Journal articles: 'Rhetoric – Political aspects – Israel'

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Dahamshe, Amer. "Palestinian Arabic versus Israeli Hebrew Place-Names: Comparative Cultural Reading of Landscape Nomenclature and Israeli Renaming Strategies." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 1 (May 2021): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0258.

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This article compares Palestinian (Arabic) and Israeli (Hebrew) names of natural features in Palestine/Israel. Based on postcolonial reading and critical toponymy, I argue that despite the dominance of the Jewish nationalist narrative the nomenclature includes ‘intermediate categories’ that attest to subversive linguistic practices, bottom-up communication aspects, and sociocultural realities. These aspects are analysed through five main categories: unification; uniqueness; male rhetoric replacing female identity; sanitization; and linguistic imitation. The article adds to the literature largely focused on the political aspect of the Jewish settlement names that replaced Palestinian names in that it shows how Zionist naming of natural features included the cultural perspectives of the Palestinian names in order to appropriate them for internal Jewish cultural needs.

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Matar, Dina. "The Power of Conviction: Nassrallah's Rhetoric and Mediated Charisma in the Context of the 2006 July War." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 1, no. 2 (2008): 122–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398608x335793.

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AbstractThis paper addresses two inter-related aspects of Hizbullah's political communication strategies: the mediated charisma of its Secretary-General Sayyed Hassan Nassrallah and his religious-political discourse. It focuses on two of his political speeches that framed the July 2006 war with Israel, widely seen as a Hizbullah victory that enhanced its popularity among Arab and Muslim populations within and outside of Lebanon. The paper starts with an overview of the group's transformation from an Islamist resistance movement into a powerful political party in Lebanon and outlines Nassrallah's rise in power and authority. It then assesses Nassrallah's mediated charisma and political-religious discourse and highlights the ways in which both draw on historical and cultural repertoires to produce a hyper-populist narrative that appeals to the intended audience—Lebanese nationals—in a particular historical moment. These cultural repertoires, what Foucault calls ‘episteme’, provide meaning and legitimacy to discourses and worldviews. The paper concludes that Nassrallah's mediated charisma and his political-religious discourse provide compelling forms of rhetorical political communication that can be effective in specific contexts.

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Lahat, Lihi, and Yekoutiel Sabah. "Adaptive Regulation." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350302.

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The provision of personal social services in Israel has recently changed, with many services now outsourced to non-governmental organizations. This shift requires the strengthening of regulatory mechanisms, yet the unique characteristics of personal social services make it difficult to create an efficient regulatory framework. By linking insights derived from the literature on regulation to the specific features of these services, this article presents a conceptual model for their regulation. The model incorporates aspects of innovation in the public sector, including a more comprehensive learning and collaborative process and a new rhetorical language. The proposed regulatory approach consists of three stages: mapping, the design of regulatory instruments, and implementation and evaluation. Applied to the Israeli experience here, this approach may also be relevant for other countries.

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Lahat, Lihi, and Yekoutiel Sabah. "Adaptive Regulation." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350302.

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The provision of personal social services in Israel has recently changed, with many services now outsourced to non-governmental organizations. This shift requires the strengthening of regulatory mechanisms, yet the unique characteristics of personal social services make it difficult to create an efficient regulatory framework. By linking insights derived from the literature on regulation to the specific features of these services, this article presents a conceptual model for their regulation. The model incorporates aspects of innovation in the public sector, including a more comprehensive learning and collaborative process and a new rhetorical language. The proposed regulatory approach consists of three stages: mapping, the design of regulatory instruments, and implementation and evaluation. Applied to the Israeli experience here, this approach may also be relevant for other countries.

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Kumaraswamy, P. R. "Israel and Pakistan: Public Rhetoric versus Political Pragmatism." Israel Affairs 12, no. 1 (January 2006): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120500381943.

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Zhiltsov, Sergey, Igor Zonn, and Nicolai Orlovsky. "ISRAEL IN THE SOUTHERN CAUCASUS: POLITICAL ASPECTS." Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, no. 2 (June 22, 2020): 041–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.2.04.

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Freedman, Michael. "Fighting from the Pulpit: Religious Leaders and Violent Conflict in Israel." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 10 (March 13, 2019): 2262–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719832346.

