Journal articles on the topic 'Rhymes Parent'

ABSTRACTThis paper seeks to account for a culturally patterned set of analogic renamings found in Huli baby talk, nursery rhymes and children's verbal games. These socialization activities evidence a marked concern with body motifs and appellations. In accordance with ethnographic paradigms of explanation, the frame of reference is broadened to include consideration of inter-adult behaviour involving ‘talk about the body’ to assess what is being learnt from such interactions as well as what communicative intents are encoded. The argument is developed that in addition to the significance of these play routines in sensitizing the child to cultural rules about speaking, these ludic forms also appear implicated in both an evolutionary and logico-operational sense in the conventional anatomical nomenclature.

The study aimed to show the impact of using songs and rhymes in teaching English to young female learners in Saudi Arabia. It involved 20 Saudi teachers who were randomly selected from public and private schools in Riyadh city. The age of the female students ranged from 6 to 10 years. Forty parents volunteered to participate, Parents were asked to answer an online survey comprising ten different questions. Interview questionnaire and online survey were the tools used for data collection. About 9 of all teachers don’t use songs and rhymes activities in teaching English. 15 of teachers out of 20 said that it is not a mandatory part of the curriculum. 13 of the teachers believe that it is very important and 2 teachers believed in using songs and rhymes to facilitate remembering. 16 of teachers out of 20 noticed that their students are actually using the songs or their vocabularies outside the classroom and 17 of all teachers stated that songs and rhymes helped their young learners’ English language development. 82.50% of parents in Saudi Arabia support teaching English to their children, 47.50% of parents stated that their child is using English only in the classroom. Only 7.50% of the parents were not aware of this classroom activity while 92.50% of them are aware. 2.50% of parents expressed their disagreement. The study found out that songs and rhymes are rarely used in teaching English to young learners in the Saudi Arabia and curriculum was not rich enough with activities like songs and rhymes.

There are so many native languages in Indonesia that makes English as a foreign language following Indonesian as the L2. This leads to the development of simultaneous bilinguals. However, there have been some contradictory opinions on whether learning English for early childhood is effective as it can inhibit a child’s L1 and L2 development. This may lead to the phenomenon of subtractive bilingualism resulting in a major dilemma for the government and parents. However, this notion can be debated through the critical period hypothesis. This study presents a literature review on ‘rhymes, songs, and chant’s as the effective media for learning English and its implication for early childhood through ‘singing’ approach.

The parang pisang tradition is an activity that falls into the category of ritual communication. In this tradition there is a meaning to commemorate the birth of discordant twins so it is believed that there will be no feelings of love for one another. The reseacrh aims to determine the meaning and symbols contained in the parang pisang tradition and the understanding of the younger generation in interpreting this tradition. In this research, information was obtained through 7 (seven) speakers who fit the research criteria. The method used in this research is a qualitative method using syimbolic interactional theory.The results of the study indicate that there are verbal dan non verbal symbols in the tradition of this parang pisang. Verbal symbols in the form of minang rhymes used in the process of communicating during the event. As for non verbal symbols, there are obejcts and equipment used where every object used contains meaning.Kayworld : Tradition, Ritual Communication, Parang Pisang, Nagari Surantih

AbstractThe paper attempts to make sense of two radically changed characters in two early sequels to Honglou meng. One is the managerial Daiyu of Hou Honglou meng, the other is the military Baochai of Honglou fumeng. The analysis begins with a comparison to oral literature, especially the genre known as zidishu. It concludes that the likeliest influences lie elsewhere, perhaps in such vernacular novels as Shuihu zhuan and the rhymed prosimetric text Zaisheng yuan. Readerly dissatisfaction with the parent novel certainly also played a role. There are some grounds on which to argue that women readers had input into Baochai's transformation, although the case cannot be made for sure.

