Academic literature on the topic 'Rhodesia and Nyasaland - Politics and government'
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Journal articles on the topic "Rhodesia and Nyasaland - Politics and government"
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ALEXANDER, JOCELYN. "‘HOOLIGANS, SPIVS AND LOAFERS’? : THE POLITICS OF VAGRANCY IN 1960s SOUTHERN RHODESIA." Journal of African History 53, no. 3 (November 2012): 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000680.
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ABSTRACTIn 1960, amidst the most violent period of protest since conquest, the Southern Rhodesian government implemented a new Vagrancy Act alongside a range of repressive legislation. The Act's origins lay in a particular analysis of the social origins of unrest. It was unprecedented in promising not to exclude and criminalise ‘vagrants’ but to rehabilitate them as productive urban citizens. By presenting the Act as reformist and progressive, the government sought legitimacy for its actions. In fact, the Vagrancy Act was deeply punitive, underlining the tensions between reform and repression in settler social engineering. African leaders and Africans targeted by the Act saw it as a means of humiliating and criminalising those denied a livelihood by the settler political economy. In rejecting the Act, they invoked different models of citizenship to those on offer from the state. The Vagrancy Act ultimately met its demise at the hands of the Rhodesian Front, whose analysis of African protest made no space for the possibilities of reformist social engineering.
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Ambler, Charles. "Alcohol, Racial Segregation and Popular Politics in Northern Rhodesia." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (July 1990): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025056.
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Historians who have studied the rise of African opposition to colonialism in Northern Rhodesia have concentrated largely on the development of political parties and their campaigns for political rights. This paper explores some of the social and cultural elements of the popular movement against British rule through an examination of challenges to restrictions on the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages. In Northern Rhodesia as in much of British-ruled east, central and southern Africa, the colonial government banned the consumption by Africans of all European-type alcoholic drinks and placed tight restrictions on the brewing and sale of grain beers. In the immediate postwar period racially discriminatory alcohol regulations emerged as a highly emotional issue and remained so despite liberalization of the restrictions on beer and wine. But the focus of popular anger was the municipal grain beer monopolies and attempts on the part of the authorities to stamp out an illegal beer trade conducted by women brewers. Beginning in the mid-1950s this anger erupted in a series of protests and boycotts directed against municipal beerhalls. The protesters, many of whom were women, opposed the exclusion of Africans from a potentially lucrative sector of trade as well as the supposedly immoral and degrading characteristics of the beerhalls. Examination of the struggle over the beerhalls illuminates some of the diverse and contradictory sources and objectives of popular political expression during this period and in particular sheds light on the interplay among issues of race, class and gender in the nationalist movement.
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Drury, A. Cooper. "Manipulating the Market: Understanding Economic Sanctions, Institutional Change and the Political Unity of White Rhodesia. By David M. Rowe. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001. 256p. $52.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 892–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402370473.
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One of the big questions concerning economic sanctions is why they so often fail. A widely accepted answer to this question argues that economic sanctions increase the political solidarity within the target nation because the targeted public rallies behind its leader in the face of external pressure (Johann Galtung, “On the Effects of International Economic Sanctions, with Examples from the Case of Rhodesia,” World Politics 19 [1967]: 378–416). David M. Rowe calls this explanation into question and shows that the unity behind the white regime in Rhodesia was politically constructed by the government and not a spontaneous rally effect generated by nationalism or racial unity.
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Yorke, Edmund. "The Spectre of a Second Chilembwe: Government, Missions, and Social Control in Wartime Northern Rhodesia, 1914–18." Journal of African History 31, no. 3 (November 1990): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031145.
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The 1915 Chilembwe Rising in Nyasaland had important political repercussions in the neighbouring colonial territory of Northern Rhodesia, where fears were raised among the Administration about the activities of African school teachers attached to the thirteen mission denominations then operating in the territory. These anxieties were heightened for the understaffed and poorly-financed British South Africa Company administration by the impact of the war-time conscription of Africans and the additional demands made by war-time conditions upon the resources of the Company. Reports of anti-war activities by African teachers attached to the Dutch Reformed Church in the East Luangwa District convinced both the Northern Rhodesian and the imperial authorities of the imperative need to strictly regulate the activities of its black mission-educated elite. Suspected dissident teachers were arrested, while others were diverted into military service where their activities could be more closely supervised. With the 1918 Native Schools Proclamation, the Administration laid down strict regulations for the appointment and employment of African mission teachers. The proclamation aroused the vehement opposition of the mission societies who, confronted by war-time European staff shortages, had come to rely heavily upon their African teachers to maintain their educational work. The emergence in late 1918 of the patently anti-colonial Watch Tower movement, which incorporated many African mission employees within its leadership, weakened the opposition of the missions, and served to consolidate the administration's perception of the African teachers as a dangerous subversive force. Strong measures were implemented by the administration soon after the end of the war, with large numbers of Watch Tower adherents being arrested and detained.
