Journal articles on the topic 'Rhodes Town'

AbstractThe African borders established in Berlin in 1884–85, at the peak of Cecil John Rhodes’ South African ambitions, were functional to the main five colonial-imperial powers, but certainly not to African societies then, nor to future generations. The residues of Rhodes’ settler-colonial racism and extractive-oriented looting include major cities such as Johannesburg, which are witnessing worse inequality and desperation, even a quarter of a century after apartheid fell in 1994. In South Africa’s financial capital, Johannesburg, a combination of post-apartheid neoliberalism and regional subimperial hegemony amplified xenophobic tendencies to the boiling point in 2019. Not only could University of Cape Town students tear down the hated campus statue of Rhodes, but the vestiges of his ethnic divide-and-conquer power could be swept aside. Rhodes did “fall,” in March 2015, but the South African working class and opportunistic politicians took no notice of the symbolic act, and instead began to raise Rhodes’ border walls ever higher, through ever more violent xenophobic outbreaks. Ending the populist predilection towards xenophobia will require more fundamental changes to the inherited political economy, so that the deep structural reasons for xenophobia are ripped out as convincingly as were the studs holding down Rhodes’ Cape Town statue.

The presence and the establishment of Idotea hectica is reported for the first time in the Hellenic seas on the basis of three adult specimens and a juvenile collected from Posidonia oceanica meadows close to the main town of Rhodes Island, Aegean Sea. Common and contrasting characters between this and other species of the genera Idotea and Pentidotea are briefly discussed. Furthermore, following a westward expansion along the eastern Mediterranean coasts, Matuta victor was discovered for the first time in Hellenic waters on the basis of a single specimen from the northeast of Rhodes Island.

Three islands of the Dodecanese (Rhodes, Kos, and Kalymnos) have produced a substantial amount of published evidence which sheds light on population fluctuations and external relations during the twelfth century BC. The burial evidence from the Ialysos cemeteries indicates that the population may have increased fivefold after LH IIIB. A corresponding decrease may have occurred in southern Rhodes indicating a synoecism of the island. If this is so, the reasons may be related to the increasing prosperity of the main town, Ialysos. This is a period of regional diversity. Distinctive island pottery styles developed under marked Minoan influence. However, mainland influence was stronger, broader, and more constant. None of these islands appears to have contributed to the development of IIIC styles elsewhere nor actively participated in maritime trade. Rhodes and Kos acquired objects from the east Mediterranean and Europe. At this time, there is evidence for a revival of sea travel within and beyond the Aegean. Rhodes, in particular, benefited from this but may primarily have been a passive recipient. The resulting prosperity could have been one factor which drew people to the area of Ialysos in a process of synoecism.

What started in early 2015 as a series of protests at the University of Cape Town against the statue of Cecil John Rhodes expanded by the end of the year into a nationwide student movement under the label #FeesMustFall. This article analyzes the development and characteristics of the movement as a networked student movement along with its ideological inspiration in the work of Frantz Fanon.

International Association of Bibliophiles (IAB), established in 1961 in Paris, brings together librarians, publishers, collectors of rare books, conservators, conservation specialists, bookbinders, businessmen, lawyers, and diplomats. The Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences (BAN) is the Member of the IAB since 1994. BAN became the organizer of the Colloquium in St. Petersburg. Meetings of bibliophiles are held annually in different countries. The article presents the activities of the Colloquium of bibliophiles in Cape town (South Africa) in 2002. There are described the exhibitions of books, manuscripts and documents from the collections of the Library of Center of Books in Cape town, the National Library of South Africa, Library of the University of Cape town, University of Stellenbosch, library of the English and South African Politician Cecil John Rhodes and private collections. Exhibition materials reflect the history of African book culture.

In 305 B.C. Demetrius I Poliorcetes of Macedonia (r. 321–283), pursuing his ambition of reuniting the empire of Alexander, marched against the island city of Rhodes, which since the partition of 323 had been able to reassert its independence and pursue its own foreign policies. The ensuing siege, one of the most famous military campaigns of Hellenistic times, was a failure, and in 304 Demetrius was obliged to admit defeat and withdraw, leaving behind his siege train and large amounts of other military stores. The jubilant Rhodians gathered up this equipment and sold it for 300 talents, which, in gratitude for their deliverance, they used to commission a spectacular monument to the sun god Helios, the focus of a lively cult at Rhodes. The sculptor selected for the task was Chares, an artist from the town of Lindos (about 40 kilometres south of the capital) and a student of the renowned Lyssipus, who had recently erected a great bronze statue of Zeus at Tarentum in Italy.

CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA–eclectic, vibrant, and heterogeneous–still bears the marks of its past as a site of Victoria's empire. The city abounds in English Victorian artifacts: buildings, statues, fountains, streets and their names (even to Victoria Street and Rhodes Drive) are all reminders of the period, but one wonders what, if anything, they mean to the people who live with them. Some recognize them as a legacy–pleasant or unpleasant– of the days when the Cape was a British colony; to others they are symbols whose context has been forgotten, to yet others, they are simply objects devoid of extrinsic meaning. All are, however, artifacts of imperialism, in its broader sense of the social, political, economic, and cultural domination of one group over all others.

Am 9.3.2015 bewarf Chumani Maxwele die Statue von Cecil Rhodes am Universitätsgelände der University of Cape Town mit Fäkalien. Aus dem Unmut gegen die Präsenz des Kolonialisten Rhodes an der Universität und damit aus der Kritik an dieser diskriminierenden Erinnerungskultur entwickelte sich eine der größten sozialen Bewegungen Südafrikas seit der Überwindung der Apartheid. Die Studierenden forderten mit dem Rhodes Must Fall und später mit Fees Must Fall den freien Zugang zur tertiären Bildung und einen universitären Raum jenseits von Diskriminierung und Rassismus. Dekolonisierung und Intersektionalität waren dabei zwei zentrale Schlagworte für das Verständnis der Unrechtserfahrungen der Studierenden und zugleich fassten sie die multiplen Forderungen der Studierenden zusammen. Die vielfache Zuschreibung dessen was Dekolonisierung und Intersektionalität bedeuten, ermöglichte es, Allianzen zwischen unterschiedlichsten Studierenden zu bilden und auch jene Studierenden, wie die LSBTIQs zu integrieren, welche aufgrund ihrer mehrfachen Diskriminierung häufig ausgeschlossen bleiben. Im Protestverlauf erlebten jedoch LSBTIQs Studierende vermehrt Diskriminierung und Ausschluss. Geschlechterpositionen wurden zum Streitpunkt und stellten die Allianzen infrage. Was mit einer geteilten Forderung von Dekolonisierung und Intersektionalität begann und damit mit dem Streben nach einem herrschaftsfreien Raum, der Diskriminierung und Rassismus überwindet, endete in der Reproduktion von Ungleichheit und der Herausbildung von Machtpositionen. Allianzen brachen auf, trugen zur Zersplitterung der Studierendenbewegung bei und ließen Gegenproteste entstehen, welche die herrschaftskritischen Proteste in ihrer Reproduktion von Ungleichheit hinterfragten. Vor dem Hintergrund der Studierendenbewegung wird die Brüchigkeit von Allianzen deutlich ebenso wie Notwendigkeit, analytisch den Protestverlauf zu analysieren, denn erst dieser zeigt das Entstehen von Allianzen einerseits sowie von Macht- und Exklusionsdynamiken andererseits.

Abstract:This article introduces, reproduces, and contextualizes two letters written in 1938 from Edinburgh by Hastings Kamuzu Banda to Samuel C. Banda (Chief Mwase of Kasungu) and Ernest C. Matako. At the time Banda was studying in Edinburgh. The letters, from a period when sources on Banda are scarce, illuminate his political and educational thinking and his personal life and attitudes at the time. The article also discusses the archival context of the letters, which were found in the papers of Godfrey Wilson, the Director of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute from 1938 to 1941. The copies were found in the course of research into the lives of the anthropologists Monica Wilson, née Hunter, and Godfrey Wilson.

