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Journal articles on the topic 'Rhetoric of protest'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Goodman, Mark, Stephen Brandon, and Melody Fisher. "1968: Music as Rhetoric in Social Movements." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 9, no. 2 (November 29, 2017): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v9.v2.p4.

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<p>In 1968 social movements sparked rhetorical discourses which occurred in many nations and on hundreds of colleges and in communities across the United States. These rhetorical discourses ultimately changed the direction of human events. Sometimes these points of ideological protests shared views on specific issues, especially demonstrations against the Vietnam War, but each conflict was also its own local conflict. There is no evidence that any specific group organized the protests, or that speakers motivated demonstrations, or that the rhetoric of one protest caused other protests. Yet, the protests were not just spontaneous fires that happened to occur in the same year. So, how is it that so many protesters shared the desire for change and shared rhetoric, but each protest was sparked by local issues? Answering that question provides insight into how the rhetoric of social movements occurred in 1968. </p><p> Many scholars call for the study of the social movements of the 1960s. Jensen (1996) argues, “The events of the 1960s dramatically increased the interest in studying social movements and forced rhetorical scholars to reconsider their methods for studying public discourse” (p. 28). To Lucas (2006), “Words became weapons in the cultural conflict that divided America” (x). Schippa (2001) wrote, “Many accounts identify the 1960s as a turning point. For better or for worse, there was a confluence of changing rhetorical practices, expanding rhetorical theories, and opportunities for rhetorical criticism. The cultural clashes of the 1960s were felt perhaps most acutely on college campuses. The sufficiency of deliberative argument and public address can be said to have been called into question, whether one was an antiwar activist who hated LBJ's war in Vietnam or a pro-establishment stalwart trying to make sense of the rhetoric of protest and demonstration. Years later, scholars would characterize war itself as rhetorical. What counted as rhetorical practice was up for grabs”(p. 261).</p> First, this paper will frame the protest movement of 1968. Then, we will search for the common factors that shaped the protests of 1968, focusing on the role of music. This analysis will provide insight into how music became a rhetorical force in a significant social movement of the 20th Century.

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2

Blackstone, Lee, and Christian Lahusen. "The Rhetoric of Moral Protest." Contemporary Sociology 26, no. 5 (September 1997): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2655634.

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Williams, Mary Rose. "A Reconceptualization of Protest Rhetoric: Women's Quilts as Rhetorical Forms." Women's Studies in Communication 17, no. 2 (October 1994): 20–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07491409.1994.11089781.

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Cavaiani, Anthony C. "Rhetoric, Materiality, and the Disruption of Meaning: The Stadium as a Place of Protest." Communication & Sport 8, no. 4-5 (January 21, 2020): 473–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479519900161.

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Recently, athlete protests about social injustice have garnered much attention from fans and the media. An element frequently overlooked is the role of place in sports protests. Stadiums are iconic markers of identity for communities and play a significant role in the media’s representation of sports games. Informed by Endres and Senda-Cook’s research about place-in-protest, I argue how the Botham Jean and O’Shae Terry protests outside AT&T Stadium in Dallas functioned as place-as-rhetoric to build on the intended purpose of the stadium while temporarily reconstructing its meaning. This material enactment is achieved by the stadium serving as a performative space that authorizes new meaning onto the stadium and surrounding space while heralding it as a champion marker of social justice. I position my analysis within a framework that understands how sports stadiums deploy material rhetoric in ways that produce embodied rhetoric and ephemeral rhetoric that legitimize the Jean and Terry protests as social justice protests. I argue that the stadium functions as place-in-rhetoric to capitalize on its mobilization of fandom in order to amplify social justice messages to a wider audience.

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5

Jorgensen‐Earp, Cheryl R. "“Toys of desperation” suicide as protest rhetoric." Southern Speech Communication Journal 53, no. 1 (December 1987): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10417948709372714.

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Endres, Danielle, and Samantha Senda-Cook. "Location Matters: The Rhetoric of Place in Protest." Quarterly Journal of Speech 97, no. 3 (August 2011): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2011.585167.

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7

Andrews, James Robertson. "Readings on the Rhetoric of Social Protest (review)." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 5, no. 2 (2002): 379–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rap.2002.0024.

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8

Stewart, Charles J. "The ego function of protest songs: An application of Gregg's theory of protest rhetoric." Communication Studies 42, no. 3 (September 1991): 240–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10510979109368340.