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Phiri, Bizeck Jube. "The African Participation and Experiences in the First and Second World Wars in Northern Rhodesia: A Historical Perspective 1914–1948." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 17, 2021): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054909.
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Unlike existing studies that examined each of the two World Wars and Africans separately, this study explores African participation and experiences in the First and Second World Wars in Northern Rhodesia (colonial Zambia) together during the period, 1914–1948. A lot has been written on the history of the World Wars in colonial Africa. However, there is not much literature that focuses on African participation and experiences during the two world wars. This study is focused on the core theme, that is, the role played by Africans in both World Wars. This is the main theme that informs the study. The core theme is sub-divided into the following three sub-themes: the making of the Northern Rhodesia Police under the British South African Company, BSACo, a Chartered Company that prohibited by law from housing a standing; recruitment of personnel for the Northern Rhodesia Regiment; the role played by traditional authorities in the recruitment of ‘Askari’ – the Foot Soldiers and the ‘Tenga-Tenga’ War Carriers and the role of government propaganda while bringing to the fore African agency during both Wars. Also discussed in the study is the demobilisation process in which African servicemen – the Foot Soldiers and the ‘Tenga-Tenga’ War Carriers – felt cheated by an Empire-wide system of racial discrimination and hierarchy. Although an expanded government propaganda machinery contributed to the growth of an African political voice in Northern Rhodesia during the period, 1914–1948, that political voice neither included nor translated to much debate or discussion about the concerns of African ex-servicemen and their personal affairs. The study equally examines how their state of affairs affected the relationship between the ex-servicemen and their traditional leaders who were active in the recruitment process that brought them into the Wars in the first place. The study concludes with the re-examination of the older arguments that African servicemen did not play an active role in nationalist politics after the World Wars, and submits otherwise, that is, that they actually did.
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Hodgkinson, Dan. "POLITICS ON LIBERATION'S FRONTIERS: STUDENT ACTIVIST REFUGEES, INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY, AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ZIMBABWE, 1965–79." Journal of African History 62, no. 1 (March 2021): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000268.
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AbstractDuring Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements’ organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the liberation struggle was. Through the concept of the ‘frontier’, this article compares the experiences of student activists at universities in Uganda, West Africa, and the UK as they figured out who they were as political agents. For these refugees, I show how political geography mattered. Campus frontiers could lead young people both to the military fronts of Mozambique and Zambia as well as to the highest circles of government in independent Zimbabwe. As such, campus frontiers were central to the history of Zimbabwe's liberation movements and the development of the postcolonial state.
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Cochrane, Thandeka. "The politics of literature in Malawi: Filemon Chirwa, Nthanu za Chitonga and the battle for the Atonga tribal council." Africa 92, no. 5 (November 2022): 819–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197202200064x.
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AbstractIn 1932, as Nyasaland (present-day Malawi) was heading to indirect rule, a small vocal community in the north of the country resisted the colonial government’s attempts to assign them a Native Authority. Instead, they proposed their own form of government: a council of thirty-two mafumu (chiefs) who would make decisions on an egalitarian basis, the Atonga tribal council. The champion of this alternative form of governance was a Tonga intellectual named Filemon K. Chirwa. At the height of the political manoeuvring to institute the Atonga tribal council, Filemon wrote and published his only book: Nthanu za Chitonga (Folktales in Chitonga). This article argues that this book was – and still is – an important piece of political literature. Through an exploration of the context of the creation of the Atonga tribal council, it sets out the stakes that were at play in the construction of local traditions and customs, and then shows how the book was part of a project of producing an image of these. It then explores the ‘afterlife’ of the book, as it became a symbolic force in contemporary village communities, not only articulating the sense of political marginalization experienced, but also capturing a new form of political agency. The article concludes by suggesting that Filemon Chirwa’s collection of stories is an astounding example of the deeply political role that folktale literature can play within colonial and (post)colonial Africa.