Colossus of Rhodes: Where It Stood and How It Was Made The author, just as Ursula Vedder, who has expressed the same opinion recently, has been long sure that the place where the Colossus of Rhodes was located was the acropolis of the town of Rhodes. The paper includes also some arguments that have not been presented by the German scholar. At first, some source information concerning the Colossus has been briefly summarized. For instance, the expression in APV, 171 (Overbeck 1543), ou gar hyper pelagos monon anthesan alla kai en ga, may be understood as confirming its location in the acropolis: “it stood not only close to the sea, but also on the earth.” In fact, there it would have loomed over the land and the sea, and, as big as it was, it could be seen from a distance. The text by Philo of Byzantium is not credible, as it was written quite late. Then the problem has been analyzed critically. As regards the legend of Colossus bestriding the entrance to the harbor, one may add to the already listed counterarguments that for static reasons a piece of sculpture shaped that way would have needed a third footing attached to the sea bottom at the harbor entrance, which would have made the ships’ access to the harbor difficult. Besides, such a pose of a god would have seemed a little indecent. A hypothesis that situates the Colossus at the end of a pier in the Mandraki Bay, preferred by many scholars, also has its weak points. Placed there, the construction site would have been too small, particularly that construction took at least twelve years, and it would have been difficult to move building materials along the narrow and long pier which under such circumstances could not be used as part of the harbor. According to Strabo (XIV, 2, 5) the harbor was accessible only to authorized personnel. Was it then a good location for a work of art intended to glorify the people of Rhodes? Even if the Colossus had been accessible there, it would have been visible only in a shortened perspective, in frog’s eye view. Still, the most important was the problem of proper display of the statue. Placed on the pier, it would have to turn its back either to the town, or to the sea, and in both cases connotations would have been unwelcome. Such details were essential for ancient Greeks. For static and constructional reasons, one must also reject a hypothesis that the Colossus put his palm over the eyes, as if examining the horizon. If it is true that the relics of the statue remained for several hundred years intact, they would have blocked access to the harbor since most probably they would have fallen into the sea. Besides, would the iron elements have resisted corrosion well enough to be recognizable? Placed on the pier, the Colossus would have been invisible to the crews of ships approaching the town from the west and the same would have been true had it been situated at the present location of the palace of the Great Masters of the Knights Hospitaller. The placement of the statue in the sanctuary of Helios at the present corner of Sofouli and Khimaras streets is also improbable, since the area is really small and the Colossus would not have made a prominent component of the town skyline. Hence, the acropolis must have been the most convenient place, just as in other Greek towns, particularly in Athens where it was the site of the city patron’s worship. Some scholars argue that the temple in the acropolis was dedicated to Apollo, but when the Colossus was constructed Apollo was commonly identified with Helios who was the most important patron of the island. The statue, with his face turned to the east – the town and the sea – might have stood near that temple (ill. 1-2), towering over it. From the west, the steep rock of the acropolis practically made it impossible to watch the Colossus from the western shore, while from the sea it was visible only as a silhouette, an orientation point for the approaching ships (ill. 3), particularly if it was gilded like the statue of Athena Promachos in Athens. This can actually be the origin of the legend that the Colossus of Rhodes was also a lighthouse. Situated in the acropolis, the statue would have been visible both from the town and the sea on both sides of the island. If the damaged Colossus remained intact for centuries, it was because removing it from the acropolis was much more difficult than removing from the wharf. The noun “colossus” originally meant “something towering” (cf. Colossae and Colophon, towns upon hills). The other part of the paper focuses on the technology of construction. Some scholars were too eager to draw from Philo’s description conclusions about the Colossus’ structure and the building methods applied. If the statue had stood at the end of the pier, most likely it would not have been hilled up since the area was too small. Due to the pressure of dirt, boarding such an embankment (A. Gabriel’s claim) would have required 40-45 meter long struts for which there was no room. Moreover, with each subsequent raising of the embankment the struts would have to be multiplied and made much longer, which would have been both costly and technologically challenging. With each new layer of dirt, founding furnaces would have to be removed (as, according to Gabriel, they were located on the embankment) and then put back. A high embankment would have required the use of gigantic ladders, unstable and dangerous. What is more, it would have made it impossible to control the form of the work in progress. All that would have been irrational, while ancient Greeks do not really deserve such a charge. In the author’s opinion, the Colossus was erected within a wooden scaffolding. Founding particular elements of the statue on site was rather unlikely. An external dirt coat would not have helped since there was no clay core inside it, which would have made the alloy’s cooling speed radically unequal. Partial casting is also unlikely as it would have required a 1:1 model (30-35 meters high). Had the model been smaller, errors in calculating detailed measurements would have been inevitable. The author believes that the Colossus of Rhodes was made of hammered bronze sheets riveted to the inner metal skeleton. Such a technique made vertical transportation easier and allowed the constructors to correct the process of montage by bending the sheets whenever necessary. It cannot be excluded that the heads of the rivets and lines of contact between the sheets were masked with solders that did not require much alloy, although in higher sections of the statue the wind would have cooled it quite rapidly. The noun “colossus” did not originally imply a gigantic size but only a slightly archaic look of the sculpture so that the Colossus of Rhodes might have been somewhat similar to very ancient and artistically primitive stiff statues of Helios. On the other hand, it might have alluded to the mythic Telchins who were the first to make statues of gods. (For static reasons, contrapposto was out of the question in the statues of that size, besides it would have been impossible to fill its interior with stones.) Another aspect of making the Colossus look archaic was the use of a modified technique of sphyrelaton. In the author’s opinion, the base of the statue and maybe its higher parts as well, up to the level of ankles, contained carefully sized and braced blocks of stone. They were drilled through to hold the lower ends of the metal internal skeleton made according to the schema of a spatial grid, perhaps used on that occasion for the first time in history. Such a fixture protected the Colossus from the wind pressure so effectively that it remained standing for dozens of years, being vulnerable to earthquakes. The fallen Colossus must have looked like a debris of rods and tin, while the stones from the fixture could be seen in the “abyss” (Plinius), below the level of the ankles, where the structure was actually bent (it must have been bent there rather than at the level of the knees, since looking inside the ruin was easy: the ankles were situated about two meters above the base.) The third footing point might have been camouflaged with some attribute (a spear or a torch). It cannot be excluded that originally Chares had been planning a statue half the final size, similar to the previously known colossal pieces of sculpture, but the pride of the people of Rhodes, emulating Athenians, made them want a Colossus twice as big (Sextus Empiricus, pros mathem., VII, 107 n.). Making the statue look archaic and using an old technology plus some innovations allowed Chares to make their extravagant wish come true. The archaic look might have been achieved thanks to a reference to some old statue of Helios, which perhaps could be found in the neighboring temple. The torso might have been topped with the head, cast separately, although the trouble with placing it so high makes one doubt it.

In South Africa the practice of toppling statues is as old as the practice of erecting them. The most recent episode in this history began in 2015 with the Rhodes Must Fall campaign at the University of Cape Town, from where it rapidly spread to sites throughout South Africa. Confronted with the fact that 97% of South Africa’s 3500 declared heritage sites related to white values and experiences at the end of the apartheid era and that there has been little progress towards crafting a more representative heritage landscape, one cannot dispute the Rhodes Must Fall assertion that South African statues anachronistically honour the leading figures of South Africa’s colonial and apartheid past. Observing that public debate around the statues was rapidly polarised into two camps, those who would defend the statues and those who would destroy them, this paper argues that neither option sufficiently addresses the multiple meanings of statues. By examining the changing public-history discourses of the 20th century we propose a third approach grounded in post humanist arguments about the limitation of critique and the promise of care as an ethical, affective and practical pursuit. We argue that this post humanist approach to the question of what to do with statues in South Africa is capable of transforming them from fetishised objects of offence or of heritage into points around which new publics can gather and through which the historical ontology of contemporary power dynamics can be accessed, interrogated and acted upon in order to build new forms of citizenship. In Suid-Afrika is die praktyk van standbeelde omgooi net so oud soos die praktyk om hulle op te rig. Die mees onlangse episode in hierdie geskiedenis het in 2015 in Kaapstad begin met die Rhodes Must Fall veldtog by die Universiteit van Kaapstad en daarvandaan het dit vining versprei na plekke dwarsoor Suid-Afrika. Gesien in die lig van feit dat teen die einde van die apartheidera 97% van Suid-Afrika se 3500 erfenisplekke verwant was aan blanke waardes en ervaringe en dat daar min vordering was met die daarstelling van ‘n meer verteenwoordigende erfenislandskap, kan mens nie wegkom van Rhodes Must Fall stelling dat Suid-Afrikaanse beelde ‘n anachronistiese verering is van die leidende figure van Suid-Afrika se koloniale en apartheidsverlede. Gegewe dat die openbare debat vining gepolariseer geraak het in twee kampe, naamlik diegene wat die beelde woul beskerm en diegene wat hulle wou vernietig, is die argument wat aangevoer word in hierdie artikel dat nie een van die opsies voldoende handel met die veelvuldige betekenisse van beelde nie. Deur ‘n ondersoek te doen na die veranderende diskoerse oor openbare geskiedenis in die 20ste eeu stel ons ‘n derde benadering voor, wat ingebed is in post-humanistiese argumente oor die beperkinge van kritiek en die moontlikhede van sorg as ‘n etiese, affektiewe en praktiese benadering. Ons argumenteer naamlik dat die post-humanistiese benadering tot wat mens moet doen met beelde in Suid-Afrika is om hulle te omvorm van fetisjistiese voorwerpe wat aanstoot gee of van erfenisvoorwerpe tot plekke waar nuwe publieke kan vergader en waardeur die historiese ontologie van kontemporêre magsdinamiek benader, ondersoek en oor gehandel kan word om nuwe vorme van burgerskap te bou.

Academician Apollon B. Davidson is an outstanding Soviet and Russian expert in African history, British Studies, also known as a specialist in Russian Silver Age literature. He is an author of more than 500 scientific papers, including 11 monographs, most of which are devoted to the new and recent history of the countries of Tropical and South Africa. Graduate of Leningrad State University (1953), Professor (1973), Doctor of Historical Sciences (1971), Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences (2011). Under his leadership, at the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences a scientific school of African history based on archival documents was created. He prepared more than 30 candidates and doctors of sciences, among famous students - A. Balezin, S. Mazov, I. Filatova, G. Derlugyan. In 2001-2002 two volumes of documents “Russia and Africa” [Davidson 1999] were published under his editorship; the book “USSR and Africa” [Davidson, Mazov, Tsypkin 2002], in 2003 - the volume of documents “Comintern and Africa” [Davidson 2003]. In 2003, a two-volume edition of the documents “South Africa and the Communist International” [Davidson, Filatova, Gorodnov, Johns 2003] was published in London in English, and in 2005-2006 - the fundamental three-volume “History of Africa in Documents” [Davidson 2005-2006]. In 1988, he participated in the South African program at Yale University. In 1991, he lectured for several months at universities in South Africa and worked in the archives of this country. In 1992-1993 he worked at the Rhodes University, in 1994-1998 organized and chaired the Center for Russian Studies at the University of Cape Town. In 1981-1991 he visited Ethiopia, Angola, Lesotho, Botswana and several times - Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. From 1977 to 1991 he participated in the Soviet-American Dartmouth conferences as an expert on Africa. In his interview he talks about the outcome of decolonization for southern Africa, the actual problems of the modern development of the continent, the role of China in Africa, and the Afro-Asianization of the world. Special attention is paid to the problems and prospects of the development of Soviet and Russian African studies and Russian-African relations.