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9

Irwin, Jacqueline. "Peace Signs: A Generic Analysis of Visual Protest Rhetoric." International Journal of the Image 8, no. 1 (2017): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2154-8560/cgp/v08i01/81-91.

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Bivens, Kristin Marie, and Kirsti Cole. "The Grotesque Protest in Social Media as Embodied, Political Rhetoric." Journal of Communication Inquiry 42, no. 1 (October 9, 2017): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859917735650.

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The grotesque protest—emboldened through social media—employs the body’s fluids to push back against attempts to legislate bodies. Although social media use is commonly understood as engaging audience members who share ideological frames, it can instead diversify protest networks and encourage discourse. Social media provides individuals opportunities to resist attempts to control bodies and to reinsert individuals’ voices in political discourse aimed to exclude those bodies. The body functions as the modality in which the communicative act occurs, and the body’s fluids function as the medium for inventing disruptive, grotesque protest strategies. Activists such as Rupi Kaur, The Satanic Temple’s Jex Blackmore, and those using Twitter hashtags #periodsforPence and #PEEOTUS use bodily fluids and tissues to emphasize resistance to political movements attempting to control and legislate bodies. The protest campaigns show that the grotesque can be an effective tool for opening space, transgressing boundaries, demanding attention, and equalizing differential political power relations.

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11

Culp, Andrew, and Kevin Kuswa. "Signs of protest rhetoric: FromLogosto logistics in Luther'sNinety-Five Theses." Quarterly Journal of Speech 102, no. 2 (March 2, 2016): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2016.1154595.

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Terrill, Robert. "Protest, Prophecy, and Prudence in the Rhetoric of Malcolm X." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 4, no. 1 (2001): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rap.2001.0016.

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13

Cook, Deborah. "The Rhetoric of Protest: Adorno on the Liberal Democratic Tradition." Rethinking Marxism 9, no. 1 (March 1996): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935699608685476.

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14

Hogan, J. Michael, and L. Glen Williams. "Defining “the enemy” in revolutionary America: From the rhetoric of protest to the rhetoric of war." Southern Communication Journal 61, no. 4 (November 1996): 277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10417949609373024.

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15

Saharov, Juhan. "Combining Laclauian Discourse Analysis and Framing Theory Václav Havel’s ‘Hegemonic Rhetoric’ in Charter 77." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 28, no. 2 (June 2021): 186–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2021-2-186.

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The literature on the resistance and protest movements of Czechoslovakian dissidents and intellectuals during the communist period is abundant, but little attention has been devoted to close rhetorical analysis of the texts by the leaders of these movements. In conducting a case study of the rhetoric of the Czechoslovakian social movement Charter 77 during its early period of activity (1977–1978) as embodied in the early political essays of its leader Václav Havel and in the declaration of the movement, this article highlights the need to combine two theories in studying the rhetoric of social movement leaders: Laclauian discourse analysis and social movement framing theory. The article claims that, in order better to explain the choice of rhetoric of social movements, the two theories can be used in a single framework as an empirical method for analyzing social movements’ strategies. The study shows how combining Laclauian discourse analysis with framing theory expands social movement analysis; in combination, this framework explains the inception, emergence and choice of strategy of the Charter 77 movement.

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McCue-Enser, Margret. "Ada Deer and the Menominee restoration: rethinking Native American protest rhetoric." Argumentation and Advocacy 53, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00028533.2016.1272899.

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17

Schapiro, Joshua. "Tibet on Fire: Buddhism, Protest, and the Rhetoric of Self-Immolation." Material Religion 12, no. 4 (September 20, 2016): 516–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17432200.2016.1227648.

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18

Lake, Randall A. "Between myth and history: Enacting time in Native American protest rhetoric." Quarterly Journal of Speech 77, no. 2 (May 1991): 123–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335639109383949.

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Capper, Daniel. "Tibet on Fire: Buddhism, Protest, and the Rhetoric of Self-Immolation." Journal of Contemporary Religion 33, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537903.2017.1408319.

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20

Summers, Stephen J. "Sassoon’s Wartime Ethics: Satire, Sarcasm, and the Rhetoric of Poetic Protest." Rhetoric Review 35, no. 4 (September 6, 2016): 308–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07350198.2016.1214999.