N. F. S. Grundtvigs “Studier til en bibelsk Rimkrønike” (1828) set i lyset af hans samtidige kristeligt pædagogiske tanker[N. F. S. Grundtvig’s “Studies for a Biblical Rhymed Chronicle” (1828) viewed in the light of his contemporaneous Christian-pedagogical thinking]By Else RiisagerGrundtvig was engaged in communicating biblical and ecclesiasticalhistorical material in the form of hymns and songs which primarily appealed to children, young people and layfolk for practically the whole of his productive life. “Studies for a Biblical Rhymed Chronicle” from 1828 (Theologisk Maanedsskrift XIII, 145-181), which contains material from protohistory, is Grundtvig’s first attempt at a systematic publication of biblical-historical poetry. In the preface he expresses his aspiration to write biblical rhymed chronicles for children for use in schools. In his collected edition of the genre, Sang-Værk til Den Danske Kirke-Skole (1870; GSV II), the poetry from “Studies” is included as numbers 1, 2, 6, 7 and 8. The present article examines Grundtvig’s Christian-pedagogical thinking as regards the target audience at the time of publication and compares this thinking with his practice in “Studies” through a detailed analysis of Kain pløied rask i Vaar (GSV II, 6) and a more thematic presentation of the other poems.Examination of the prefaces of Grundtvig’s contemporary pedagogical publications reveals that the main purpose of the poems is Christological preaching based on the Apostles’ Creed. In practice the poems in “Studies” are Christian preaching, but not specifically Christological preaching. There is, however, nothing in the poems that speaks against a Christological context and there are numerous traits that address a Lutheran universe. Where the Christological preaching relating to the rendering of the Old Testament material is only implied, this is out of respect for the informative purpose.With regard to the genre of the poems, around 1828 Grundtvig’s preferred idea was to create biblical history in verse within the Christian pedagogical area, with genre-related traits from the medieval text, Den danske Rimkrønike. Verse is easier to read, learn and remember than prose; and by writing narratives about persons and events in verse, Grundtvig aspires to communicate the biblical material easily, vividly and animatedly. The intention of the poems is that they should be used as material for Christian teaching of Christian children at home and in connection with confirmation training. In practice, GSV II 6 and 7 are addressed to children and their parents and teachers, while GSV II 1, 2 and 8 have young persons as their primary intended recipients.Grundtvig was dissatisfied with the poems in “Studies” - not because of any deviation from his original intentions but rather because, in the event, the pedagogical intentions are not achieved. GSV II 1,2, and 8 are long and difficult to understand for the target audience. The poems are in all probability not lively enough to persuade children to listen to them, or – as Grundtvig himself phrases it - to persuade even himself that they are worth memorising.At this stage the genre of the individual items is neither hymn nor song, but rhymed biblical chronicle. “Studies for a Biblical Rhymed Chronicle” is a first attempt to start compiling a textbook in versified biblical history for Christian children, young persons and parents

The literature to date suggests that the best predictor of early reading ability, phonological awareness, appears to be associated with the acquisition of letter-sound and vocabulary knowledge and with the development of well-defined phonological representations. It further suggests that at least some aspects of phonological awareness critically depend upon literacy exposure. In this study of 4- to 6-year-olds, we examine whether aspects of the home literacy environment are differentially associated with phonological awareness. Parental responses to a questionnaire about the home literacy environment are compared to children's awareness of rhyme and phonemes, as well as to their vocabulary, letter knowledge, and performance on measures of phonological strength (nonword repetition, rapid naming skill, phonological distinctness, and auditory discrimination). The results showed that a teaching focus in the home literacy environment and exposure to reading-related media are directly associated with phoneme awareness and indirectly associated via letter knowledge and vocabulary. Exposure to reading-related media and parents' active involvement in children's literature were also directly and indirectly linked with rhyme awareness skills via their association with letter and vocabulary knowledge.

Rhymes, poetry, stories, wrestling, music and dancing were essential cultural elements through which childhood play was promoted in traditional Africa. “Modernisation” brought about by colonialism led to distortion and decline in the use of traditional play for childhood education in many parts of Africa. This work assessed the value of play in Africa’s childhood education, using documentary analysis and a survey of views from South African and Nigerian childhood educators. The documentary analysis involved a review of existing research to give an overview of traditional play in Africa, while survey data generated from 62 respondents in South Africa (SA) and Nigeria (Nig) were used to illustrate the findings of the review. Traditional African play, when properly deployed, could enhance children’s physical, mental, social and emotional development. This study identified 5 major obstacles to the integration of traditional and modern forms of children’s play. It therefore calls for concerted efforts by policymakers, educators and parents to address the challenges associated with the identified obstacles within a trado-modern paradigm.