During the 1840s, the town meeting minutes of Newport, Rhode Island, recorded the names of local residents who voted. Correlating this information with census data, one can determine that African Americans who voted were more likely to be older, wealthier, native-born Rhode Islanders who were civic and religious leaders in their community.

Abstract Conventional wisdom states that New England was unsympathetic toward the South in the decades before the Civil War. The region's attitudes, however, were not homogeneous. In Newport, Rhode Island, a town dependent upon tourism and real estate investment, residents empathized with Southerners and the sectional issues that concerned them.

AbstractIn March 1964 the entire African labour force at Wankie Colliery, “Wangi Kolia”, in Southern Rhodesia went on strike. Situated about eighty miles south-east of the Victoria Falls on the Zambezi River, central Africa’s only large coalmine played a pivotal role in the region’s political economy. Described byDrum, the famous South African magazine, as a “bitter underpaid place”, the colliery’s black labour force was largely drawn from outside colonial Zimbabwe. While some workers came from Angola, Tanganyika (Tanzania), and Nyasaland (Malawi), the great majority were from Northern Rhodesia (Zambia). Less than one-quarter came from Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) itself. Although poor-quality food rations in lieu of wages played an important role in precipitating female-led industrial action, it also occurred against a backdrop of intense struggle against exploitation over an extended period of time. As significant was the fact that it happened within a context of regional instability and sweeping political changes, with the independence of Zambia already impending. This late colonial conjuncture sheds light on the region’s entangled dynamics of gender, race, and class.

An experiment was conducted on Rhodic Ustochrept soil in Central Hill of Nepal growingwheat-mungbean-rice in rotation. Grain yields as affected by 28 t ha-1 a of town compost werecompared with the same amount of farmyard manure and N:P:K (120:60:40). NPK producedsignificantly higher wheat grain (3897 t ha-1). Other yield results were at par with one another.NPK produced lowest mungbean yield. After growing second crop fertility seems to beexhausted thus rice yield indicated no notable residual fertilising effect. FYM and town compostleft noteworthy amounts of P, Ca, Mg and K even after rice harvest.Key words: Organic manure; plant nutrients; sustainabilityDOI: 10.3126/narj.v7i0.1868Nepal Agriculture Research Journal Vol.7 2006 pp.49-53

Research methodology This case study draws on interviews conducted with officials from the Rhode Island Department of Environmental Management (DEM), City of Woonsocket and Town of North Smithfield. Additionally, it pulls from relevant legal documents, recordings and minutes from meetings of the Woonsocket City Council and North Smithfield Town Council, City Council resolutions, state legislation and local press coverage. Case overview/synopsis From 2012–2017, the communities of Woonsocket and North Smithfield engaged in a protracted dispute concerning wastewater disposal. For 30 years, the two jurisdictions had maintained a signed service agreement. Following its expiration; however, Woonsocket imposed a new host fee on North Smithfield. Woonsocket needed to upgrade the facility to comply with mandates from the RI DEM. Over the next five years, leaders from both jurisdictions vociferously fought over the new fee. At the same time, leaders within communities experienced their own divisions. This case study highlights the challenges that decision-makers faced in both communities. Complexity academic level This case is appropriate for graduate and executive level courses in environmental policy, communication and leadership.

Abstract Addressing the causes of place-based health disparities among older adults have focused on understanding social determinants of health on a large geographic level, such as region, state, or county. However, there is a growing realization for the need to understand how place-based characteristics at smaller geographic areas relate to population health and contribute to successful aging. The purpose of this study was to assess the magnitude of the associations between place-based social determinants and life expectancy (LE) among older adults and related measures. Methods: LE at age 50 (LE50) and age 65 (LE65), and the age-specific mortality rate (ASMR) for ages 65+ (ASMR65) were calculated from mortality data (2009-2011) from the Rhode Island (RI) Department of Health (RIDoH) using abridged life table methods for each RI city/town. City/town-specific LE and ASMR were linked to the US Census, RIDoH, and other databases that include social determinants: demographics, household composition, wealth, education, environment, food insecurity, crime, transportation, and rural-urban status. Bivariate and partial correlations were examined between city/town-level LE50, LE65, and ASMR65. Results: LE50, (range: 29.3-34.0 years) was most strongly associated with the percent of the population with at least a bachelor’s degree (r=0.652, p<0.001), per capita income (r=-0.632, p < 0.001), and percent multigenerational households (r=-0.489, p=0.003). The associations between both LE65 and ASMR65 and examined social determinants were more attenuated, however. Discussion: These results highlight substantial place-based disparities in mortality and potentially addressable social determinants that could improve population health for older adults and reduce place-based disparities among neighboring communities.

The Mitchell collection at the Manuscripts and Archives Department of The University of Cape Town (UCT) consists of the papers of Diana Mary Mitchell, a leading white Rhodesian liberal in the 1960s and 1970s as well as private papers of some other politically active Rhodesians, such as Morris Hirsch, Pat Bashford and Allan Savory. This report presents the Mitchell collection as an instrument to investigate issues of agency by liberal White Rhodesian women in the period 1950-1980, thus aiming to counter some dominant trends in the historiography of Rhodesia and Zimbabwe.Diana Mitchell was born in Salisbury, Rhodesia, in 1932. Her father was a merchant marine officer and her mother was originally from Australia. She attended Eveline High School in Bulawayo and with financial help from her mother she completed a BA in History at Cape Town University in 1953. Before entering formal party politics, Mitchell ran a “backyard school” which provided schooling for African children who otherwise would have had no access to education. After the announcement of the illegal Declaration of Independence (UDI), in 1965 the Rhodesian Front (RF) closed such schools and Mitchell charges this move as being “the key to my activism.” While Mitchell acknowledges that she “worked voluntarily because I could afford to, my husband was the breadwinner […] so I could afford to be this so called ‘liberal’ because of my standard of living,” she became heavily involved in parliamentary politics and was one of the founding members of the Centre Party (CP).

This paper centres on an existential consciousness reading of the production of “Abantu Stand” by Rhodes University Theatre. “Abantu Stand” is a product of pieces of workshop sketches on current social, economic and political conversations in South Africa. From my participation in the back stage conversations of the artists and the production crew towards the final making of the production, to the discussions with the audience after each performance, I realise that, of a truth, as the closing song of the performance re-echoes, “It is not yet uhuru” for the South Africans, particularly, the people on the peripheral of the society!” In “Abantu Stand,” in spite of her post-apartheid status, South Africa appears as a volatile contested space. Of course, in reality, in many areas, 70 to 85% of lands remain in the hands of the settlers. There are towns and settlements outside of towns – for till now, majority of the blacks live in shanties outside the main towns. Inequality, mutual suspicion, mismanagement and oppression operate at different levels of the society – from race to race, gender to gender and tribe to tribe. There is the challenge of gender/sexual categorisation and the tension of “coming out” in relation to the residual resisting traditional culture of heterosexuals. The sketches in the performance are woven around these contentious issues to give room for free conversations. The desire is to provoke a revolutionary change. However, one thing is evident: South Africa, with the relics of apartheid, is still a state in transition.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the influence of the experience economy and co-creation concepts on guided tours (GTs) and to analyze the process of the on-site (co-)creation of experience between the service provider and the consumer taking into account the consumer perspective.Design/methodology/approachThe objective of the study is fulfilled by reviewing the literature on experience economy and co-creation within a cultural heritage context and then using it to design appropriate research tools to collect empirical data through qualitative interviews within the context of a single case study. The Medieval Town of Rhodes (MTR), Greece, serves as the case in this study. In fact, this study analyzes primary data from 25 interviews with participants in GTs in the MTR.FindingsThe GT participant’s views of their GT experience were explored, and it was evaluated whether they fit any of the three generations of experience economy with an emphasis on co-creation of experience. The findings show that, in the MTR-GT services, the characteristics of mainly the first and second generation experience economies are found, while little emphasis is given to the third generation experience economy. Based on the empirical results, the RIF model (R: “Resources,” I: “Interactions,” F: “Feelings”) was created: this proposes that both the process of experience co-creation and optimal GT experiences are realized by providing participants with appropriate resources, multiple types of interactions and opportunities to generate positive and pleasant feelings. This model illustrates the intertwining, multi-dimensional facets of an optimal co-created GT experience that service providers and tour operators should provide to their customers.Research limitations/implicationsThe present study has several limitations that need to be mentioned. First, this research is a single case study; the MTR serves as the case, focusing on one cultural heritage service, GTs. This fact can put the study’s validity in question. Moreover, as the research is conducted by a single person, there is the risk of subjective bias. Another limitation is that this study is not a longitudinal one; the latter could lead to more accurate findings. The number and the nationality of participants constitute the 4th and final limitation of the research. More specifically, the sample is not perceived to be representative of the population nor generalizable, while visitors from more nationalities could have been interviewed. In relation to this, the judgmental sampling method was used because the population of the study could not be defined. This serves as the fifth limitation of the study.Practical implicationsTour operators and tour guides can exploit the characteristics of GT activities included in the proposed RIF model. By incorporating these elements in GT experiences, the process of experience co-creation could be effectively supported. An optimal GT experience that incorporates intertwining and multi-dimensional facets could be provided. To begin with, the physical setting where the tour takes place must be well preserved, so that it can capture the attention of the participants. The route of the tour should not be exhausting but convenient for all participants and should include various landscapes. On the other hand, tour guides should provide interesting, relevant and cohesive information. Moreover, a tour guide needs to display charismatic behavior to gain the tour group’s trust and generate positive feelings impressing and immersing participants in the experience and encouraging in them a sense of togetherness. Within the context of the tour, tangible elements such as brochures and maps should be provided, allowing vistors to tailor the experience according to their needs and preferences. Furthermore, interaction between the guide and the tour group, as well as among the participants themselves, should be encouraged. In relation to this, the tour group could be divided into sub-groups according to common features such as age. The guides could also come up with a topic to be jointly discussed and participatory activities such as games could be organized. Finally, participants should have some freedom during the tour; time to explore the setting on their own or a visit to specific places on request.Originality/valueThe originality of the paper lies in the development of the RIF model, illustrating the on-site optimal experience within the context of GTs taking place in the MTR, the setting of the research. The construction of the RIF model was based on an investigation into actual GT participant’s perspectives on GTs.