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21

Shukri, Syaza. "Changing Strategy by Turkey’s AKP: The Learning Curve Theory." Millennial Asia 10, no. 2 (June 18, 2019): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976399619853709.

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Since 2014, Turkey has been moving towards a heightened sense of nationalism and populism especially after Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the first popularly elected President of Turkey in 2017. His nationalist rhetoric went up compared to when he became Prime Minister over a decade ago when the country was touted as a model of liberalism among Muslim countries. Rather than putting a damper on the party, government, or Erdogan himself, his conservative rhetoric has helped consolidate the government’s power, showcasing the shift in strategy by the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) during uncertain times. This article borrows from behavioural psychology the concept of the learning curve theory or the S-curve theory to examine this shift in AKP strategy. It is argued that after reaching a political peak with the Gezi Park protest in the summer of 2013, Erdogan is employing a different rhetorical approach—a populist one—to gain more political traction.

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McCune, Jeffrey Q. "The Night Poetry as Usual Was Killed." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 7, no. 4 (2018): 192–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2018.7.4.192.

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This essay represents the Closing Remarks for the Opening Session of the 2017 National Communication Association annual convention. It attempts to make usable the profound thoughts and rhetoric experienced in a session of performative pleasure and protest.

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23

Palmer-Mehta, Valerie. "Aung San Suu Kyi and the Rhetoric of Social Protest in Burma." Women's Studies in Communication 32, no. 2 (July 2009): 151–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07491409.2009.10162385.

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24

Davenport, Christian, and Marci Eads. "Cued to Coerce or Coercing Cues? An Exploration of Dissident Rhetoric and its Relationship to Political Repression." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 2 (September 1, 2001): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.2.4671141747x2k660.

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This article explores whether and how state repression is influenced by a social movement organization's rhetoric; and, conversely, if dissident rhetoric is responsive to authorities' repressive efforts. These relationships are examined with data generated from several newspapers within the Bay area, across 253 weeks from 1969 to 1973, concerning rhetoric of the Black Panther Party (BPP) as well as police and court repression directed against the Panther organization. The results of the statistical analysis are mixed. Several aspects of BPP rhetoric increase both police and court-ordered repression, albeit at different magnitudes and lags. Moreover, results disclose that only police repression influences the discussion of particular topics in the Panther newspaper—the same topics that induce protest policing (again, across different lags). The analysis complements existing research on the conflict-repression nexus, but it also forces us to consider state-dissident interactions in a more comprehensive manner.

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25

Field-Rothschild, Katherine. "The rhetorical emergency kit: Engaging ethically with end the silence and protest rhetoric on a campus in crisis." Journal of Curriculum and Pedagogy 16, no. 1 (September 5, 2018): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15505170.2018.1494064.

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26

Schields, Chelsea. "“This is the Soul of Aruba Speaking”." New West Indian Guide 90, no. 3-4 (2016): 195–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-09003002.

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In 1951, at the onset of major decolonization initiatives in the Netherlands Antilles, thousands of residents on Aruba successfully joined in protest to defeat Campo Alegre, a proposed brothel near the Aruban oil-refining city of San Nicolas. This article considers the protest movement within the context of Antillean decolonization and argues that debates over sexual politics played an important role in popularizing an Aruban identity separate from neighboring Curaçao—then seat of the government of the Netherlands Antilles and site of the first Campo Alegre brothel. Through analysis of Aruban archival sources, this article examines how the protest movement exploited decolonization policy while also drawing on the rhetoric of leading local political parties who claimed racial and cultural superiority to Curaçao.

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27

Danchev, Alex. "How Strong are Shared Values in the Transatlantic Relationship?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 7, no. 3 (August 2005): 429–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2005.00190.x.

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Transatlantic relations are underpinned by common values. So prime ministers and presidents proclaim. This essay argues that they protest too much. It contends that a fog of rhetoric and generalisation obscures the fundamental fact that the ‘Atlantic community’ has dissipated; and that, surveying the terrain of transatlantic values, there is no prospect of its reconstitution.

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Field, Laura K. "The Philosopher Doth Protest Too Much: Rousseauian Enlightenment and the Rhetoric of Despair." Review of Politics 75, no. 2 (2013): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000041.