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Religious leaders greatly influence their constituents’ political behavior. Yet, it is unclear what events trigger nationalist attitudes among religious leaders and why this effect occurs more among some religious leaders rather than others. In this article, I examine the content of Israeli Rabbinic rhetoric during different military and political conflicts. Drawing on an original collection of Sabbath pamphlets distributed to Synagogues, I demonstrate that religious rhetoric is highly responsive to levels of violence for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. I find that religious rhetoric and tone are more nationalist during conflict with the Palestinians and that this effect is mediated by religious ideologies toward the state. In contrast, religious rhetoric does not respond to military conflict in Lebanon or other internal Israeli political conflicts. These findings highlight under what conditions religious leaders infuse conflict with a religious tone, arguably making it harder to gain support for political compromise among the religious public.

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Levitt, Matthew. "Al Qaeda Targeting Israel: Between Rhetoric and Reality." Orbis 54, no. 3 (January 2010): 413–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2010.04.007.

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Massad, Joseph. "Palestinians and Jewish History: Recognition or Submission?" Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 1 (2000): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676481.

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This article explores various aspects of Israel's implicit linkage of the Jewish holocaust with its right to exist and Palestinian and Arab responses to that linkage. The PLO's position in particular is examined in detail, as is Israel's rhetorical equation of Arab and Palestinian leaders with Nazis. The article also examines Edward Said's position on the topic, which generated considerable debate in the Arabic press.

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Nir, Raphael. "Electoral Rhetoric in Israel - The Televised Debates A Study in Political Discourse*." Language Learning 38, no. 2 (June 1988): 187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-1770.1988.tb00408.x.

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11

Brand, Laurie A., and Jacob M. Landau. "The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967-1991: Political Aspects." American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1995): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168081.

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Dumper, Michael. "The Arab minority in Israel, 1967–1991: political aspects." International Affairs 70, no. 1 (January 1994): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620801.

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Quandt, William B., and Jacob M. Landau. "The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967-1991: Political Aspects." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 5 (1993): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045866.

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McTague, John J. "The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967-1991: Political Aspects." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 1 (July 1994): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9950936.

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15

Pipes, Daniel. "The Arab minority in Israel, 1967–1991: Political aspects." Orbis 38, no. 1 (December 1994): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(94)90142-2.

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Sabar, Galia. "Israel and the ‘Holy Land’: The Religio-Political Discourse of Rights among African Migrant Labourers and African Asylum Seekers, 1990-2008." African Diaspora 3, no. 1 (2010): 42–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254610x508364.

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Abstract The religious arena created in Israel by sub-Saharan African migrants from 1990-2008 was an expanded and flexible one which touched on complex questions related not only to what some may term “purely” religious themes but, among other issues, to identity and rights. The present paper compares two waves of migration,<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN1">1</xref> the first arriving in Israel by air as tourists or pilgrims throughout the 1990s, mainly from West Africa, part of a larger worldwide expansion of African international labour migration; and the second, which started in 2005, of predominantly Sudanese and Eritreans, who entered the country illegally in search of asylum or work opportunities across its lax border with Egypt. While the former cohort deployed a religious rhetoric of attachment to the Holy Land, the latter invoked international human rights to claim their rights as refugees in addition to religious rhetoric. The paper considers the context and grounds for this shift in political tactics and rhetoric of migrant discursive stance vis-à-vis the state.

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Sіuta, Halyna. "Precedent statements in contemporary Ukrainian political rhetoric." Culture of the Word, no. 90 (2019): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37919/0201-419x-2019.90.11.

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Political rhetoric is a clearly socio-centric discourse. In the texts that exemplify this discourse, there is a manipulative-speculative experience of interpretation the texts of the previous culture. The main aspects of the pragmatics of precedent statements in the texts of political rhetoric are argumentativeness, manipulativeness and polemicality. Political language units of communication are: 1) unknown to the general public (they testify to the intelligence, education of political speakers), 2) recognizable precedent statements. The using of the latter provides the effect of communicative proximity, the realization of the communicative situation in axiological coordinates «one’s own – another’s». The using of precedent statements in the language of the policy and their receptiveness to the target audience is an indicator of the proportionality of individual, social or national cultural spheres.

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Akirav, Osnat. "The Role of Joint Lists and the New Political Rhetoric in Israel, 2015–2020." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350307.

