While apocalyptic rhetoric also constructs its audience as a chosen people, it tends to take a much more skeptical stance toward the established social order. African American apocalypticists such as David Walker, Malcolm X, and the Black Panther Party rejected the notion of American chosenness that underpins much Black and white American jeremiadic speech, and employed a Burkean perspective by incongruity in order to draw attention to the inaccuracy of white supremacist and American exceptionalist representations of the social world. The end result of this history is the nation's imminent destruction, which has been envisioned as a divine intervention in the case of traditional sacred apocalyptics, such as David Walker or the early Malcolm X, or as a revolutionary uprising of the oppressed, as in the secular apocalyptics of the later Malcolm X and the Black Panther Party. African American apocalyptic rhetoric is prophetic in that it invokes a vision of the national past, present, and future defined by a set of values that are at odds with those of the established social order. African American apocalypticism invites its audience to disidentify themselves from hegemonic white American formulations of Black and white identities and to identify themselves instead with radical alternatives. To the extent that an audience is persuaded by apocalyptic narratives of the American nation, new possibilities for action become available to their consciousness, typically involving either withdrawal from a corrupt society or militant resistance involving measures more radical than the nonviolent direct action and moral suasion advocated by liberal African American jeremiahs.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation English 2016

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15

Boes, Cynthia D. "Other-directed protest : a study of Galen Fisher's anti-internment rhetoric /." 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/12364.

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16

Battaglia, Adria. "The rhetoric of : regulating dissent since 9/11." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-05-877.

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Since the conspicuously broad and vague definition of terrorism in the USA PATRIOT Act, signed into legislation on October 26, 2001 to increase governmental power in domestic security procedures, legal doctrine and normative practices of free speech have become sites of struggle over the meaning of both terrorism and freedom of expression. In 2005, twelve cartoonists drew the Prophet Muhammad for the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten. The subsequent reprints and republications led to boycotts, protests, and riots in over 27 countries culminating in at least 139 deaths. Now known as the Danish cartoons controversy, news and entertainment sources alike narrate a story about protecting a fundamental characteristic of American identity—free speech—in the face of a terrorist threat. In American universities, David Horowitz’s proposed legislation, the Academic Bill of Rights, targets Left academics, who, according to Horowitz, “influence, in a negative way, America’s war on terror.” In August 2008, protesters at the Republican National Convention were formally charged with conspiracy to riot in furtherance of terrorism. In this dissertation, I explore how the rhetoric of free speech is a naturalizing and legitimating ideology employed to organize people around particular interests and mobilize them toward particular political ends. My research is guided by the question: How has the ideological terrain of the First Amendment—specifically, the right to free speech—changed since September 11, 2001, and why? I argue that rhetoricians should approach the traditional free speech narrative as part of an instrumental political act, as opposed to a universal principle. Cast as a discursive tool in a hegemonic struggle, the traditional free speech narrative offers the potential to open up spaces of protest and infuse ordinary citizens with political agency. Using the method of ideology critique, I develop and test these arguments through three case studies of free speech since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001: the Danish cartoons controversy, David Horowitz’s Academic Freedom Campaign, and protests during the 2008 Republican National Convention.
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