Abstract Grandparents co-residing with their grandchildren is becoming increasingly more common, with over 1.5 million grandchildren living with their grandchildren in the U.S. Furthermore, the number of grandparents who are primary caregivers for their grandchildren has also increased, which can negatively effects the grandparents’ physical and mental health, and increase social isolation and financial burden. However, the associations between grandparental caregiving and health outcomes are not well understood on a population level. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to assess associations between grandparental caregiving, socioeconomic status, and population health outcomes. Using mortality data (2009-2011) from the Rhode Island (RI) Department of Health and life table methods for each RI city/town, life expectancy at age 65 (LE65) and age-standardized mortality rates (ASMR) were calculated and linked to data from the American Community Survey on grandparental caregiving responsibilities, grandparental living arrangements (co-residence), poverty status, and demographics. Correlations and multivariable linear regression modeling were used to evaluate associations among LE65, ASMR, grandparental caregiving and co-residence, demographics, and poverty. Both LE65 (rho=-0.382, p=0.016) and ASMR (rho=0.327, p=0.042) were associated with the percent of grandparents living with grandchildren. The percent of grandparents as primary caregivers to their grandchildren was not significantly associated with LE65 or ASMR. ASMR was associated with the percent of grandparents living in poverty (rho=0.401, p=0.013) and overall poverty (rho=0.363, p=0.023). These results highlight conditions of community-based living and role of primary caregivers at an older age that should be further explored to improve the health of grandparents, particularly in multi-generational homes.

A cross-sectional study was conducted from November 2018 to April 2019 in Gondar town, Ethiopia, with the objectives to determine the prevalence of coccidiosis and to assess the associated risk factors. The floatation technique was used for isolation of coccidian oocysts obtained from 384 fecal samples of chicken, and the prevalence revealed was 42.2%. The result showed 43.6% of male and 41.2% female chickens found infected with Eimeria. From the examined chickens, higher degree of infection was observed in the younger age group (51.0%) than adult chickens (36.7%). The difference was statistically significant (p<0.05). The study showed relatively higher prevalence in poor body condition chickens (72.6%) than medium (36.1%) and good body condition (30.5%) with statistically significant difference (p<0.05). The result also showed higher prevalence of coccidiosis in the floor system (50.4%) than in the cage system (19.0%), and the difference was statistically significant (p<0.05). The prevalence based on the management system was 63.7%, 39.4%, and 29.3% in poor, medium, and good management, respectively. Significant difference was seen in the prevalence of poultry coccidiosis, between poorly and properly managed chickens (p<0.05). In addition, the study reported 46.1%, 36.7%, and 26.3% prevalence in Bovan Brown, White Leg Horn, and Rhode Red Island chicken breeds, respectively. Coccidiosis is a major problem in the farm with inadequate hygienic measures and factors such as age, breed, body conditions, and biosecurity which are the most common factors that contribute for the occurrence of coccidiosis. Therefore, appropriate control strategies should be designed considering important risk factors such as, breed, age, management system, and housing system. Especially, focus should be given to biosecurity practices in the prevention and control of coccidiosis, and in addition, further studies are needed to be conducted to identify the prevalent Eimeria species for strategic control.

Pyricularia grisea (Cooke) Sacc. causing significant damage in perennial ryegrass (Lolium perenne L.) was first observed on a golf course in eastern Maryland in 1985 by P. H. Dernoeden, but there is no published account. The first published report of the problem was from southeastern Pennsylvania in 1991 (1). There were scattered reports of gray leaf spot in several other states in 1991. A more severe and widespread epidemic occurred under similar environmental conditions throughout the mid-Atlantic region in 1995 and has reoccurred to some extent annually since then in an expanding area throughout the United States. This report documents the expansion of the northern range of the epidemic into New England. Samples of perennial rye-grass with gray leaf spot from golf courses in three towns in Connecticut (Norwich, Stratford, and Willamantic) and one in Rhode Island (West Warwick) were submitted to the diagnostic labs at the universities of Massachusetts and Rhode Island beginning on 22 September 1998. Severe gray leaf spot was observed in perennial ryegrass fairways and roughs, especially where new seedlings were present, causing turf loss exceeding 50% in some areas. Diagnosis of this now familiar disease is based on the presence of abundant sporulation of the pathogen on infected tissue, distinctive leaf symptoms, and rapid foliar blighting of only perennial ryegrass in plantings of mixed turfgrass species. Golf course superintendents in New England with perennial ryegrass may have to extend their late-season fungicide applications to accommodate this new and destructive late-summer and fall disease. Reference: (1) P. J. Landschoot and B. F. Hoyland. Plant Dis. 76:1280, 1992.

This study investigates voter decision-making on two smart-growth components: land preservation and affordable housing. We seek to understand how voters make concurrent decisions about unpaired smart-growth components at the ballot box. Previous studies of smart growth, affordable housing, and environmental preservation have focused primarily on describing the attitudes and traits of voters on these policies, utilize aggregate voting outcomes, or are case studies of single towns in which there is a fairly homogenous group of residents either supporting or opposing the policy. We draw on a unique data set to investigate the different covariates of attitudes for environmental preservation and affordable housing: an exit poll of voters in the 2016 Rhode Island General Election on bond referendums for environmental preservation and affordable housing. We find that the coalition for smart growth that includes both land preservation and affordable housing is undermined by views of minorities and the poor as undeserving.

This interview was conducted on 16 May 2009 at Le Quartier Francais in Franschhoek, Cape Town, South Africa. Petina Gappah is the third generation of Zimbabwean writers writing from the diaspora. She was born in 1971 in Zambia, and grew up in Zimbabwe during the transitional moment from colonial Rhodesia to independence. She has law degrees from the University of Zimbabwe, the University of Cambridge, and the University of Graz. She writes in English and also draws on Shona, her first language. She has published a short story collection An Elegy for Easterly (2009), first novel The Book of Memory (2015), and another collection of short stories, Rotten Row (2016). Gappah’s collection of short stories An Elegy for Easterly (2009) was awarded The Guardian First Book Award in 2009, and was shortlisted for the Frank O’Connor International Short Story Award, the richest prize for the short story form. Gappah was working on her novel The Book of Memory at the time of this interview.

In the aftermath of the 1967 “Six Days' War,” 254 ancient inscribed stones were found in forty-four towns and villages of the Golan Heights—241 in Greek, 12 in Hebrew or Aramaic, and 1 in Latin. These stones, along with numerous architectural fragments, served as the basis of the 1996 book by myself and Dan Urman, Jews, Pagans, and Christians in the Golan Heights—a study of settlement patterns of people of the three religions in this region in the early centuries of the common era.1 The area of the Golan heights, roughly the size of Rhode Island, was in antiquity a place of agriculture and, for the most part, small communities. Though historians of religions in the late Roman period have long been aware of the “quartering” of cities, and of the locations of particular religious groups in this or that section of urban areas, we have had little information concerning the ways in which Hellenes, Jews, and Christians took up residence in relation to each other in those rural settings featuring numerous towns and hamlets— most presumably too small to have “zones” for ethnic and religious groups. The surviving artifacts of a number of the Golan sites gave the opportunity for a case study. Part 1 of this article centers on evidence for the locations and possible interactions of members of these religious groups in the Golan from the third to the seventh centuries and entails a summary of findings in the earlier work, while part 2 takes up several lingering questions about religious identity and ways of “marking” it within Golan countryside communities. Both sections can be placed under a rubric of “boundary drawing and religion.”

