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1

Rhetorics of display. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2006.

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2

1955-, Prelli Lawrence J., ed. Rhetorics of display. Columbia, S.C: University of South Carolina Press, 2006.

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3

1949-, Edwards Janis L., ed. Gender and political communication in America: Rhetoric, representation, and display. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009.

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4

Cornwell, Hannah. Peace in the New Age of Augustus. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805632.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the evolution of pax at Rome within the wider display of the new age (novum saeculum), which is intimately associated with Augustus’ control over the res publica and empire. The monumentalization and dramatization of pax with external peoples is analysed through the lens of how Augustus and the senate depicted diplomatic success with the Parthians at the end of the 20s BC, after decades of unsuccessful military campaigns. In this ‘moment’ pax is not explicitly foregrounded, but rather the diplomatic aspects of peace are subsumed into a rhetoric of empire and triumphalism, displayed in monumental form both at the time and in later Augustan buildings, such as the forum Augustum. Peace was integrated into a rhetoric of Roman victory, firmly associated with the concept of imperium and imperial rule.
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5

Ommen, Brett. The Politics of the Superficial: Visual Rhetoric and the Protocol of Display. University Alabama Press, 2016.

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6

Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, Florence. Class in Thatcherite Ideology and Rhetoric. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812579.003.0008.

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This chapter examines Thatcherite rhetoric about class and individualism. Thatcher needed to distance herself from her own, narrow, upper-middle-class image; she also wanted to rid politics of class language, and thought that class was—or should be—irrelevant in 1980s Britain because of ‘embourgeoisement’. For Thatcher, ‘bourgeois’ was defined by particular values (thrift, hard work, self-reliance) and she wanted to use the free market to incentivize more of the population to display these values, which she thought would lead to a moral and also a prosperous society. Thatcherite individualism rested on the assumption that people were rational, self-interested, but also embedded in families and communities. The chapter reflects on what these conclusions tell us about ‘Thatcherism’ as a political ideology, and how these beliefs influenced Thatcherite policy on the welfare state, monetarism, and trade unionism. Finally, it examines Major’s rhetoric of the ‘classless society’ in the 1990s.
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7

Allen, William. 6. Oratory. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199665457.003.0006.

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‘Oratory’ examines the reasons for oratory's importance in the classical world and how it developed to meet the changing demands of speakers and audiences. The rules and techniques underpinning effective communication were known in the ancient world as ‘rhetoric’, and learning the art of rhetoric was the backbone of higher education for Greeks and Romans from the 5th century bc onwards. Oratory contains some of the finest examples of Greek and Latin prose, and the surviving speeches illuminate many essential features of Greek and Roman society and public life. Aristotle divided oratory into three broad types: deliberative, forensic, and display. Demosthenes and Cicero were regarded as the greatest Greek and Roman orators respectively.
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8

Cornwell, Hannah. Peace over Land and Sea. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805632.003.0003.

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The focus of this chapter is on understanding the earliest stages of Augustus’ regime and its self-representation in terms of pax, exploring how peace fits into the profuse displays of triumphal ideology and rhetoric in the aftermath of the final decade of civil war. Augustus’ triple triumph cemented his position within the state in 29 BC. In this context the lack of a developed iconography for pax (compared to that of victoria) is tackled, particularly in reference to the monumental displays after Actium, to demonstrate the triumphal significance afforded to pax. The idea of expressing power not in relation to an opponent, but as an assertion of imperium over land and sea, as the achievement of peace, is a central concern of this chapter.
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9

Graves, Margaret S. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695910.003.0007.

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The conclusion places the art of the object into an expanded field, where it is shown to be contiguous with other visual and verbal artforms including architecture, painting, poetry, and rhetoric. It locates the peak of the allusive object in the pre-Mongol Middle East and speculates about its decline in the later medieval and early modern periods. It also considers the change in meaning that the subjects of the book have undergone as they transition from being objects of use to objects of display. The conclusion ends with final consideration of the nature of allusion and its implications for the intelligent art of the object.
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10

Hone, Joseph. Royal Progress. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814078.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 addresses the hitherto neglected political dimension of Anne’s first royal progress to Oxford and the West Country. The contention of this chapter is that the sophisticated rhetorical displays and entertainments associated with Elizabethan progresses persisted into the eighteenth century. By unpicking the partisan messages embedded into entertainments and verse addresses performed to Anne on her first progress, the chapter demonstrates how royal hosts attempted to guide the queen and government on policy matters. But they also hoped to garner patronage from prominent local and national politicians. Anne also used the progress as an opportunity to revive older modes of sacral monarchy.
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11

Battisti, Danielle. Whom We Shall Welcome. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823284399.001.0001.