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Chimhundu, Herbert. "Early Missionaries and the Ethnolinguistic Factor During the ‘Invention of Tribalism’ in Zimbabwe." Journal of African History 33, no. 1 (March 1992): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031868.
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There is evidence from across the disciplines that at least some of the contemporary regional names of African tribes, dialects and languages are fairly recent inventions in historical terms. This article offers some evidence from Zimbabwe to show that missionary linguistic politics were an important factor in this process. The South African linguist Clement Doke was brought in to resolve conflicts about the orthography of Shona. His Report on the Unification of the Shona Dialects (1931) shows how the language politics of the Christian denominations, which were also the factions within the umbrella organization the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference, contributed quite significantly to the creation and promotion of Zezuru, Karanga and Manyika as the main groupings of dialects in the central area which Doke later accommodated in a unified orthography of a unified language that was given the name Shona. While vocabulary from Ndau was to be incorporated, words from the Korekore group in the north were to be discouraged, and Kalanga in the West was allowed to be subsumed under Ndebele.Writing about sixty years later, Ranger focusses more closely on the Manyika and takes his discussion to the 1940s, but he also mentions that the Rhodesian Front government of the 1960s and 1970s deliberately incited tribalism between the Shona and the Ndebele, while at the same time magnifying the differences between the regional divisions of the Shona, which were, in turn, played against one another as constituent clans. It would appear then that, for the indigenous Africans, the price of Christianity, Western education and a new perception of language unity was the creation of regional ethnic identities that were at least potentially antagonistic and open to political manipulation.Through many decades of rather unnecessary intellectual justification, and as a result of the collective colonial experience through the churches, the schools and the workplaces, these imposed identities, and the myths and sentiments that are associated with them, have become fixed in the collective mind of Africa, and the modern nation states of the continent now seem to be stuck with them. Missionaries played a very significant role in creating this scenario because they were mainly responsible for fixing the ethnolinguistic maps of the African colonies during the early phase of European occupation. To a significant degree, these maps have remained intact and have continued to influence African research scholarship.
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Marmon, Brooks. "Settler Worldmaking: Reconfiguring the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 1953–62." Itinerario, December 6, 2022, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115322000201.
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Abstract As soon as the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was formed in 1953, disgruntled white settler politicians in the new polity pushed for the reconfiguration of its borders. Driven by decolonisation struggles across Africa and a surge of anti-colonial nationalism in Nyasaland in particular, these debates were particularly vibrant among the political establishment in Southern Rhodesia, the Federation's dominant constituent. The question of Southern Rhodesia's relationship to the Federation became divisive in right-wing circles as African decolonisation unfolded. However, as the pattern of imperial retreat solidified, the right wing abandoned interest in a reconstructed Federation and unified around a “Southern Rhodesia First” mantra. The “centrist” ruling party, entangled by the Federation's extant scaffolding, was forced to eventually embrace a partition plan which closely resembled the ideas traditionally espoused by the opposition. The process of this ideological realignment had important ramifications for Southern Rhodesian politics. In particular, it facilitated the reunification of the right wing and the embrace of unilateralism that manifested most dramatically in Southern Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965.
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Chongo, Clarence. "A hostage economy: The impact of Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence on Zambia, 1965-79." Journal for Contemporary History, 2022, 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.38140/sjch.v47i2.6556.