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AbstractThe most striking feature of Rousseau's self-presentation in the Confessions is his pathos-filled anticipation of future adversity. Never quite arriving at the depths of despair he foresees, however, Rousseau instead offers the reader glimpses of a surprisingly robust happiness. In this article I present a new political reading of the Confessions that is attentive both to the rhetorical surface of the work and to its charming subplot. Guided by Rousseau's humorous understanding of truth telling, I argue that the Confessions is shaped by a complex literary ruse that colors much of what Rousseau has to say about frankness, happiness, and his own idiosyncrasy. Far from being undone by his shadow-dappled imaginings, Rousseau's conscious dissimulations reflect his concerns about the public value of enlightenment and his commitment to authorial responsibility.

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Rúdólfsdóttir, Annadís G., and Ásta Jóhannsdóttir. "Fuck patriarchy! An analysis of digital mainstream media discussion of the #freethenipple activities in Iceland in March 2015." Feminism & Psychology 28, no. 1 (February 2018): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959353517715876.

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This article contributes to recent research on young women’s emerging feminist movements or feminist counter-publics in the digital age. The focus is on the #freethenipple protests in Iceland in 2015 organised by young women and the ensuing debates in mainstream digital news media and popular ezines. A feminist, post-structuralist perspective is adopted to analyse the discursive context in which the debates and discussions about the protest are embedded, but we are also informed by recent theories about role of affect in triggering and sustaining political movements. The data corpus consists of 60 texts from the digital public domain published during and after the protests. The young women’s political movement is construed as a revolution centring on reclaiming the body from the oppressive structures of patriarchy which, through shame and pornification, have taken their bodies and their ability to choose, in a post-feminist context, from them. Public representations of the protest are mostly supportive and many older feminists are affectively pulled by the young women’s rhetoric about how patriarchy has blighted their lives. We argue that the young women manage to claim space as agents of change but highlight the importance of the support or affective sustenance they received from older feminists.

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Engler, Sarah. "Centrist anti-establishment parties and their protest voters: more than a superficial romance?" European Political Science Review 12, no. 3 (April 6, 2020): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773920000132.

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AbstractNew centrist anti-establishment parties (CAPs) are successful competitors in Central and Eastern Europe. Due to their emphasis on anti-establishment rhetoric and a moderate ideological platform, their breakthrough is usually explained by voters’ dissatisfaction with existing parties. However, little is known about the ideological component of their support. Expectations on the impact of ideology on vote choice in the protest voting literature range from ‘pure protest voting’, which denies any impact of ideology, to a more moderate approach, which combines protest and ideological considerations. Using survey data, I confirm that CAPs attract voters with lower levels of political trust, but ideology also matters. The degree of ideological sorting, however, varies. While some CAPs mainly attract voters from one side of the political spectrum, others attract voters from the left to the right more equally. The differences in the initial composition of their electorates have implications for the parties’ future.

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Pearcy, Mark, and Jeremiah Clabough. "Demagogues and the “Guardrails of Democracy”." Social Studies Research and Practice 13, no. 3 (November 19, 2018): 345–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-05-2018-0022.

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Purpose Contemporary American politics has been characterized by excessive, vitriolic rhetoric since the 2016 presidential victory of Donald Trump. However, Donald Trump’s brand of politics is nothing new. He is the inheritor and latest proponent for a brand of American politics that utilizes demagogic rhetoric. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of demagoguery along with the traits of demagogic rhetoric. Two activities for the high school classroom are given that look at the demagogic rhetoric employed by Joseph McCarthy and George Wallace, two of the most infamous political demagogues of the twentieth century. Design/methodology/approach With the first activity, McCarthy’s “Enemies from Within Speech” is analyzed by breaking down the speech with Gustainis’ seven traits of demagoguery (1990). Similarly in the second activity, George Wallace’s inaugural address is examined with Gustainis’ seven traits of demagoguery, and then, the authors provide a series of activities that students can do to protest the demagogic rhetoric in Wallace’s inaugural address. Finally, an appendix is provided with additional speeches from American demagogues that social studies teachers can use to teach about elements of demagoguery. Findings In this paper, the authors provide an overview of demagoguery along with the traits of demagogic rhetoric. Two activities for the high school classroom are given that look at the demagogic rhetoric employed by Joseph McCarthy and George Wallace, two of the most infamous political demagogues of the twentieth century. Originality/value Contemporary American politics has been characterized by excessive, vitriolic rhetoric since the 2016 presidential victory of Donald Trump. However, Donald Trump’s brand of politics is nothing new. He is the inheritor and latest proponent for a brand of American politics that utilizes demagogic rhetoric. In this paper, the authors provide an overview of demagoguery along with the traits of demagogic rhetoric. Students need to be able to critically examine demagogic rhetoric to hold elected officials accountable for their words, actions and policies.