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This book looks at Italian American campaigns to reform American immigration laws from 1945 to 1965. It argues that even while Italian Americans were members of a coalition that pushed for liberal immigration reforms, their campaigns reflected a mix of liberalism and conservatism. Italian American immigration reformers invoked both secular principles of democratic liberalism and arguments based on Catholic social thought to call for a more humane and equal system of regulating immigration than the one in place based on a system of National Origins quotas. Yet in practice, Italian American campaign rhetoric and legislative strategies often reflected a socially and racially conservative vision of Americanism. Through displays of anti-communism, household mass consumption, assimilation, and advancing narratives of immigrant contributions to the nation, Italian Americans largely asserted their group’s fitness for immigration and citizenship rights in the United States. Each of those displays was highly racialized and hardly contested accepted political and social boundaries, but rather reaffirmed them. Those actions demonstrated that Italian Americans were just as concerned with their group’s political and social equality with older-stock whites as they were with liberalizing American immigration laws.
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12

Keymer, Thomas. Fictions, Libels, and Unions in the Long Eighteenth Century. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198736233.003.0005.

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This chapter considers the literary representation of union by way of three case studies: Jonathan Swift’s ‘The Story of the Injured Lady’ (written 1707, published 1746), Thomas Finn’s ‘The Painter Cut’ (1810), and Tobias Smollett’s Humphry Clinker (1771). Their polemical energy notwithstanding, the allegories of Swift and Finn also display tensions and articulate contradictions typifying the eighteenth century’s figurations of union. These complications may be explained in part as defences against possible prosecution, but they also imply mixed feelings about nationalist commitment, and an awareness of the conceptual or practical incoherence of unitary national identity. Smollett takes such tendencies to their extreme in his masterpiece Humphry Clinker, which juxtaposes multiple conflicting perspectives on union, and plays ironically on the anti-union rhetoric of Fletcher of Saltoun. He fashions the novel, a generation before Scott, as a genre uniquely equipped to address national identity in all its mobility and multiplicity.
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13

Asirvatham, Sulo. Historiography. Edited by Daniel S. Richter and William A. Johnson. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199837472.013.31.

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The historiographical writings of Arrian, Appian, Herodian, and Cassius Dio pose interesting challenges to how we characterize Second Sophistic literature. With its ostensible goal of telling the truth about the past, imperial Greek historiography seems incompatible with the large bulk of imperial Greek writing that is more obviously inspired by declamation and whose main goal is the virtuosic display of erudition, or paideia. Furthermore, inasmuch as this historiography focuses primarily on Roman history, it hardly fulfills the stereotype of Second Sophistic literature as thematically Hellenocentric, even if it is similarly characterized by linguistic Atticism. This chapter therefore argues for an expanded definition of the Second Sophistic that can meaningfully accommodate the peculiarly hybrid nature of historiography on the levels of both genre and cultural politics—as “earnest” history somewhat dominated by rhetoric, and as work better described as “Greco-Roman” than as essentially “Greek.”
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14

d'Hubert, Thibaut. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190860332.003.0009.

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In the conclusion, I come back on key issues of my analysis of Ālāol’s poetics. Whereas performance and the absence of theoretical frame recorded in treatises on grammar or poetics are defining features of the vernacular tradition, we witness attempts to describe and systematize vernacular poetics in eastern South Asia. Sanskrit played a major role in this attempt at systematizing vernacular poetics to foster connoisseurship. The domain of reference of vernacular poets was not poetics per se or rhetoric, but lyrical arts and musicology. But efforts to describe vernacular poetics also display an awareness of the importance of heteroglossia and fluidity in vernacular aesthetics in contrast with Sanskrit. The opening up of the Sanskrit episteme constituted by vernacular poetics also made possible the recourse to literary models and quasi-experimental uses of vernacular poetic idioms. Old Maithili, Avadhi, and Persian were visible components of the making of vernacular poetics in Bengal.
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15

Hames, Scott. The New Scottish Renaissance? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198749394.003.0031.