Names constitute a key component of the cultural heritage of any region. Though geographically, culturally and linguistically apart, Estonia and Zambia share some elements and motivations in naming. Zambia’s British colonial experience and Estonia’s Danish, German, Polish, Swedish and Russian/ Soviet influence in the past made significant changes to personal and place names in both regions. Following independence, both states made strides in the indigenisation of names for promoting local heritage and national identity. Zambia predominantly focused on changing the names of some towns, and of the country (from Northern Rhodesia to Zambia). On the other hand, the Estonian onomastic experience has been more comprehensive – regulating both personal and place names, enacting corresponding laws and maintaining the Institute of the Estonian Language to oversee language and name planning, among other responsibilities. Kokkuvõte. Osward Chanda ja Peeter Päll: Nimekorraldus Sambias ja Eestis: võrdlev analüüs. Artikkel vaatleb Sambia ja Eesti nimesituatsiooni erinevusi ja sarnasusi. Sambia on mitmekeelne maa, ametikeel on inglise; Eesti on ametlikult ükskeelne maa, praktikas käibivad eesti keele kõrval ka vene ja inglise keel. Sambia isikunimedes on perekonnanimed valdavalt kohalikku päritolu, eesnimed enamjaolt euroopalikud; kohanimed on valdavalt ühekordsed. Sambias ei ole erinevalt Eestist nimeseadusi isiku- ja kohanimede reguleerimiseks. Ühine on mõlema maa puhul asjaolu, et ajaloos on varem domineerinud võõrvõimud, mis on jätnud jälje nimepilti. Kui proovida sõnastada universaalseid nimekorralduspõhimõtteid, siis võiksid need olla 1) nimede kui kultuuripärandi kaitse; 2) kohalike nimekujude eelistamine; 3) nimede keeleline korrektsus, 4) oma kultuuriidentiteedi hoidmine, 5) nimede pragmaatiliste aspektide (eristatavus, nimeinfo kättesaadavus jm) arvestamine.

Social movements often face the danger of becoming the very thing they are fighting against. This tension is evident within the student movement, Rhodes Must Fall, at the University of Cape Town. This dialectic is explored through the notion of 'alienation' as a concept of social philosophy. I argue that while the movement emerges from the experience of alienation, certain behaviours internal to the movement can also proceed to cause alienation. The lesson to be learnt from this contradiction is that we are all simultaneously oppressors and oppressed. From this emerges a positive understanding of alienation, as the experience of alienation is not only a negative one. One such positive lesson in this case is the alteration of our understandings of ourselves and others toward an all-inclusive liberation agenda. Failure to heed this could see the transformation potential of such movements like Rhodes Must Fall hijacked by hypocrisy.

Resumo: Em 09 de março de 2015 centenas de estudantes iniciaram um movimento na prestigiosa University of Cape Town (UCT) para a retirada da estátua de Cecil Rhodes, representante do colonialismo inglês no século XIX, do campus. Nesse mesmo ano, em novembro, estudantes da Princeton University ocuparam a reitoria exigindo que fosse removido de um dos prédios do campus o nome de Woodrow Wilson, defensor da segregação dos negros no sul dos Estados Unidos. Em maio desse ano, a Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG) foi a primeira universidade do país a implementar reserva de vagas para indígenas, afrodescendentes e deficientes em cursos de pós-graduação. O objetivo deste artigo é compreender e analisar a força desses fenômenos, que são entendidos nessa reflexão como demandas decoloniais com dimensões global e local.

The years 2015 and 2016 were marked by violent protests at South African universities. While the focus of many of the protests was on access to university education, an equally major theme was the decolonisation of universities. University statues, such as that of Cecil John Rhodes at the University of Cape Town and many others, were pulled down or defaced. Within the discourse on decolonisation of curriculum, statues were viewed as symbols of maintaining and preserving the colonial hegemony that is being sustained by a Western or Eurocentric curriculum taught at universities. These developments led to a national discourse, which, among others, highlighted universities as spaces of exclusion because of residual colonial features. These protests became represented by hashtags such as #RhodesMustFall. These protests indicated a conflict and contest to eradicate the remnants of colonialism, as represented by statues (#YourStatueMustFall), which some protesters argued should be replaced by symbols of black liberation and anti-apartheid iconic symbols (#MyStatueShouldBeErectedInstead). For an integrated South Africa, with its constitutional ideals of a rainbow nation, a discourse of coexistence is required (#BothOurStatuesShouldBeErected). In this situation, a contextually engaged reformatory public practical theology is required to contribute to a constructive discourse and coexistence.

04–576Alexander, Neville (U. of Cape Town, South Africa; Email: nalexand@humanities.uct.ac.za). The politics of language planning in post-apartheid South Africa. Language Problems and Language Planning (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 28, 2 (2004), 113–130.04–577Bayley, Robert and Langman, Juliet (U. of Texas, USA; Email: rbayley@utsa.edu). Variation in the group and the individual: Evidence from second language acquisition. International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 42, 4 (2004), 303–318.04–578Cruickshank, Ken (U. of Wollongong, Australia; Email: kenc@uow.edu.au). Literacy in multilingual contexts: change in teenagers' reading and writing. Language and Education (Clevedon, UK), 18, 6 (2004), 459–473.04–579Dailey, René M., Giles, Howard and Jansma, Laura L. (U. of California, Santa Barbara, USA; Email: rdailey@umail.ucsb.edu). Language attitudes in an Anglo-Hispanic context: the role of the linguistic landscape. Language and Communication (Oxford, UK), 25, 1 (2005), 27–38.04–580Davis, Kathryn and Skilton-Sylvester, Ellen (U. of Hawai'i at Manoa, USA). Looking Back, Taking Stock, Moving Forward: Investigating Gender in TESOL. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 38, 3 (2004), 381–404.04–581Dewaele, Jean-Marc (U. of London, UK; Email: j.dewaele@bbk.ac.uk). Vous or tu? Native and non-native speakers of French on a sociolinguistic tightrope. International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 42, 4 (2004), 383–402.04–582Gordon, Daryl (Temple U., USA). “I'm tired. You clean and cook.” Shifting gender identities and second language socialization. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria,VA, USA), 38, 3 (2004), 437–457.04–583Kamwangamalu, Nkonko M. (Howard U., USA; Email: nkamwangamalu@howard.edu). The language policy/language economics interface and mother-tongue education in post-apartheid South Africa. Language Problems and Language Planning (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 28, 2 (2004), 131–146.04–584Ordonez, Claudia Lucia (U. de los Andes, Santafé de Bogota, Colombia; Email: cordonez@uniandes.edu.com). EFL and native Spanish in elite bilingual schools in Colombia: a first look at bilingual adolescent frog stories. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Clevedon, UK), 7, 5 (2004), 449–473.04–585Simpson, M. JoEllen (Formerly at U. del Valle, Cali, Colombia; Email: jsimpson@telesat.com.co). A look at early childhood writing in English and Spanish in a bilingual school in Ecuador. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Clevedon, UK), 7, 5 (2004), 432–448.04–586Skliar, Carlos and Muller Quadros, Ronice (U. Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil; Email: skliar@piaget.edu.ufrgs.br). Bilingual deaf education in the south of Brazil. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Clevedon, UK), 7, 5 (2004), 432–448.04–587Spezzini, Susan (U. of Alabama at Birmingham, USA; Email: spezzini@uab.edu). English immersion in Paraguay: individual and sociocultural dimensions of language learning and use. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Clevedon, UK), 7, 5 (2004), 412–431.04–588Wright, Laurence (Rhodes U., South Africa; Email: L.Wright@ru.ac.za). Language and value: towards accepting a richer linguistic ecology for South Africa. Language Problems and Language Planning (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 28, 2 (2004), 175–197.

This paper explores voyage and migration in tropical Africa through Lauren St John’s Rainbow’s End, a memoir contributing to debates of white African identity that now include more contemporary renditions of identity in female self-reflective accounts differing markedly from masculine perspectives. In her coming-of-age memoir, St John chronicles her experiences of a privileged 1970s white Rhodesian society at war, and her gradual awareness of racial inequalities that transformed her into a white Zimbabwean. For her parents, voyage and migration take different paths. Her father migrated (with his family) to fight for a white Rhodesia, driven by masculine concerns. In contrast, St John’s mother was an avid traveller who journeyed from the mundane world of tropical farm life to exotic locations in Europe and beyond, escaping both her deteriorating marriage and the dull world of the club, small town gossip and a narrow minded semi-colonial rural environment. St John’s account of white settler identity and racial difference gives us insights into a day in the African tropics, and furthermore speaks to those in other settler countries such as Australia who are debating colonial history and identity, and who are often uncomfortable with aspects of their own settler past.

Abstract Background and Objectives This translational research had two aims. First, to analyze and translate data from multiple original data sources to provide accurate, unbiased local community and statewide information about healthy aging. Second, to work with stakeholders to use the tools to identify disparities in healthy aging and to support their efforts to advance healthy aging. Research Design and Methods Data sources from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, U.S. Census American Community Survey, and other sources were analyzed using small area estimation techniques to determine age/gender adjusted local community rates in Connecticut (CT), Massachusetts (MA), New Hampshire (NH), and Rhode Island (RI). Results State level analyses revealed gender and racial/ethnic disparities in healthy aging. A factor analysis identified 4 dimensions of community population healthy aging/morbidity: serious complex chronic disease, indolent conditions, physical disability, and psychological disability. Discussion and Implications Healthy Aging Data Reports now exist for MA (2014, 2015, 2018), NH (2019), RI (2016, 2020) and CT (2021) and demonstrate differences in health by place. Each report includes community profiles for every city, town, and some urban neighborhoods with more than 170-197 indicators. The reports include maps of the statewide distribution of rates, an infographic, highlights report with state-specific multivariate analyses, and 18 interactive web-maps, 18 regional interactive web-maps, and technical documentation about data sources and methods. Overall, the research has identified variations in healthy aging and provided tools to track change over time to support age-friendly efforts in the region.