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In November 1965, Rhodesia’s Prime Minister Ian Smith announced a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI), prompting the United Nations and the British government to impose economic and financial sanctions on his government. In the context of regional politics of decolonisation, the Zambian government interpreted UDI as a moral affront to African freedom, independence, dignity as well as posing a grave danger to the country’s national security. They responded to the crisis by supporting international sanctions on Rhodesia and embarked on an exercise to extricate the economy from dependence on the illegal regime. This article traces part of these strategic initiatives employed by the Zambian government in response to UDI and illustrates how strict compliance to international sanctions along with economic disengagement severely strained the country’s economic stability. It argues that although UDI immeasurably compromised Zambia’s development efforts and brutally exposed the limitations and vulnerability of its economy, ultimately the government exploited the situation to its advantage by promoting the country’s development agenda through establishment of alternative transport routes, new sources of energy and electricity, and import substitution industries. Economic diversification became a major priority of government policy in the wake of UDI. The article utilises evidence from the Zambian archives to investigate the nature and extent of the challenges and opportunities UDI imposed on Zambia’s economy between 1965 and 1979. Until now, scholars have hardly interrogated this aspect.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Rhodesia and Nyasaland - Politics and government"
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Van, Eeden Marguerite. "Die rol van Brittanje in die ontbinding van die Sentraal-Afrika Federasie, 1960-1963." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/9830.
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M.A. (History)The purpose of this thesis Is to determine the role the British Government played In the events which led to the dismantling of the Central Africa Federation in 1963. After the dismantling, historians and other Interest-groups debated the question why the Central Africa Federation had failed. The whites In Rhodesia were convinced that the British government were responsible for the break-up. Britain was accused of yielding to black radical demands. These demands led to the Independence of both Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia, and they were allowed to secede from the Federation. Britain was also accused of having deliberately broken Its promises to the federal government. The federal government ultimately expected dominium Status for the Federation. Britain's policy of decolonlsatlon was also criticized by the whites and the colonial government was accused of deliberately following a policy of dismantlement. There were however other factors involved in the break-up of the Federation. The climate of decolonlsation and the growing number of Independent Africa states Influenced events In the Federation. The rise of African nationalism, liberation movements and pressure by black militant parties and leaders, brought about 8 withdrawal of colonial powers from Africa. Independent black states became a reality. Blacks In the Central African Federation soon followed this pattern. The partnership polley, on which the Federation was based, failed and blacks became Increasingly unsatisfied. Blacks did not have equal political rights and most of the blacks were excluded from the political structures. The Federation and partnership policy were seen as synonymous with racial discrimination and black national leaders started pressurislng Britain Into dissolving the Federation. The rise of black nationalism In the Federation resulted In fear for black domination on the part of the whites. A Federation where two out of three areas were dominated by blacks, was unacceptable to them. Therefore also white pressure for the dismantling of the Federation started to emerge. Britain's colonial policy in the crucial years, 1960-1963, Is examined as well as its strategies in dealing with a complex issue. Pressure by blacks as well as whites are taken into account In this study, to determine its influence on British actions that ultimately led to the break-up of the Federation.
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Mangani, Dylan Yanamo. "Changes in the Conception of Nationalism in Zimbwabwe: A Comparative Analysis of ZAPU and ZANU Liberation Movements 1977-1990." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/1525.
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PhD (Political Science)Department of Development Studies
No serious study into the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe can ignore the celebrated influence of nationalism and the attendant role of elite leaders as a ‘social force’ in the making of the nation-state of Zimbabwe. This study analyses the role played by nationalism as an instrument for political mobilisation against the white settler regime in Rhodesia by the Zimbabwe African People Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Therefore, of particular importance is the manner in which the evolution and comprehensive analysis of these former liberation movements, in the political history of Zimbabwe have been viewed through the dominant lenses of nationalism. Nationalism can be regarded as the best set of beliefs and the worst set of beliefs. Being an exhilarating force that led to the emergence of these nationalist movements to dismantle white minority rule, nationalism was also the same force that was responsible for dashing the dreams and hopes associated with an independent Zimbabwe. At the centre of this thesis is the argument that there is a fault line in the manner in which nationalism is understood as such it continued to be constructed and contested. In the study, nationalism has been propagated as contending political narratives, and the nationalist elite leaders are presented as a social force that sought to construct the nation-state of Zimbabwe. Thus, the study is particularly interested in a comparative analysis of the competing narratives of nationalism between ZAPU and ZANU between the period of 1977 and 1990. This period is a very important time frame in the turning points on the nationalist political history of Zimbabwe. Firstly, the beginning of this period saw the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe climax because of concerted efforts by both ZAPU and ZANU. Secondly, the conclusion of this period saw the death of ZAPU as an alternative to multi-party democracy within the nationalist sense and the subsequent emergence of a dominant socialist one-party state. Methodologically, a qualitative approach has been employed where the researcher analysed documents.