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Keaney, Michael. "Book Review: The Rhetoric of Moral Protest: Public Campaigns, Celebrity Endorsement and Political Mobilization." Cultural Dynamics 11, no. 3 (November 1999): 374–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092137409901100305.

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Birks, Jen. "The politics of protest in newspaper campaigns: Dissent, populism and the rhetoric of authenticity." British Politics 6, no. 2 (June 2011): 128–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/bp.2011.5.

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KUZNETSOVA, A. V. "RADICAL LEFT PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS IN GREECE." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 5 (2020): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2020-15-5-167-181.

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The purpose of this article is to trace the development and interaction of protest movements and radical left parties in Greece in 2008-2019. The beginning of the 21st century was marked by an outburst of social protest actions in a number of Western European countries, on the background of which left-wing radical parties strengthened and achieved certain electoral successes. The Greek SYRIZA became a vivid example of such a successful development, confirming the relevance of the study of left-wing radical movements and parties. The research methodology is based on the analysis of the transformation of SYRIZA's political rhetoric from the moment of its inception and after coming to power. Research results: firstly, the global financial crisis paved the way for SYRIZA's success in forming the first parliamentary coalition, in which the radical left party was the senior partner. Secondly, SYRIZA was successful through its productive collaboration with social movements, adapting its programming to meet the needs identified by protesters. Thirdly, despite its left-wing radical rhetoric, especially at the early stage of its existence, SYRIZA was able to adapt to the existing political system. Such a transformation of SYRIZA after coming to power demonstrates its desire not to destroy, but to rebuild the political system.

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Kiklewicz, Aleksander, and Helena Pociechina. "Language creativity of the protest discourses in Belarus after the 2020 presidential election." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 1 (September 24, 2021): 269–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6476.

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The subject of the article is the use of language and linguistic aspects of social behavior within the protest discourses that took place after the results of the presidential elections in Belarus were falsified in August 2020. The author considers the concept of protest discourse, referring to scientific literature and comparing its interpretation by various researchers. The analysis of around 500 posters, chosen from the corpus of a first month of Belarusian numerous and various protesting activities, is focused on both rhetoric and language means of protesting communicative actions, namely on lexical nomination and code switching, wordplay and structural modifications, neologisms, paronomasia, irony, graphic operations and others, which, in the format of peaceful demonstrations (on behand of the demonstrators) actualizes the features of carnivalization and the acratic type of discourse.

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Browne, William P. "Challenging Industrialization: The Rekindling of Agrarian Protest in a Modern Agriculture, 1977–1987." Studies in American Political Development 7, no. 1 (1993): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000675.

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This analysis explores why a farmers-led social movement mobilized against federal government policy in the late twentieth century. It also explores where that revolt may lead and whether it was different from previous farm protests. Was it, as populist rhetoric of the 1980s charged, a reflection of structural changes in farmers' own agricultural production systems? Or was it simply a case of farmers wanting more federal income support? The distinction is important because the answer determines producer commitment to the central agricultural development premises of U.S. public policy. Farmers always have promoted the agrarian value of hardworking independence. Yet they also have been caught, especially since midcentury, in a cycle of farm industrialization. Technical innovation and federal agricultural policy have combined to make industrialization unavoidable for individual farm operators who want to remain as full-time, commercial growers. Has there been a link between the dissenting politics of farm protest and industrialized agricultural change? This linkage is the subject of concern in the following pages. Why industrialization might well have caused policy dissent is examined first.

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Griggs, Steven, and David Howarth. "A transformative political campaign? The new rhetoric of protest against airport expansion in the UK." Journal of Political Ideologies 9, no. 2 (June 2004): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569310410001691208.

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Kalkamanova, Assem. "Social media as the platform for political mobilization: case study of Kazakhstan." Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 338 (July 16, 2020): 431–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.338.34.