The Big Pineapple, Big Banana, the Big Potato , Australia positively groans under the weight of big things littered along the highway like jokes awaiting their punch-lines. These commercial road-side enterprises are a constant source of bemusement among Australians and this paper seeks to explore the attraction of the gargantuan and why Australians consider big things to be so funny. Discovering that big things not only give form to national icons but also celebrate the nation's tendency to larrikinism and the associated sardonic, ironic and anti-establishment humour, we are left to consider the role big things may play in the Australian national psyche and how their function as low art turns their collectivity into some strange, impulsive attempt at establishing a system of totems that comes to terms with this big land and its contested ownership. Historically big things like the Colossus of Rhodes, the Pyramids or the Great Wall of China have been physical manifestations of empire and dominion. No laughing matter. But in the United States from the 1920s, particularly in Southern California, we begin to see a profusion of "roadside vernacular architecture" including a big coffee percolator, a big pig, a big corn ear, a big teapot, a big Spanish dancer, a big duck, a big fish and many big hot dogs and big chilli bowls (Heimann and Georges). "Imaginana" is another way to conceptualise these strange forms of cultural production that replicate familiar, safe everyday items (Amdur 12). Early big things, particularly in the United States, had a clearly pragmatic function: to lure car-bound consumers off the highways and into local commercial enterprises with simple, one-to-one signification bringing function to form and high art to low purposes (Gebhard 14). The aim of these big things was to shock, startle and amuse the passing motorist and they took on a humourous edge due to the incongruity of scale and the surreal surprise of reality warping out of all proportion. While big things have a commercial purpose they achieve that purpose because they can be read playfully, always reminding us of the paradox they entail: they act dualistically as both the media and the message, both the referent and the real (Barcan 38). Reading big things as jokes in Freudian terms, we see how they may be eruptions of the unconscious into the mundane (Krahn 158). The first big thing in Australia was the Big Banana, built in Coffs Harbour by an American entomologist, John Landi (Negus). From that time on Australia has had a quirky relationship with big things. The banana is innately funny. The bent phallus, the unique shape, the skin as the standard slapstick cue to pratfall; everything about the banana is an invitation to laugh. Soon the banana was emulated by other funny produce such as the pineapple, the prawn and the lobster and within a decade monstrous agricultural products proliferated beside Australian highways regardless of their innate humour. They were joined by a variety of iconic figures, usually with an obvious connection such as the Big Penguin at the town of Penguin. Big things reinforce notions of national and regional identity: on the national level Australia is portrayed as a land of plenty, a fact emphasized by the sheer vastness of these creations; regionally, these totems function as identity markers and place makers (Barcan 31). Many big things were constructed by migrants and thus can be interpreted as optimistic acts of home making in the vast emptiness of the continent (Barcan 36). There is concern that big things obscure, or even obliterate, the history of regions and the whole continent: the incarcerations, land-grabbing, labour conflicts, corruption and failure. Instead it could be argued that big thing function to both signpost white history and subvert it at the same time: the Big Ned Kelly calling for revolution, the big goldminer looking ever expectant and ever disappointed, the Big Captain Cook in Cairns giving what appears to be a Nazi salute, all point to a larrikin refusal to take the brief and minor white history too seriously. The Australian larrikin sense of humour is mischievous, depreciatory and anti-authoritarian. This sense of humour arises from certain characteristics of the Australian "legend" identified by Ward such as scepticism, egalitarianism and derision towards affectation that are evident in larrikins' confrontations with authority, elaborate practical jokes on each other and the community at large and a "propensity for vulgarising the arts" (Reekie 97). This larrikinism is evident in the way dangerous nuisances (the big crocodile, the big red back spider) and mundane objects (the big jam tin, the big stubby holder, the big mower) are given the same treatment as national icons. There is also the variability of effort and attention to detail, where Aussie "ingenuity" and bush carpentry have been used to turn a good idea into reality in the shortest possible time to produce a very impressionist big koala or just the blob of concrete that is the big strawberry. Ignatius Jones explains: "get your local surfboard maker to cast you a giant prawn in fibreglass and you end up with the cicada that ate Yamba" (Negus). The early documentation of Australian big things was also carried out in a larrikin spirit (Amdur) including the claim that big things are part of an alien conspiracy to make us feel small (Stockwell). Every big thing requires a visionary, a postmodern artist with the passion and the obsession to realise their vision. It is a form of low art, a form of trash culture. But to many who do not frequent galleries and museums, low art is their available form of art and thus becomes their actual art. City planners and the upper middle class tend to denigrate these structures so at odds with their images of beautiful cities, so blatantly bastions of commercialism and so big that they run the risk of obscuring and obliterating real art (Gerbhard 25). Big things are criticised as ugly, kitsch, tacky and giving a wrong impression of a town. There are further concerns that big things allow the tourist to learn without knowing by presenting only one side of the story (Cross 51) and that they make observers minuscule in their presence, dominating the landscape and the attention of tourists (Krahn 165). But looking beyond the aesthetics of the individual instance it becomes apparent that big things also function as a network (Barcan 32), inviting the tourist along the highway of "the arrested fairground (in the) oxymoron of movement" (Krahn 157), offering the hyperreal adventure of collecting the experience, and small mementos, of more big things (Eco 1986). Big things are carnival, inverting social rules, promising some weird utopia (Krahn 171). As a collectivity, the larger psycho-political and metaphysical roles of big things become apparent. For Australia, the crucial question big things raise is the nature of our relationship with the land. Most of white Australia, huddled in cities on the seaboard, has a fear of the empty space at the heart of the continent. Big things are an attempt to assert that the settlers can match the dimensions of the land as, community by community, we write ourselves upon the land. The problem that big things highlight rather than obscure, the problem that can never be sublimated, that constantly erupts from the collective unconscious is that the ownership of the land remains contested, sometimes in the courts, sometimes in the streets, but most importantly in the hearts and dreams of the whole Australian people. All this land once had its own indigenous stories and big things may be seen as a pathetic attempt to replace, re-define and retell those stories by the interlopers now living on the land. "...Big things work allegorically, effacing, most notably, Aboriginal definitions of regional, tribal, spiritual, linguistic or other space" (Barcan 37). There is a sense in which big things are white trash barely obscuring black deaths (Nyoongah 12-14). But like a student's job-work over an old master's self portrait, big things invite us to peek through to the real totems of this land, totems enshrined in the creation myths of the indigenous dreaming. This is big things' contribution to the reconciliation process, to remind us of the fragile hold of white Australia on the land and to demand respect for the stories big things seek to displace. And that is the real big thing for white Australia in the reconciliation process, to accept these stories as our own so the land owns us. This is a much bigger leap than just saying sorry but in some strange way it has already commenced in the massive, mega-fauna that even now are rising from the land like the harbingers of a new dreamtime. A number of authors complain that, intentionally or otherwise, big things exclude indigenous flora and fauna and suggest that this points to a denial of history (Amdur 13, Barcan 36). But in recent years there has been a flood of big indigenous icons, many owned by indigenous corporations: big koalas, big kangaroos, big crocodiles, big bunyips and big barramundi. There is still the potential for indigenous artists to turn the joke around by creating big ancestral beings including rainbow serpents and the like. As Krahn (163) says: "I fear there must have been a Big Aboriginal Elder somewhere, gazing wistfully from the edge of town. But why a chicken?" Works Cited Amdur, Mark. It Really Is A Big Country . Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1981. Barcan, Ruth. "Big Things: Consumer Totemism and Serial Monumentality." Linq 23.2 (1996): 31-39. Cane Toad Collective. "Big Things." Cane Toad Times 1 1983: 18-23. Eco, Umberto. Travels in Hyperreality. San Diego: Harcourt Brace, 1986. Gebhard, David. "Introduction." California Crazy: Roadside Vernacular Architecture . Eds. Jim Heimann and Rip Georges. San Francisco: Chronicle, 1985. 11-25. Heimann, Jim and Rip Georges. California Crazy: Roadside Vernacular Architecture . San Francisco: Chronicle, 1985. Krahn, Uli "The Arrested Fairground, or, Big Things as Oxymoron of Movement." Antithesis 13 (2002): 157-176. Negus, George, "Big Things", New Dimensions (In Time) . 21 July 2003. 26 September 2003 < http://www.abc.net.au/dimensions/dimensions_in_time/Transcripts/2003_default.htm >. Nyoongah, Janine Little. "'Unsinkable' Big Things: Spectacle, Race, and Class through Elvis, Titanic, O.J. and Sumo." Overland 148 (1997): 12-15. Reekie, Gail. "Nineteenth-Century Urbanization." Australian Studies: A Survey. Ed. James Walter. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989. Stockwell, Stephen. "Cairns Collossi." Cane Toad Times 2 1984: 21. Ward, Russel. The Australian Legend . Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989. Links http://members.ozemail.com.au/~arundell/bigthing.htm http://www.alphalink.com.au/~richardb/page4.htm http://www.general.uwa.edu.au/u/rpinna/big/big_things_intro.html http://www.bigthings.com.au/ http://www.alphalink.com.au/~richardb/page4.htm Citation reference for this article MLA Style Stockwell, Stephen & Carlisle, Bethany. "Big Things" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/6-stockwell-carlisle-big-things.php>. APA Style Stockwell, S. & Carlisle, B. (2003, Nov 10). Big Things. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6, <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/6-stockwell-carlisle-big-things.php>