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In 2014, Israel changed its electoral rules, requiring political parties to obtain at least 3.25 percent of the popular vote to gain a seat in the Knesset. We investigated the role that this change played in the creation of joint lists of several parties in the four ensuing elections, and found that the platforms and statements of joint lists were less ideological than those of their constituent parties. Our argument is that the trend of inter-party alliances characterized by unifying rhetoric is a political innovation in the Israeli context. We suggest that, as a result of such joint parties, Israeli politics—once known to be extremely ideological—has become dominated by non-ideological pragmatism.

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19

Bloch, Linda-Renée. "Setting the Public Sphere in Motion: The Rhetoric of Political Bumper Stickers in Israel." Political Communication 17, no. 4 (October 2000): 433–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584600050179059.

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20

Akirav, Osnat. "The Role of Joint Lists and the New Political Rhetoric in Israel, 2015–2020." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350307.

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In 2014, Israel changed its electoral rules, requiring political parties to obtain at least 3.25 percent of the popular vote to gain a seat in the Knesset. We investigated the role that this change played in the creation of joint lists of several parties in the four ensuing elections, and found that the platforms and statements of joint lists were less ideological than those of their constituent parties. Our argument is that the trend of inter-party alliances characterized by unifying rhetoric is a political innovation in the Israeli context. We suggest that, as a result of such joint parties, Israeli politics—once known to be extremely ideological—has become dominated by non-ideological pragmatism.

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21

Watts, James W. "Reader Identification and Alienation in the Legal Rhetoric of the Pentateuch." Biblical Interpretation 7, no. 1 (1999): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851599x00263.

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AbstractThree voices dominate Pentateuchal discourse in turn: the omniscient narrator relates the stories of Genesis and Exodus, YHWH delivers the laws of Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers, and Moses combines narrative and law in the rhetoric of Deuteronomy. These three dominant voices of the Pentateuch are interdependent and almost interchangeable: the anonymous narrator, like Moses the scribe, requires both divine inspiration and reader acceptance for authorization of the story; the divine lawgiver requires reader acceptance of human mediation of the commandments; the prophetic scribe depends on authority delegated by both God and readers to interpret the stories, the laws, and the sanctions. The Pentateuch leaves the unification of speaking voices incomplete, however, and as a result divides the audience in two. God and Moses (or, at least, God through Moses) address the people in the wilderness and also the readers who overhear their speeches. Their audience comprises Israel throughout time, from Sinai to the present, as Deuteronomy makes explicitly clear. The narrator, by contrast, addresses only the readers through a discourse lying outside the story being narrated. Thus the Pentateuch's use of a third-person omniscient and impersonal narrator resists the unifying rhetoric of the divine and human speeches which it contains. By providing knowledge unavailable to the Israelites in the story, the narrator persuades readers to both identify with and to alienate themselves from aspects of wilderness Israel.

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Pilyaeva, M. A. "Some Aspects of the Recent Political Confrontation Between Israel and Iran." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(22) (February 28, 2012): 144–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-1-22-144-148.

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23

Clarke, Michael. "Kant's Rhetoric of Enlightenment." Review of Politics 59, no. 1 (1997): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500027157.

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This article examines Kant'sWhat is Enlightenment?andThe Conflict of the Facultieswith a view to recovering certain neglected aspects of his defense of freedom in the public use of reason. Kant's arguments in the two works are the most tangible expression of the concern with the scope and limits of reason in politics that runs throughout his political philosophy. Yet the political purpose and rhetorical strategy of that defense has received less attention than it deserves. Kant contends the possibility of establishing ends set by reason as critical standards in politics depends on rulers being persuaded that their interests are best served by cooperating with philosophers. The famous distinction inWhat is Enlightenment?between the public and private uses of reason proposes the terms of this cooperation. InThe Conflict of The FacultiesKant makes similar arguments in defense of the university. He presents it as an institution that exists to serve governments but that can also pursue enlightening ends if government grants it the freedom to do so. The article attempts to show Kant's awareness of enduring conflicts between reason and authority in politics, and it argues that his defense of the public use of reason addresses them in a way that is still worthy of our attention.

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Herbst-Debby, Anat, and Orly Benjamin. "Low-income mothers in an Israeli welfare-to-work program: Symbolic violence and its limitations." International Sociology 33, no. 1 (December 8, 2017): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917742001.