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This paper focuses on the role of social media in the rise of the protest movements and political mobilization in Kazakhstan. The country has been seeing an increase in the social networks based civil activists since recently. I argue that the emergence of the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan that operates only within the realm of social media platforms promoted political activism and civil protests in the country. Most importantly, I argue that in contrast to the conclusions of the Kazakhstani court’s decision in March 2018, the movement leader’s Facebook blog reveals no violence either towards the government or some specific political elite. Using text mining methods, I analyzed the texts of his Facebook posts from the announcement date in 2017 till the end of 2019: the rhetoric of the position of the Democratic Choice is informational, first, and protest calling, second. Also, the analysis of seven most popular political Youtube bloggers shows that the people’s discontent with injustices and undemocratic polity manifested in the poignant interest towards the creator of this system, Mr. Nazarbayev and his closest circle. The SMM software allowed to find out the areas of Kazakhstani politics that are of most interest to the audience of Kazakhstani political activists.

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Petrovic-Trifunovic, Tamara. "Articulation of resistance in the discourse of the 1996/97 Serbian protests: Political struggle through culture and symbolic geography." Sociologija 59, no. 4 (2017): 476–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1704476p.

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The present article analyzes the discursive articulation of resistance to the regime of Slobodan Milosevic during the civil and student protests in Serbia in the winter of 1996/97. By applying critical discourse analysis to the opposition press of the time, we find that the rhetoric during the protests centered around the notions of civilization and culture. In variations of orientalism, balkanism and ?urbocentric exclusivism,? the ?Us? and ?Them? identifications were constructed through mutually interlaced semantic pairs: civilization - backwardness, culture - primitivism, Europe - Balkans/Orient, urbanity - rurality and democracy - communism. By drawing on existing research on the role of symbolic geography and cultural distinctions in the creation of social cleavages in the post-Yugoslav societies, our analysis presents how cultural traits and affiliations, ?urbanity? and individual characteristics, such as intelligence, critical ability and sense of humor, were used for the framing of protests, but also as means of political struggle in the protests. A detailed reconstruction of discursive strategies of reporting on the protests allows for a contemporary assessment of the limits of protest politics articulated in this way, and its comparison with a recent wave of mobilization of citizens of Serbia in 2016 and 2017.

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SÁNCHEZ, JAIME. "Revisiting McGovern-Fraser: Party Nationalization and the Rhetoric of Reform." Journal of Policy History 32, no. 1 (January 2020): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000253.

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Abstract:The Democratic Party faced a crisis of political legitimacy in the late 1960s as distrust and protest permeated its electoral base. In response, the Democratic National Committee established the Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection, tasked with restructuring the party’s presidential nomination process. Contrary to the conventional historical narrative of the McGovern-Fraser Commission that has focused on a supposed displacement of the party’s old guard by radical insurgents, this article instead argues that the main impetus for reform came from national party leaders seeking to build up the legitimacy and authority of the National Committee. Commission Chair George McGovern and the DNC used a particular reform rhetoric that charged state parties with the corruption of the political process, necessitating rescue by an empowered national party. This focus on the nationalizing impulses behind McGovern-Fraser serves to shift our attention away from ideological struggles and toward institutional motives.

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Bonastia, Christopher. "WHITE JUSTIFICATIONS FOR SCHOOL CLOSINGS IN PRINCE EDWARD COUNTY, VIRGINIA, 1959–1964." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 2 (2009): 309–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x09990178.

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AbstractFrom 1959 to 1964, Prince Edward County, Virginia, dodged a court desegregation order by refusing to operate public schools. Though the county played an integral role in the national battle over civil rights, scholars and journalists have largely neglected Prince Edward's role in the national drama of race. In 1951, Black high school students went on strike to protest unequal school facilities. This strike led to an NAACP lawsuit that became one of five decided inBrown v. Board of Education. When faced with a final desegregation deadline in 1959, the county put itself in a unique position by becoming the only school district in the U.S. to close its public schools for an extended period of time rather than accept any desegregation. Most White students attended a private, segregated academy; over three-quarters of Black Prince Edward students lost some or all of those years of education. White county leaders believed they were creating a blueprint for defying desegregation in the rural South and perhaps, they hoped, throughout much of the United States. Using archival materials, interviews and secondary accounts, I explain how White county leaders made a public case for the school closings. These leaders' rhetorical strategy was a crucial early draft in the depiction of segregation as a natural state free of racial rancor. The segregationist rhetoric emanating from Prince Edward County was grounded primarily in arguments for privatization, local self-determination, and taxpayers' rights. Such arguments would come to dominate conservative rhetoric nationwide.