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Books on the topic "Rhodesia and Nyasaland - Politics and government"
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Ginifer, Jeremy. Managing arms in peace processes: Rhodesia-Zimbabwe. New York: United Nations, 1995.
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McFerran, Warren L. The betrayal of Southern Africa: The tragic story of Rhodesia and South Africa. Winter Park, Fla: Garfield, 1985.
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Beza, Jabulani. Rhodesia: A lesson in African self-reliance. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 2000.
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C, Greenall E., ed. Kaunda's gaoler: Memories of a district officer in Northern Rhodesia and Zambia. London: Radcliffe, 2003.
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Lawson, Adolphe. Les accords de Lancaster House en 1979: L'aboutissement de deux décennies de débats sur les conditions de l'indépendance du Zimbabwe. Uppsala: Academia Ubsaliensis, 1988.
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1940-, Hancock Ian, ed. 'Rhodesians never die': The impact of war and political change on White Rhodesia, c. 1970-1980. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993.
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Stedman, Stephen John. Peacemaking in civil war: International mediation in Zimbabwe, 1974-1980. Boulder: L. Rienner Publishers, 1991.
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Godwin, Peter. Rhodesians never die: The impact of war and political change on white Rhodesia, c.1970-1980. Harare: Baobob, 1995.
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Anglin, Douglas George. Zambian crisis behaviour: Confronting Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence, 1965-1966. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1994.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Rhodesia and Nyasaland - Politics and government"
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McCulloch, Jock, and Pavla Miller. "Contests over Labour in British Central African Colonies: 1935–1953." In Mining Gold and Manufacturing Ignorance, 259–93. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8327-6_10.
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AbstractEach of the parties involved in labour recruitment in Southern Africa had their own agendas. The mines’ recruiting agency wanted an expanded recruiting zone to guarantee a supply of labour. The British Colonial Office and its administrations wanted not only to collect the revenue that came from contracting labour to the mines but also to protect native interests. The Southern Rhodesian government wanted to give its mines and white farms access to cheap labour. The ILO was keen to promote labour rights and work safety. The South African government supported the mining houses; it also wanted to channel mine rejects onto farms in the Transvaal. During those contests for authority, the interests of the Nyasaland government and the mining houses often coincided. Those of Nyasaland and Southern Rhodesia rarely did. While there were constant references to returning miners suffering from tuberculosis in low-level correspondence, the risks to miners’ health from silicosis and tuberculosis were seldom mentioned in high-level meetings and documents. This chapter details some of the complex negotiations, with particular focus on the lifting of the ban on recruitment of tropical labour in 1938, and negotiations with the ILO and UN after the Second World War. Throughout, the superior negotiating power of the mining houses and their recruiting agency is highlighted.
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Ewing, Adam. "The Visible Horizon." In The Age of Garvey. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157795.003.0008.
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This chapter examines the efforts of a cadre of clerks, ministers, traders, and workers in the central African colonies of Nyasaland (Malawi) and Northern Rhodesia to nurture the Garveyite movement behind a guise of cautious reformism and under the watchful eyes of the state. This group founded “Native Welfare Associations” and independent churches, ostensibly apolitical vessels through which to assist the colonial governments in their project of African “civilization” and “uplift.” Behind this mask of patriotic accommodationism they communicated with the UNIA and the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU), distributed their literature, and filtered news of anticolonial politics throughout the region. By participating in the silent work of organization, they joined Garveyites across the continent in exploring the limits of—and opportunities for—African political expression during the dark years of the interwar period.
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Messac, Luke. "“The Partnership Between a Rider and His Horse,” 1953–1963." In No More to Spend, 109–43. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190066192.003.0006.
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Chapter 5 demonstrates how the newfound potency of postwar medical technologies made it ever more difficult for colonial officials to deny them to colonized publics. With the arrival of novel and effective antibiotics, attendance at government health facilities rose precipitously. At the same time, a widely detested new Federation Government, based in Southern Rhodesia and dominated by white settlers, faced militant opposition from Nyasaland’s African population. The concomitant rise in popularity in government health-care facilities and a crescendo in civil unrest and repression impelled the Federation government to increase spending on health care in Nyasaland. When the United Kingdom dissolved the Federation and announced plans to grant Nyasaland its independence, Federation officials made drastic cuts to health care spending.