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Welfare-to-work (WTW) programs use role modeling rhetoric to re-educate mothers to prioritize paid employment over presence-based childcare. Research has shown that mothers may resist this rhetoric if, historically, policies in their countries shaped their sense of entitlement to be supported as mothers. But under what conditions does such resistance build a critical voice? What other voices emerge in the encounter with the WTW rhetoric? This article uses three ‘voices’ that emerge in the ideological environment of WTW to criticize the common usage of ‘voice’ in discussions of working with those who live in poverty. Based on semi-structured interviews of 62 single mothers participating in a WTW program in Israel, the study shows how participants’ voices convey disentitlement to childcare services. By considering how low-income single mothers experience themselves as respectable individuals when suitable childcare is scarce, the article discusses the conditions under which an emerging ‘voice’ can be considered critical.

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Watts, James W. "Biblical Rhetoric of Separatism and Universalism and Its Intolerant Consequences." Religions 11, no. 4 (April 9, 2020): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040176.

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The long history of the Jewish and Christian use of separatist rhetoric and universal ideals reveals their negative consequences. The Hebrew Bible’s rhetoric about Israel as a people separated from the Egyptians and Canaanites is connected to Israel’s purity practices in Leviticus 18 and 20. Later communities wielding greater political power, however, employed this same anti-Canaanite pollution rhetoric in their efforts to colonize many different parts of the world. Separatist rhetoric was used to protect small Jewish communities in the early Second Temple period. The Christian New Testament rejected many of these purity practices in order to makes its mission more inclusive and universal. However, its denigration of concerns for purification as typically “Jewish” fueled intolerance of Jews in the form of Christian anti-Semitism. The violent history of both separatist and universalist rhetoric provides a cautionary tale about the consequences of using cultural and religious comparisons for community formation.

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Curran, Eleanor. "Hobbes on Equality: Context, Rhetoric, Argument." Hobbes Studies 25, no. 2 (2012): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02502003.

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It is often argued that Hobbes’s arguments for natural and political equality are used instrumentally. This paper does not argue against the instrumental arguments but seeks to broaden the discussion; to analyse aspects of Hobbes’s arguments and comments on equality that are often ignored. In the context of the anti-egalitarian arguments of leading contemporary royalist commentators, Hobbes’s arguments and remarks are strikingly egalitarian. The paper argues, first, that there is an ideological disagreement between Hobbes and leading royalists on equality. Second, that Hobbes believes in natural equality as well as using the arguments for equality instrumentally.

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Davis, Ronald W. "The Arab Minority in Israel 1967-1991: Political Aspects: Jacob M. Landau." Digest of Middle East Studies 2, no. 4 (October 1993): 31–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1993.tb01008.x.

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Gul, Shabnam, Zainab Asif Dar, and Kishwar Munir. "The Interplay of Rhetoric and Voting Behavior in Pakistan: The Perspective of Youth." Global Regional Review V, no. II (June 30, 2020): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-ii).23.

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Political communication is one of the major aspects of any political system. The speeches of politicians, especially the political party leaders, are an important source of political awareness regarding pertinent issues facing any country. However, politicians often rely on political rhetoric to appeal to the emotions of prospective voters. This paper explored the use of political rhetoric in political discourse in Pakistan. Political rhetoric pertains to exaggeration of reality and distortion of facts to change the views and perception of the public. Politicians actively use this as a tool to gain the support of their potential voters in their electoral campaigns. The researchers analyzed the statements of leaders of three major political parties in Pakistan. It has been concluded from this research that politicians focus on populist political rhetoric when they address their voters to garner support rather than educating them about real political, social, and economic challenges. Thus political rhetoric is a significant factor in voting behavior.

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Garver, Eugene. "Deliberative Rhetoric and Ethical Deliberation." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 30, no. 2 (2013): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000538.

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Central to Aristotle’s Ethics is the virtue of phronēsis, a good condition of the rational part of the soul that determines the means to ends set by the ethical virtues. Central to the Rhetoric is the art of presenting persuasive deliberative arguments about how to secure the ends set by the audience and its constitution. What is the relation between the art and the virtue of deliberation? Rhetorical facility can be a deceptive facsimile of virtuous reasoning, but there can be more fruitful connections as well. In particular, the experience of judging rhetorical arguments can aid in the development of phronēsis through exercising those aspects of phronēsis that are not so intimately tied to the ethical virtues. Judging the advice given by others leads to excellence in reasoning practically for oneself.