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Daubs, Michael S., and Jeffrey Wimmer. "Forgetting History: Mediated Reflections on Occupy Wall Street." Media and Communication 5, no. 3 (September 22, 2017): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i3.979.

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This study examines how Occupy Wall Street (OWS) protestors’ practices and stated understanding of media act on social perceptions of networked media. It stems from a discursive content analysis of online commentary from OWS protestors and supporters, using different sources from the first Adbusters blog in July 2011 until May 2012. We demonstrate how the belief in the myth of an egalitarian Internet was incorporated into the offline structure of OWS and led OWS participants to adopt rhetoric that distances the movement from past protest actions by stating the movement was “like the Internet”.

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Houck, Davis W. "“Who’s the Nigger Now?”: Rhetoric and Identity in James Baldwin’s Revolution from Within." James Baldwin Review 3, no. 1 (October 4, 2017): 110–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jbr.3.7.

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Despite the proliferation of interest in James Baldwin across popular culture and the academy, few, if any, critical studies of his public oratory have been conducted. This is unfortunate and ironic—unfortunate because Baldwin was a marvelous orator, and ironic in that his preferred solution to what ailed whites and blacks as the Civil Rights movement unfolded was thoroughly rhetorical. That is, Baldwin’s racial rhetorical revolution involved a re-valuing of the historical evidence used to keep blacks enslaved both mentally and physically across countless generations. Moreover, for Baldwin the act of naming functions to chain both whites and blacks to a version of American history psychologically damaging to both. Three speeches that Baldwin delivered in 1963 amid the crucible of civil rights protest illustrate these claims.

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Hooghe, Marc, and Ruth Dassonneville. "Explaining the Trump Vote: The Effect of Racist Resentment and Anti-Immigrant Sentiments." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 03 (April 12, 2018): 528–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000367.

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ABSTRACTThe campaign leading to the 2016 US presidential election included a number of unconventional forms of campaign rhetoric. In earlier analyses, it was claimed that the Trump victory could be seen as a form of protest voting. This article analyzes the determinants of voters’ choices to investigate the validity of this claim. Based on a sample of the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey, our analyses suggest that a Trump vote cannot be explained by a lack of trust in politics or low levels of satisfaction with democracy, as would be assumed given the extant literature on protest voting. However, indicators of racist resentment and anti-immigrant sentiments proved to be important determinants of a Trump vote—even when controlling for more traditional vote-choice determinants. Despite ongoing discussion about the empirical validity of racist resentment and anti-immigrant sentiments, both concepts proved to be roughly equally powerful in explaining a Trump vote.

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KRUTIKOV, Anton. "Concepts of Belarusian History. II. "Russian World", "Litvinism", "Belarusian Civilization"." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 4-2020/1-2021 (2021): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2021-1-66-79.

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At the turn of the 1990s, Belarus received a unique chance to revive Western-Russianism as a new national idea based on the centuries-old cultural affinity of the three fraternal Slavic peoples. However, rapid changes in the historical policy of the Belarusian leadership resulted in the diffusion of nationalist concepts of the past into historical science and official rhetoric. President Lukashenko's theses about the "Belarusian civilization" were quickly reflected in “official” Belarusian historiography. The symbols of the modern Belarusian protest movement - T. Kostiushko and K. Kalinowsky were introduced into the public consciousness not by external forces, but by Belarusian textbooks.

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Paliewicz, Nicholas S. "Making Sense of the People’s Climate March: Towards an Aesthetic Approach to the Rhetoric of Social Protest." Western Journal of Communication 83, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10570314.2018.1446548.

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Bruttomesso, Elisa. "Making sense of the square: Facing the touristification of public space through playful protest in Barcelona." Tourist Studies 18, no. 4 (May 29, 2018): 467–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468797618775219.

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Drawing from assemblage thinking, this article explores the complexity of urban tourism conflicts. The case study of a playful urban intervention in Barcelona exhibits the connections that link place-based activism, local identity construction and sense of place in relation to the tourism development. The productive case study, called Fem Plaça (Let’s make the square), highlights the more proactive rather than merely reactive role of inhabitants. Moreover, it allows for a better understanding of protest as a series of relational, processual practices of empowerment, overcoming the efficiency rhetoric that values a process only for its final success. Finally, this study strives to expand the tourist analysis to the performance and performativity of the local people’s disaffection in urban contexts to ensure a broader comprehensiveness in the tourist academic field.