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This chapter examines the boom in Scottish literary fiction during the 1980s and 1990s, and the rhetoric of its presentation as a ‘new renaissance’. With this label came remarkably strong claims for the political efficacy of the contemporary literary novel — a phenomenon that has not attracted the interest it deserves from literary historians outside Scotland. In the two decades prior to devolution, the emergence of formally ambitious Scottish novelists sponsored a conflation of fiction and democracy which figured the novel as the locus of national self-representation and reinvention. While there is clear evidence of these writers’ influence on the self-image of post-devolution Scotland, a closer examination of their fiction and its staging of ‘Scottishness’ complicates any straightforward affiliation with cultural nationalism. The ‘new renaissance’ discourse, this chapter suggests, both inflates the social impact of these novelists and delimits the politics of their writing to the display of suppressed ‘identity’.
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16

Burden-Strevens, Christopher. Reconstructing Republican Oratory in Cassius Dio’s Roman History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198788201.003.0008.

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This chapter explores the way in which Cassius Dio—a third-century Greek historian of the Roman Republic—used published oratory of the late Republic as a basis for his own historiographical speeches. It argues that, far from belonging in a sophistic thought-world divorced from their depicted historical context, Cassius Dio’s historiographical speeches display a marked attention for preserving not only specific arguments, but also the rhetorical strategies and turns of phrase used to make those arguments in the oratory of the first century AD. While Cicero inevitably appears to predominate in Dio’s register of sources for Roman oratory, this chapter nevertheless demonstrates Dio’s awareness of non-Ciceronian oratory—such as the speeches of Catulus, Hortensius, and M. Antonius—preserved in quoted material and testimonies of these orators in Ciceronian texts, which the historian reproduced accordingly.
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17

Yelle, Robert A. Semiotics. Edited by Michael Stausberg and Steven Engler. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198729570.013.15.

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Within those disciplines pursuing semiotic approaches to religion, recent decades have been characterized by a shift toward the pragmatic and performative dimensions of discourse. Roman Jakobson’s analysis of the poetic function of language has been extended to ritual, which in some cases deploys poetry to enhance rhetorical performance. The metricalization of ritual often constructs indexical icons that mirror and converge with real-world events that ritual seeks to bring about. The ability of the sign to figure something absent intersects with the general problem in religion concerning how (and whether) to represent transcendence. Semiotics is shifting attention from universalizing and formalist approaches to a study of cultural and historical differences, including differences in semiotic or linguistic ideologies. The semiotic ideology of modernity reflects an inheritance from Protestant iconoclasm: a bias against metaphysical and poetic language. Differences in semiotic ideology were on display in various colonial encounters between Europeans and indigenous peoples.
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18

Seo, Mira. Aesthetics of Enlightenment. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190278359.003.0004.

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Among the intellectual and literary elites of Roman Italy in the late first century CE, Christianity had yet to make significant inroads. The Stoicism of Panaetius and Seneca dominated ethical discourse in the imperial capital, whereas in the Hellenic center of Neapolis (Naples) and surrounding Campania, elites maintained the genteel Epicureanism of Philodemus. This chapter explores the innovative regional poetics and philosophy of the Bay of Naples through the architectural poems of Statius’s Silvae. Statius’s remarkable poetic innovation engages a new rhetorical approach to displays of material wealth and their social significance. In creating a new genre of “real estate” poetry imitated through late antiquity into sixteenth-century Rome and seventeenth-century England, Statius transforms earlier condemnations of lavish architecture and its tropes in philosophical and poetic discourses into ethical panegyrics to wealth. This chapter identifies Statius’s architectural poetics as a catalyst in philosophical and literary approaches to class, wealth, and social identity.
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19

Smith, Leslie Dorrough. Compromising Positions. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190924072.001.0001.