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BOUZEKRI, Mohammed, and Mohammed SALAMI. "THE RHETORIC OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE: A SIMEO - PRAGMATIC APPROACH." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 05 (June 1, 2021): 330–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.5-3.31.

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The main step in this research assumes that political discourse should be treated as a convincing speech that pleads the different means of linguistic and non-linguistic argumentations to influence and induce the recipient, where we will discuss political discourse in terms of semiotic and pragmatics behaviors that take it out of a normal nature to a different coding. We will also see it as a new organization of semantic units at the heart of the culture incubating meanings, as accessing and reviving them, but it is done by digging into the memory of the political, and evoking - as much as possible - its cultural dimensions, which can only be done by activating the semantic power. From this perception, everything that is politicized can refer to a particular human situation that is culturally framed, through certain cultural conditions but with the need to know the semantic relationships that allow us to move from direct reporting cases to various possible inspirational and dynamic aspects.

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van Dijk, Teun A. "War rhetoric of a little ally." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 1 (June 8, 2005): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.1.04dij.

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In this paper we examine some of the properties of the speeches by former Prime Minister José María Aznar held in Spanish parliament in 2003 legitimating his support of the USA and the threatening war against Iraq. The theoretical framework for the analysis is a multidisciplinary CDA approach relating discursive, cognitive and sociopolitical aspects of parliamentary debates. It is argued that speeches in parliament should not only be defined in terms of their textual properties, but also in terms of a contextual analysis. Besides an analysis of the usual properties of ideological and political discourse, such as positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation and other rhetoric devices, special attention is paid to political implicatures defined as inferences based on general and particular political knowledge as well as on the context models of Aznar’s speeches.

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Shapiro, Faydra L. "Taming Tehran: Evangelical Christians and the Iranian Threat to Israel." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 39, no. 3 (August 20, 2010): 363–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429810373320.

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Hostile relations between Israel and Iran since the Iranian Revolution have only intensified since the 2005 election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. His strong statements imagining a ‘‘world without Zionism’’ and threats to destroy Israel, combined with an active nuclear program, have many observers concerned about the Iranian threat to Israel. We can include American evangelical Christians among this group. But given the intensity of their eschatological emphasis, we might wonder why evangelical Christians have raised such a passionate voice concerning the Iranian threat to Israel, in what kinds of ways, and what it can tell us about contemporary evangelicalism and the relationship between religion and politics. This paper examines two cases of prominent, premillennialist, evangelical Christian Zionists and their different approaches to the Iranian threat to Israel, in order to understand not only why believers in a doomed world might engage in the political sphere, but also what kinds of rhetoric they use to make sense of that engagement.

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Dai, Xin. "An Analysis of Identification Theory in Political Fable—A Case Study of Animal Farm." Journal of Innovation and Social Science Research 8, no. 7 (July 30, 2021): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53469/jissr.2021.08(07).22.

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Under the guidance of Burke’s identification theory, this paper analyzes the speech of the old Major in the first chapter of Animal Farm from a rhetorical perspective and finds that the old Major persuades his audience, i.e., the other animals, to gain the identification from two aspects: identification by content and identification by form, thus causing the successful uprising of the animals that follows in the storyline. This study explores the embodiment of rhetoric in political fables and analyzes the rationale embedded in the fable from a new perspective, that of rhetoric.

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Iecovich, Esther, and Israel Doron. "Migrant workers in eldercare in Israel: social and legal aspects." European Journal of Social Work 15, no. 1 (February 2012): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2011.562066.

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Bartolucci, Valentina. "Terrorism rhetoric under the Bush Administration." Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 4 (December 31, 2012): 562–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.4.05bar.