The article focuses on analyzing the content and relationship between the development of enterprises, enterprise-university models and governance in higher education institutions, thereby providing policy recommendations on innovation in university governance in Vietnam. In the article, documents from internationally published researches as well as arguments on the mentioned subjects are analyzed and synthesized. Results of surveys and analysis on the status of universities in Vietnam that are presented in the article also demonstrate a detailed picture of difficulties and issues in enterprise development and transition into enterprise-university model. On this basis, the article provides recommendations for universities and on the issues that require government’s intervention through supportive policies and mechanisms to accelerate the process of university governance reform in the current period of 4.0 revolution in university education. Keywords Higher education institutions, Developing enterprise in universities, University-enterprise model, University governance References [1] Trần Anh Tài, Trịnh Ngọc Thạch, Mô hình đại học doanh nghiệp: Kinh nghiệm quốc tế và gợi ý cho Việt Nam, Tái bản lần thứ nhất, NXB Khoa học Xã hội, 2003.[2] Yokoyama K, Entrepreneurialism in Japanese and UK Universities: Governance, Management, Leadership and Funding. 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R., Creating Entrepreneurial Universities: Organizational Pathways of Transformation, Oxford: IAU Press and Pergamon, 1998.[7] Etzkowitz H., MIT and The Rise of Entrepreneurial Science, Routledge, New York, 2002.https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203216675.[8] Geiger R. L., Knowledge and Money: Research Universities and The Paradox of The Marketplace, Stanford University Press, 2004.[9] Slaughter, S., Leslie, L., Academic Capitalism: Politics, Policies and The Entrepreneurial University, John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1997.[10] Slaughter, S., Rhoades G., Academic Capitalism and The New Economy: Markets, State and Higher Education, John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2004.[11] Washburn, J., University Inc: The Corporate Corruption of Higher Education, Stanford University Press, 2005. [12] Han J. và Heshmati A., Determinants of Financial Rewards from Industry-University Collaboration in South Korea, IZA Discussion Paper No. 7695 (2013). [13] Trần Anh Tài, Liên kết nhà trường và doanh nghiệp trong hoạt động đào tạo và nghiên cứu khoa học - kinh nghiệm quốc tế và gợi ý cho Việt Nam, Đề tài cấp ĐHQG, 2009-2010, 2010. [14] Yusof M., Jain K. K., Categories of University-level entrepreneurship: a literature survey, Int. Entrep. Manag. J (2010) 6:81-96. DOI 10.1007/s11365-007-0072-x.[15] Dinh Van Toan, Promoting university startups’ development: International experiences and policy recommendations for Vietnam, Vietnam’s Socio-Economic Development, Vol. 22, No. 90, 7/2017, tr. 19-42.[16] Rothaermel F.T., Agung S.D. and Jiang L., University entrepreneurship: a taxonomy of the literature, Industrial and Corporate Change, Volume 16, Number 4, Oxford University Press, 2007, pp. 691-791.[17] Bercovitz J. & Feldman M., Entrepreneurial Universities and Technology Transfer: A Conceptual Framework for Understanding Knowledge Based Economic Development, The Journal of Technology Transfer (2006) 31: 175. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-005-5029-z[18] Bercovitz, J., Feldman, M., Feller, I. và cộng sự, Organizational Structure as a Determinant of Academic Patent and Licensing Behavior: An Exploratory Study of Duke, John Hopkins, and Pennsylvania State Universities, The Journal of Technology Transfer (2001) 26: 21. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1007828026904[19] Feldman, M., Bercovitz, J., Burton, R., Equity and The Technology Strategies of American Research Universities, Management Science, 48(1), 2002, 105-121.[20] Owen-Smith, J., Trends and transitions in the institutional environment for public and private science, Higher Education, 49, 2005, 91-117.[21] Owen-Smith J., Powell W. W., The Expanding Role of University Patenting in the Life Sciences: Assessing The Importance of Experience and Connectivity, Research Policy, 32(9), 2003, 1695-1711.[22] Colyvas J.A., Powell W.W., From Vulnerable to Venerated: The Institutionalization of Academic Entrepreneurship in The Life Science, in Martin Ruef, Michael Lounsbury (ed.) The Sociology of Entrepreneurship (Research in the Sociology of Organizations, Volume 25) Emerald Group Publishing Limited, 2007, pp.219 – 259. [23] Luthje C., Franke N., Fostering entrepreneurship through university education and training: Lessons from Massachusetts Institute of Techolology, European Academy of Management, 2nd Annual Conference on Innovative Research in Management, Stockholm, 2002.[24] Trần Anh Tài, Liên kết nhà trường và doanh nghiệp trong hoạt động đào tạo và nghiên cứu khoa học - kinh nghiệm quốc tế và gợi ý cho Việt Nam, Đề tài cấp ĐHQG, 2009-2010. [25] G. Dalmarco, W. 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IntroductionBushfires have taken numerous lives and destroyed communities throughout Australia over many years. Catastrophic fire weather alerts have occurred during the Australian summer of 2012–13, and long-term forecasts predict increased bushfire events throughout several areas of Australia. This article highlights how organisational and individual responses to bushfire in Australia often entail creative responses—either improvised responses at the time of bushfire emergencies or innovative (organisational, strategic, or technological) changes which help protect the community from, or mitigate against, future bushfire catastrophes. These improvised or innovative responses include emergency communications systems, practices, and devices. This article reports on findings from a research project funded by the Australian Research Council titled Using Community Engagement and Enhanced Visual Information to Promote FireWatch Satellite Communications as a Support for Collaborative Decision-making. FireWatch is a Web-based public information product based on near real time satellite data produced by the West Australian (WA) Government entity, Landgate. The project researches ways in which remote and regional publics can be engaged and mobilised through the development of a more user-friendly FireWatch site to make fire information accessible and usable, allowing a community-focused response to risk.The significance of the research project is evident both in how it addresses the important and life-threatening challenge of bushfires; and also in how Australia’s increasingly hot, dry, long summers are adding to historically-established risks. This innovative project uses an iterative, participatory design process incorporating action-research practices. This will ensure that the new Firewatch interface is redesigned, tested, observed, and reflected upon multiple times—and will incorporate the collective creativity of users, designers, and researchers.The qualitative findings reported on in this article are based on 19 interviews with community members in the town of Kununurra in the remote Kimberley region of WA. The findings are positioned within a reconceptualised framework in which creativity is viewed as an essential component of successful emergency responses. This includes, we argue, two critical aspects of creativity: improvisation during a catastrophic event; and ongoing innovation to improve future responses to catastrophes—including communication practices and technologies. This shifts the discourse within the literature in relation to the effective management and community responses to the changing phenomenon of fire catastrophes. Findings from the first round of interviews, and results of enquiries into previous bushfires in Australia, are used to highlight how these elements of creativity often entail a collective creativity on the part of emergency responders or the community in general. An additional focus is on the importance of the critical use of communication during a bushfire event.ImprovisationThe notion of "improvisation" is often associated with artistic performance. Nonetheless, improvisation is also integral to making effectual responses during natural catastrophes. “Extreme events present unforeseen conditions and problems, requiring a need for adaptation, creativity, and improvisation while demanding efficient and rapid delivery of services under extreme conditions” (Harrald 257).Catastrophes present us with unexpected scenarios and require rapid, on the spot problem solving and “even if you plan for a bushfire it is not going to go to plan. When the wind changes direction there has to be a new plan” (Jeff. Personal Interview. 2012). Jazz musicians or improvisational actors “work to build their knowledge across a range of fields, and this knowledge provides the elements for each improvisational outcome” (Kendra and Wachendorf 2). Similarly, emergency responders’ knowledge and preparation can be drawn “upon in the ambiguous and dynamic conditions of a disaster where not every need has been anticipated or accounted for” (Kendra and Wachtendorf 2). Individuals and community organisations not associated with emergency services also improvise in a creative and intuitive manner in the way they respond to catastrophes (Webb and Chevreau). For example, during the 9/11 terrorism catastrophe in the USA an assorted group of boat owners rapidly self-organised to evacuate Lower Manhattan. On their return trips, they carried emergency personnel and supplies to the area (Kendra and Wachendorf 5). An interviewee in our study also recalls bush fire incidents where creative problem solving and intuitive decision-making are called for. “It’s like in a fire, you have to be thinking fast. You need to be semi self-sufficient until help arrives. But without doing anything stupid and creating a worse situation” (Kelly. Personal Interview. 2012). Kelly then describes the rapid community response she witnessed during a recent fire on the outskirts of Kununurra, WA.Everyone had to be accounted for, moving cars, getting the tractors out, protecting the bores because you need the water. It happens really fast and it is a matter of rustling everyone up with the machinery. (2012)In this sense, the strength of communities in responding to catastrophes or disasters “results largely from the abilities of [both] individuals and organisations to adapt and improvise under conditions of uncertainty” (Webb and Chevreau 67). These improvised responses frequently involve a collective creativity—where groups of neighbours or emergency workers act in response to the unforseen, often in a unified and self-organising manner. InnovationCatastrophes also stimulate change and innovation for the future. Disasters create a new environment that must be explored, assessed, and comprehended. Disasters change the physical and social landscape, and thereby require a period of exploration, learning, and the development of new approaches. (Kendra and Wachtendorf 6)These new approaches can include organisational change, new response strategies, and technologies and communication improvements. Celebrated inventor Benjamin Franklin, for instance, facilitated the formation of the first Volunteer Fire department in the 1850s as a response to previous urban fire catastrophes in the USA (Mumford 258). This organisational innovation continues to play an instrumental part in modern fire fighting practices. Indeed, people living in rural and remote areas of Australia are heavily reliant on volunteer groups, due to the sparse population and vast distances that need to be covered.As with most inventions and innovations, new endeavours aimed at improving responses to catastrophes do not occur in a vacuum. They “are not just accidents, nor the inscrutable products of sporadic genius, but have abundant and clear causes in prior scientific and technological development” (Gifillian 61). Likewise, the development of our user-friendly and publically available FireWatch site relies on the accumulation of preceding inventions and innovations. This includes the many years spent developing the existing FireWatch site, a site dense in information of significant value to scientists, foresters, land managers, and fire experts.CommunicationsOften overlooked in discussions regarding emergency communications is the microgeographical exchanges that occur in response to the threat of natural disasters. This is where neighbours fill the critical period before emergency service responders can appear on site. In this situation, it is often local knowledge that underpins improvised grassroots communication networks that inform and organise the neighbourhood. During a recent bushfire on peri-rural blocks on the outskirts of Kununurra, neighbours went into action before emergency services volunteers could respond.We phoned around and someone would phone and call in. Instead of 000 being rung ten times, make sure that one person rang it in. 40 channel [CB Radio] was handy – two-way communication, four wheelers – knocking on doors making sure everyone is out of the house, just in case. (Jane. Personal Interview. 