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Compromising Positions argues that sex scandals aren’t really about sex. Rather, they are a form of cultural theater—a moment of highly visible, public storytelling—the purpose of which is to use specific racial and gendered symbols to create a collective sense of national worth and strength. To arrive at this conclusion, the book charts the ways in which attitudes about gender, race, and religion are woven together to create a certain sort of rhetoric about what America is, who is eligible to formally represent it, and what types of religiosity such leaders must display in order to legitimize their power. The book shows that Americans simultaneously condemn and excuse the sexual indiscretions of their politicians depending on the degree to which those politicians reinforce longstanding, evangelical symbols—many of which are heavily raced and gendered—that are associated with “American values” and a “Christian nation.” Such values include not just moral fortitude but also strength, courage, and conquest. The upshot is that sex scandals are less likely to occur at cultural moments when the public is open to reading a politician’s moral lapse as a symbolic form of national dominance. Put simply, when he is perceived as strong, domineering, and necessary for national health, many people will find ways to either forget his illicit sex or somehow read it as an American act.
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20

Dow, Bonnie J. The Movement Makes the News. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038563.003.0003.

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This chapter begins the story of 1970's “grand press blitz,” when a barrage of print stories on the movement set the stage for network news' first reports on women's liberation. It couples a discussion of all three networks' first, brief, hard news reports on feminist protest in January—the disruption of the Senate birth control pill hearings by a women's liberation group—with an extensive analysis of two series of lengthy soft feature stories on women's liberation broadcast by CBS and NBC in March and April. On one level, both network series created a sort of moderate middle ground of acceptable feminism anchored by their legitimation of liberal feminist issues related to workplace discrimination, but they diverged sharply in other ways that indicated key differences in their purposes and their imagined audiences. The CBS and NBC series provide a sort of baseline for national television representations of the movement in 1970; between them, they display the wide range of rhetorical strategies contained in early network reports. The CBS stories offered a generally dismissive and visually sensationalized narrative about the movement, particularly its radical contingent, displaying the gender anxiety assumed to afflict its male target audience. In contrast, the NBC series presented a generally sympathetic narrative about the movement's issues that unified radical and liberal concerns rather than using the latter to marginalize the former.
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21

McIvor, Méadhbh. Representing God. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691193632.001.0001.

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Over the past two decades, a growing number of Christians in England have gone to court to enforce their right to religious liberty. Funded by conservative lobby groups and influenced by the legal strategies of their American peers, these claimants — registrars who conscientiously object to performing the marriages of same-sex couples, say, or employees asking for exceptions to uniform policies that forbid visible crucifixes — highlight the uneasy truce between law and religion in a country that maintains an established Church but is wary of public displays of religious conviction. This book charts the changing place of public Christianity in England through the rise of Christian political activism and litigation. The book explores the ideas and contested reception of this ostensibly American-inspired legal rhetoric. It argues that legal challenges aimed at protecting “Christian values” ultimately jeopardize those values, as moralities woven into the fabric of English national life are filtered from their quotidian context and rebranded as the niche interests of a cultural minority. By framing certain moral practices as specifically Christian, these activists present their religious convictions as something increasingly set apart from broader English culture, thereby hastening the secularization they seek to counter. The book offers a unique look at how Christian politico-legal activism in England simultaneously responds to and constitutes the religious life of a nation.
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22

Spencer, Stephen J. Emotions in a Crusading Context, 1095-1291. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833369.001.0001.

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Emotions in a Crusading Context is the first book-length study of the emotional rhetoric of crusading. It investigates the ways in which a number of emotions and affective displays—primarily fear, anger, and weeping—were understood, represented, and utilized in twelfth- and thirteenth-century western narratives of the crusades, making use of a broad range of comparative material to gauge the distinctiveness of those texts: crusader letters, papal encyclicals, model sermons, chansons de geste, lyrics, and an array of theological and philosophical treatises. In addition to charting continuities and changes over time in the emotional landscape of crusading, this book identifies the underlying influences which shaped how medieval authors represented and used emotions; analyses the passions crusade participants were expected to embrace and reject; and assesses whether the idea of crusading created a profoundly new set of attitudes towards emotions. Emotions in a Crusading Context calls on scholars of the crusades to reject the traditional methodological approach of taking the emotional descriptions embedded within historical narratives as straightforward reflections of protagonists’ lived feelings, and in so doing challenges the long historiographical tradition of reconstructing participants’ beliefs and experiences from these texts. Within the history of emotions, it demonstrates that, despite the ongoing drive to develop new methodologies for studying the emotional standards of the past, typified by recent experiments in ‘neurohistory’, the social constructionist (or cultural-historical) approach still has much to offer the historian of medieval emotions.
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