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In this paper I examine some of the properties of the speeches by former U.S. President George W. Bush framing the issue of terrorism as the most pressing menace humanity is facing and some of the consequences of the selective appropriation of the discourse on terrorism initially instantiated by Bush. The theoretical framework for the analysis is a multidisciplinary Critical Discourse Analysis approach relating discursive and socio-political aspects of U.S. presidential discourses on terrorism in the Bush era. Parallel to an analysis of common characteristics of political discourse, such as ‘us’ versus ‘other’ representations, the device of over/less characterisation, hyperboles and repetitions, attention is also directed towards the socio-political effects deriving from the ways in which ‘terrorism’ and ‘terrorists’ have been represented by the presidential discourse on terrorism that condition the contemporary life of individuals and groups all around the world.

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Davenport, Christian, and Marci Eads. "Cued to Coerce or Coercing Cues? An Exploration of Dissident Rhetoric and its Relationship to Political Repression." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 2 (September 1, 2001): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.2.4671141747x2k660.

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This article explores whether and how state repression is influenced by a social movement organization's rhetoric; and, conversely, if dissident rhetoric is responsive to authorities' repressive efforts. These relationships are examined with data generated from several newspapers within the Bay area, across 253 weeks from 1969 to 1973, concerning rhetoric of the Black Panther Party (BPP) as well as police and court repression directed against the Panther organization. The results of the statistical analysis are mixed. Several aspects of BPP rhetoric increase both police and court-ordered repression, albeit at different magnitudes and lags. Moreover, results disclose that only police repression influences the discussion of particular topics in the Panther newspaper—the same topics that induce protest policing (again, across different lags). The analysis complements existing research on the conflict-repression nexus, but it also forces us to consider state-dissident interactions in a more comprehensive manner.

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Hever, Shir. "BDS Suppression Attempts in Germany Backfire." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 3 (2019): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.3.86.

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German organizations are among the last Palestine solidarity groups in Europe to have embraced the call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS), launched in 2005. Pro-Israel German groups have been quick to respond with aggressive rhetoric equating a BDS-favorable stance with Nazism. The vilification of the movement has had the unintended consequence of inserting BDS into German politics, both at federal and local levels. Select case studies show that the BDS debate in Germany has developed somewhat differently than in other European countries, and that religious discourse is significant in shaping attitudes to Israel and Palestine. While the Palestine solidarity movement tends to single out the “Anti-Germans”—a pro-Israel formation that grew out of the Left after the reunification of Germany—as the major culprit, it is in fact conservative Christian, mostly Evangelical, organizations that are largely responsible for discouraging BDS activism.

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Diner, Hasia R. "Beyond hummus and falafel: social and political aspects of Palestinian food in Israel." Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, no. 5 (October 2013): 882–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2013.823510.

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Nilsson, Bo, and Anna Sofia Lundgren. "‘For a living countryside’: Political rhetoric about Swedish rural areas." European Urban and Regional Studies 25, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776416679216.

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The expression ‘a living countryside’ is often used to characterize the goal of Swedish rural politics. In this article the use of the expression in 170 non-government bills related to Swedish rural politics is analysed using discourse theory. On a general level, the expression was found to be empty of meaning and open for use by different and often opposing political parties proposing different and sometimes antagonistic measures. However, there were aspects of it that flirted with positively charged notions of Swedish national identity. It was also clear that the discursive struggle for a living countryside was also part of a party-political struggle. Further, the fantasy of a living countryside performed an ideological function in that it under-communicated how rural areas are generally and structurally subordinated to urban centres in ways that reach far beyond easily performed measures and political party quarrels.

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Sukhanov, V. "Israel Continues to Expand Its Settlements." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 161–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-161-166.

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The article analyzes the influence of the religious aspects on the political processes in Israel. Special attention is paid to the role of religion in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The author shows the trend towards politicization of religion and characterizes the process as unconstructive, which prevents to a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.The article also discusses the interaction between secular and religious principles in the State of Israel, estimates the current situation, highlights the importance of the religious component in the political life of Israel.

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Dallasheh, Leena. "Persevering through Colonial Transition: Nazareth's Palestinian Residents after 1948." Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no. 2 (2016): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.45.2.8.

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Nazareth, the only Palestinian city to survive the 1948 war intact, became the social, economic, and political hub of Palestinian life in the postwar period. As such, it provides the ideal setting to study early Palestinian responses to the creation of Israel. This paper reexamines the ambivalent relationship between Nazareth's political leadership and the newly established State of Israel to argue that the Palestinian citizens of Israel were neither traitors and collaborators, on the one hand, nor passively quiescent, on the other. Rather, as a new national minority, Palestinians overcame myriad forms of control as they negotiated the structural obstacles placed before them by their new overlords. Local Communist politicians, in particular, took a leading role to advocate on behalf of Nazarenes beset by the day-to-day hardships of poverty, hunger, displacement, and unemployment. The Israeli authorities harped on the Communist threat in response, echoing the Cold War rhetoric of the time.