2012) Similarly, individuals and community groups have been able to inform and assist each other on a larger scale via social network technologies (SNTs). This creative application of SNTs began after the 9/11 terror attacks in 2001 when individuals created wikis in order to find missing persons (Palen and Lui). Twitter has experienced considerable growth and was used freely during the 2009 Black Saturday fires in Australia. Studies of tweeting activity during these fires indicate that “tweets made during Black Saturday are laden with actionable factual information which contrasts with earlier claims that tweets are of no value made of mere random personal notes” (Sinnappan et al. n.p.).Traditionally, official alerts and warnings have been provided to the public via television and radio. However, several inquiries into the recent bushfires within Australia show concern “with the way in which fire agencies deliver information to community members during a bushfire...[and in order to] improve community safety from bushfire, systems need to be implemented that enable community members to communicate information to fire agencies, making use of local knowledge” (Elsworth et al. 8).Technological and social developments over the last decade mean the public no longer relies on a single source of official information (Sorensen and Sorensen). Therefore, SNTs such as Twitter and Facebook are being used by the media and emergency authorities to make information available to the public. These SNTs are dynamic, in that there can be a two-way flow of information between the public and emergency organisations. Nonetheless, there has been limited use of SNTs by emergency agencies to source information posted by in situ residents, in order to help in decision-making (Freeman). Organisational use of multiple communication channels and platforms to inform citizens about bushfire emergencies ensures a greater degree of coverage—in case of communication systems breakdowns or difficulties—as in the telephone alert system breakdown in Kelmscott-Roleystone, WA or a recent fire in Warrnambool, Victoria which took out the regional telephone exchange making telephone calls, mobiles, landlines, and the Internet non-operational (Johnson). The new FireWatch site will provide an additional information option for rural and remote Australians who, often rely on visual sightings and on word-of-mouth to be informed about fires in their region. “The neighbour came over and said - there is a fire, we’d better get our act together because it is going to hit us. No sooner than I turned around, I thought shit, here it comes” (Richard. Personal Interview. 2012). The FireWatch ProjectThe FireWatch project involves the redevelopment of an existing FireWatch website to extend the usability of the product from experts to ordinary users in order to facilitate community-based decision-making and action both before and during bushfire emergencies. To this purpose, the project has been broken down to two distinct, yet interdependent, strands. The community strand involves collaboration within a community (in this case the Kununurra community) in order to carry out a community-centred approach to further development of the site. The design strand involves the development of an intuitive and accessible Web presentation of complex information in clear, unambiguous ways to inform action in stressful circumstances. At this stage, a first round of 19 semi-structured interviews with stakeholders has been conducted in Kununurra to determine fire-related information-seeking behaviours, attitudes to mediated information services in the region, as well as user feedback on a prototype website developed in the design strand of the project. Stakeholders included emergency services personnel (payed and volunteer), shire representatives, tourism operators, small business operators (including tourism operators), a forest manager, a mango farmer, an Indigenous ranger team manager as well as general community members. Interviewees reported dissatisfaction with current information systems. They gave positive feedback about the website prototype. “It’s very much, very easy to follow” (David. Personal Interview. 2012). “It looks so much better than [the old site]. You couldn’t get in that close on [the other site]. It is fantastic” (Lance. Personal Interview. 2012). They also added thought-provoking contributions to the design of the website (to be discussed later).Residents of Kununurra who were interviewed for this research project found bushfire warning communications unsatisfactory, especially during a recent fire on the outskirts of town. People who called 000 had difficulties passing the information on, having to explain exactly where Kununurra was and the location of fires to operators not familiar with the area. When asked how the Kununurra community gets their fire information a Shire representative explained: That is not very good at the moment. The only other way we can think about it is perhaps more updates on things like Facebook, perhaps on a website, but with this current fire there really wasn’t a lot of information and a lot of people didn’t know what was going on. We [the shire] knew because we were talking to the [fire] brigades and to FESA [Fire and Emergency Services Authority] but most residents didn’t have any idea and it looks pretty bad. (Ginny. Personal Interview. 2012) All being well, the new user-friendly FireWatch site will add another platform through which fire information messages are transmitted. Community members will be offered continuously streamed bushfire location information, which is independent of any emergency services communication systems. In particular, rural and remote areas of Australia will have fire information at the ready.The participatory methodology used in the design of the new FireWatch website makes use of collaborative creativity, whereby users’ vision of the website and context are incorporated. This iterative process “creates an equal evolving participatory process between user and designer towards sharing values and knowledge and creating new domains of collective creativity” (Park 2012). The rich and sometimes contradictory suggestions made by interviewees in this project often reflected individual visions of the tasks and information required, and individual preferences regarding the delivery of this information. “I have been thinking about how could this really work for me? I can give you feedback on what has happened in the past but how could it work for me in the future?” (Keith. Personal Interview. 2012). Keith and other community members interviewed in Kununurra indicated a variety of extra functions on the site not expected by the product designers. Some of these unexpected functions were common to most interviewees such as the great importance placed on the inclusion of a satellite view option on the site map (example shown in Figure 1). Jeremy, a member of an Indigenous ranger unit in the Kununurra area, was very keen to incorporate the satellite view options on the site. He explained that some of the older rangers:can’t use GPSs and don’t know time zones or what zones to put in, so they’ll use a satellite-style view. We’ll have Google Earth up on one [screen], and also our [own] imagery up on another [screen] and go that way. Be scrolling in and see – we’ve got a huge fire scar for 2011 around here; another guy will be on another computer zoning in and say, I think it is here. It’s quite simplistic but it works. (Personal Interview. 2012) In the case above, where rangers are already switching between computer screens to incorporate a satellite view into their planning, the importance of a satellite view layer on the FireWatch website makes user context an essential part of the design process. Incorporating many layers on one screen, as recommended by participants also ensures a more elegant solution to an existing problem.Figure 1: Satellite view in the Kununurra area showing features such as gorges, rivers, escarpments and dry riverbedsThis research project will involve further consultation with participants (both online and offline) regarding bushfire safety communications in their region, as well as the further design of the site. The website will be available over multiple devices (for example desktops, smart phones, and hand held tablet devices) and will be launched late this year. Further work will also be carried out to determine if social media is appropriate for this community of users in order to build awareness and share information regarding the site.Conclusion Community members improvise and self-organise when communicating fire information and organising help for each other. This can happen at a microgeographical (neighbourhood) level or on a wider level via social networking sites. Organisations also develop innovative communication systems or devices as a response to the threat of bushfires. Communication innovations, such as the use of Twitter and Facebook by fire emergency services, have been appropriated and fine-tuned by these organisations. Other innovations such as the user-friendly Firewatch site rely on previous technological developments in satellite-delivered imagery—as well as community input regarding the design and use of the site.Our early research into community members’ fire-related information-seeking behaviours and attitudes to mediated information services in the region of Kununurra has found unexpectedly creative responses, which range from collective creativity on the part of emergency responders or the community in general during events to creative use of existing information and communication networks. We intend to utilise this creativity in re-purposing FireWatch alongside the creative work of the designers in the project.Although it is commonplace to think of graphic design and new technology as incorporating creativity, it is rarely acknowledged how frequently these innovations harness everyday perspectives from non-professionals. In the case of the FireWatch developments, the creativity of designers and technologists has been informed by the creative responses of members of the public who are best placed to understand the challenges posed by restricted information flows on the ground in times of crisis. In these situations, people respond not only with new ideas for the future but with innovative responses in the present as they communicate with each other to deal with the challenge of a fast-moving and unpredictable situation. Such improvisation, honed through close awareness of the contours and parameters of both community and communication, are one of the ways through which people help keep themselves and each other safe in the face of dramatic developments.ReferencesElsworth, G., and K. Stevens, J. Gilbert, H. Goodman, A Rhodes. "Evaluating the Community Safety Approach to Bushfires in Australia: Towards an Assessment of What Works and How." 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