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Kurtović, Larisa, and Azra Hromadžić. "Cannibal states, empty bellies: Protest, history and political imagination in post-Dayton Bosnia." Critique of Anthropology 37, no. 3 (July 28, 2017): 262–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x17719988.

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In February 2014, Bosnia-Herzegovina witnessed its largest and most dramatic wave of civic protests since the end of the 1992–1995 war and the signing of Dayton Peace Accords. Confrontations with the police and the destruction of dozens of government buildings subsequently gave way to the formation of plenums – town hall assemblies – where protesters collectively articulated their grievances against the country's corrupt and deeply unpopular political authorities. The plenums emphasized Bosnia's pressing problems of widespread unemployment, rising poverty and corruption, and in so doing sidelined the ossified nationalist rhetoric and identity politics. This article analyzes the main representations of protests, and the sociopolitical and economic pressures that helped usher in this massive public uprising. We demonstrate how protesters sought to break out of the impasses of post-Dayton ethnic politics by actively recuperating and representing alternative visions of participatory politics and popular sovereignty associated with socialist-era imaginaries and embodied in the plenum. We argue that these efforts signal the emergence of a new kind of prefigurative politics that provide alternative practices of political organization, decision-making, and sociability in Bosnia and beyond.

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Yakovenko, Iryna. "Women’s voices of protest: Sonia Sanchez and Nikki Giovanni’s poetry." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Fìlologìâ 13, no. 23 (2020): 130–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3055-2020-13-23-130-139.

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The paper explores contemporary African American women’s protest poetry in the light of the liberation movements of the mid-20th century – Black Power, Black Arts Movement, Second Wave Feminism. The research focuses on political, social, cultural and aesthetic aspects of the Black women’s resistance poetry, its spirited dialogue with the feminist struggle, and undertakes its critical interpretation using the methodological tools of Cultural Studies. The poetics and style of protest poetry by Sonia Sanchez and Nikki Giovanni, whose literary works have received little scholarly attention literary studies in Ukraine, are analyzed. Protest poetry is defined as politically and socially engaged verse which is oppositional, contestatory and resistant in its subject matter, as well as in the form of (re)presentation. Focusing on political and societal issues, such as slavery, racism, segregation, gender inequality, African American protest poetry is characterized by discourse of resistance and confrontation, disruption of standard English grammar, as well as conventional spelling and syntax. It is argued that militant poems of Sonia Sanchez are marked by the imitations of black speech rhythms and musical patterns of jazz and blues. Similarly, Nikki Giovanni relies on the oral tradition of African American people while creating poetry which was oriented towards performance. The linguistic content of Sanchez and Giovanni’s verses is lowercase lettering for notions associated with “white america”, obscenities targeted at societal racist practices, and erratic capitalization, nonstandard spacing, onomatopoeic syllables, use of vernacular as markers of Black culture. The works of African American women writers, which are under analysis in the essay, constitute creative poetic responses to traumatic history of African American people. Protest poetry of Sonia Sanchez and Nikki Giovanni explicitly express the rhetoric of Black nationalism and comply with the aesthetic principles of the Black Arts movement. They are perceived as consciousness-raising texts by their creators and the audiences they are addressed to. It is argued that although protest and resistance poetry is time- and context-bound, it can transcend the boundaries of historical contexts and act as timeless texts.

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Clarke, Alan. "Moral Reform and the Anti-Abortion Movement." Sociological Review 35, no. 1 (February 1987): 123–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1987.tb00006.x.

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Throughout the 1970s protest against abortion was organised by two main pressure groups, the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child and the LIFE organisation. This paper considers the rhetoric employed by the anti-abortion movement during this period by focusing on the campaign literature, the evidence submitted to various committees of inquiry and public statements made by leading anti-abortionists. The findings from a study of a small sample of anti-abortion protestors are also reported. A self-administered questionnaire was completed by sixty-four members of two local branches of the two national pressure groups and semi-structured interviews were conducted with local campaign activists. In the subsequent analysis the anti-abortion movement is depicted as adopting a position of cultural fundamentalism in the face of changing social mores and moral values. Protest against abortion is placed within the wider framework of moral reform. In studying the movement and its supporters use is made of the analytical distinction between assimilative and coercive reform (Gusfield, 1963).

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