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Jamal, Amal. "Israel's New Constitutional Imagination: The Nation State Law and Beyond." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 18, no. 2 (November 2019): 193–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2019.0215.

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The following analysis of the Israeli Nation State law reflects on the emerging new constitutional imagination in Israel. It argues that this Zionist imagination mirrors the deep sociological and political changes taking place in Israeli society. The hegemonic political elites have transformed the Israeli constitutional identity from one based on constructive legal ambiguity into one rooted in exclusive ethno-theological values. The latter stands in direct negation of the Zionist constitutional formula promoted by the founding fathers of the State as embodied in the 1948 Declaration of Independence. This rhetoric of the Declaration of Independence incorporated liberal values, in spite of the fact that the Labour Zionist political elite of the time was not fully committed to the practical meanings of these values. The current hegemonic elite in Israel views such a veiling strategy as not only unnecessary, but also as hazardous.

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Frandsen, Finn, and Winni Johansen. "The Rhetoric of Green Hotels." HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business 14, no. 27 (February 27, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v14i27.25649.

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The last two decades have seen environmentalism become a core value in western societies. This evolution, and in particular the rise of environmental consumerism, has not only forced the marketplace to be more responsive to products and services promising environmental responsibility, but has also created new types of communication, including new text genres and a new rhetoric. The purpose of this article is to analyse the environmental rhetoric of green hotels in Denmark. The article briefly presents the differences and similarities between political and commercial green discourse and then discusses the paradoxes of green marketing as reflected in the texts of some of the most important green hotel chains and associations of green hotels in Denmark. The article devotes its analysis to select rhetorical aspects of two genres, the green hotel brochure and the green card or "towel card".

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Tuhvatullin, Ayrat Halitovich, Vitaly Anatolievich Epshteyn, Pavel Vladimirovich Pichygin, and Alina Petrovna Sultanova. "Egyptian-Israeli Relations during the Government of Mohamed Morsi (2012-2013)." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 68 (March 7, 2021): 213–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3968.12.

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The article highlights the details of the foreign policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt and its impact on the regional security of the state of Israel in between 2012-2013. After the Islamists came to power, they began to dominate expectations that the political force led by Mohamed Morsi would initiate an active anti-Israel policy, however, with active anti-Semitic rhetoric, the "Muslim brotherhood" was able to maintain peaceful relations with Israel. The purpose of this study was to characterize the relationship between M. Morsi's government and the state of Israel during the period 2012 to 2013while revealing the impact of various factors on the preservation of peace in the region, especially in the face of the conflict situation that intensified in neigh boring countries such as Libya and Syria. The main approaches to the study of the problem under consideration were analytical method and content analysis. It is concluded that the article can also contribute to the study of the history of the Middle East within the framework of Arab-Israeli relations against the deterioration of the political situation and the strengthening of religious radicalism in the region.

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Boukala, Salomi. "False reasoning and argumentation in the Twitter discourse of the Prime Minister of Israel." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 6, no. 1 (July 2, 2018): 58–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.00003.bou.

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Abstract This paper explores the Twitter discourse of the Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, regarding security issues and the threat of ‘Islamist terrorism’ as manifested in the latest election campaign (March 2015) and his tweets and statements on Operation Protective Edge (July – August 2014). By focusing on national security and the underlying threat of terrorism against Israel and the West on Twitter, I argue that Netanyahu disseminates his political agenda further and attempts to communicate political decisions on the Gaza conflict in a digital environment. By synthesizing Aristotle’s dialectic and rhetoric and the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Studies (CDS), and drawing on the concepts of topos and fallacy, I attempt to understand and explain how the Gaza conflict is communicated on social media by the Israeli Prime Minister. My aim is also to shed light on the validity of social media in political discourse and to examine whether and how social media can play a role in the propagation of political discourse in times of crisis through an argumentative discourse analysis of the tweets posted by the Prime Minister of Israel.

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Meland, Ingmar. "“Den høyere retorikk” hos Hume." Rhetorica Scandinavica 22, no. 78 (December 1, 2018): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.52610/nght1386.

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Our understanding of David Hume’s philosophy in general can benefit from being read as part of the history of rhetoric. In connection with some relatively new studies of Hume, the article tries to show what makes Hume’s philosophy relevant to political rhetoric today. The starting point is that Hume’s Treatise can be regarded as a rhetorical anthropology and that this anthropology gives us keys to a reading of the essay Of Eloquence. By separating Hume’s rhetorical anthropology from his own philosophical rhetoric, as well as from his views on the art of everyday conversation and political rhetoric, his use of ancient forms and his retrenchment of the gentleman’s ideals of his time are highlighted to offer a fresh perspective on what these aspects of Hume’s philosophy might imply today

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Zreik, Raef. "Notes on the Value of Theory: Readings in the Law of Return-A Polemic." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1026.

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The case of Israel generally, and specifically regarding the justifications put forth for the Law of Return by a wide range of liberal scholars, accents the main problems and weaknesses of liberal legality. Part one of the paper rethinks aspects of liberal legality and its artificial nature in light of debates surrounding the Law of Return. Debating both the case of Israel and the insistence of many Israeli scholars on justifying the Law using liberal terms, this part reveals certain aspects of liberalism that usually remain hidden.Part III comments on Israel and evaluates the Law of Return while comparing it to similar laws, arguing that even after revisiting liberal legality, the Law of Return scores badly according to the criteria of liberal legality. Thus, the first analysis places Israel within a paradigm, revealing that Israel may not be so exceptional. For those who view liberalism as a pure, ideal theory (both those who support the Law and think that it passes the test of liberalism and those who oppose the Law and think that it fails the test of liberalism) this paper points to the dark side of liberalism, and thereby suggests that Israel might not be the only pariah state, but even within the new paradigm (the second analysis), the Law of Return is at the extreme end of the spectrum and scores badly.

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Engberg, Aron. "Navigating the Biblical Mandate: Discursive Change and Adaptation in the International Christian Embassy in Jerusalem." Exchange 49, no. 3-4 (November 9, 2020): 297–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341571.

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Abstract Since its inception in 1980, the International Christian Embassy Jerusalem (ICEJ) has developed into a central player in the formation of Christian Zionism globally. It is known through its high profile in Israeli society, its financial, moral and political support for the State of Israel and its controversial mix of theology and politics. This article focuses on ICEJ’s ideological and theological negotiation in relation to Israeli society. It argues that even though ICEJ’s self-understanding is based on what it claims to be “eternal, biblical mandates” and its political positions have been largely consistent over time, ICEJ’s theology, rhetoric and social positions have changed quite significantly. The article interprets this duality as a case of “flexible absolutism”, a capacity to ideologically frame diverse positions as eternal absolutes. Recognizing this tension is important in order to successfully disentangle the organization’s rhetoric from its broader ideological aims.

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Al-Rizzo, Hasan M. "The undeclared cyberspace war between Hezbollah and Israel*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 391–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802163889.

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The self explanatory title of this article adds a new dimension to the regional conflict. The use of cyberspace warfare in the Middle East is a topic that has been rarely addressed and the article provides interesting insights into various aspects and developments in this new type of conflict.

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Byshok, Stanislav O. "Migration and Recent Aspects of Right-Wing Populist Discourse in Europe." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 443–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-3-443-457.

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Intensifying migration processes in the West are reflected in certain changes in the discourse of European right-wing populist and nationalist parties. Along with anti-mass migration sentiments, rhetoric of these political forces demonstrates new elements related to the topics of the clash of civilizations (Huntington), as well as civilizational solidarity - the ideas of civilizationism (Brubaker). In the context of global transformations and changes in the ethno-cultural landscape of the continent, European nationalists became less prone to tradition for their ideology thesis of intra-European animosity. On the other hand, it tend to rhetorically transform, and usually extend, the boundaries of imagined community of the European fortress, which needs to be defended. Principal dichotomy of todays European right-wing populist rhetoric is represented by the secular post-Christian community (us) and seemingly archaic and fundamentalist migrant community from Muslim countries (the others).

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Journal articles on the topic 'Rhetoric – Political aspects – Israel'

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