It is a fact that play, indispensible part of child in Turkish cultural and educational system, is the most effective tool to develop children’s emotional, mental, moral, social, personality and native language. In recent years, it has been seen that there is a considerable increase in the researches involving the functions of the children’s plays in respect of metaphor, as in the other parts of the plays. In this respect, play gains importance as the most effective educational tools as an educational campus for children, their peers as their teachers, natural materials like stone, sand, water and tree they use. In this study, “'Choosing rhyme -It-Playground” elements comprising traditional children’s games are handled based on pre-service teachers’ metaphorical images. In the qualitative research, content analysis of 23 metaphors the pre-service teachers produced in the “'Choosing rhyme-It-Playground” context is done and explained. The participants put forward how they perceived Choosing rhyme, It and Playground separately via 72 sub-theme by generating human metaphors like “Voting-Deputy-Voting box”, animal metaphors like “Fishing rod-Fish-Sea” and object metaphors like “Probing-Sample-Cereal Sack” As a last remark, some recommendations are made to the parents and teachers to maintain this traditional culture inherited from our ancestors. ÖzetTürk kültüründe ve eğitim sisteminde, çocuğun ayrılmaz bir parçası olan oyunun, çocuğun duygusal, zihinsel, ahlaki, sosyal, kişilik ve ana dil bakımından gelişiminin en etkili aracı olduğu bilinen bir gerçektir. Son yıllarda, oyunun diğer alanlarında olduğu gibi, çocuk oyunlarının fonksiyonlarını, metaforik açıdan ele alan araştırmaların sayısında gözle görülür bir artma eğiliminde olduğu görülmektedir. Bu anlamda oyun, çocuk için bir eğitim merkezi, akranları birer öğretmen, oyun içinde kullandıkları, taş, toprak, su ve ağaç gibi doğal malzemeleri de en etkili eğitim araçları olarak önem kazanmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, geleneksel çocuk oyunlarını meydana getiren “Saymaca-Ebe-Oyun alanı” unsurları öğretmen adaylarının metaforik algıları üzerine ele alınmıştır. Bu nitel çalışmada öğretmen adaylarının “Saymaca-Ebe-Oyun alanı” bağlamında ürettiği 23 metaforun içerik analizi yapılarak açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. Katılımcılar, “Saymaca-Ebe-Oyun Alanı” bağlamını, “Seçim-Milletvekili-Sandık” gibi insan metaforları; “Olta-Balık-Deniz” gibi hayvan metaforlarını ve “Sonda-Numune-Hububat Çuvalı” gibi nesne metaforlarını kullanarak 72 alt tema oluşturmuşlar ve Saymaca, Ebe ve Oyun alanını kültürel olarak nasıl algıladıklarını ortaya koymuşlardır. Sonuç olarak, Atalarımızdan bizlere miras kalan bu geleneksel kültürün sürdürülmesi için öğretmen ve ebeveynlere bazı tavsiyelerde bulunulmuştur.

The Welsh-medium education system has long been seen as an effective tool of Welsh language production in Wales. The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of Welsh medium education in one south Wales Valley, ‘Cwm Rhymni / RhymniValley’. The main reasoning behind the primary research is to focus on the reasons why non-Welsh speaking parents chose Welsh medium education for their children. The research focuses on education but recognises the over lapping nature of the main language transmission spheres within Welsh language planning, i.e. family, community and workplace. This study adopts a mainly qualitative research strategy by administering 60 unstructured interviews to parents who chose Welsh medium nursery, primary and secondary schools for their children. However, as a secondary methodological tool, a semi-structured questionnaire was given out prior to the interviews and the interview sample was then drawn from these. Moreover, Welsh language resurgence within Anglicized areas of South Wales is a fairly unexplored field, this study is hoped to be a catalyst for many more future studies in this field and attempts to address the existing lacunae.

Indonesian Language in Lagu Anak Indonesia Bersama Diva Animation Production by Kastari Animation. Indonesian children’s songs are numerous and have their own peculiarities. One of the uniqueness of it is the utilization of verbal aspects of Indonesian language in the lyrics of the song. However, not everyone, including parents is aware of it. In the Lagu Anak Indonesia Bersama Diva with the production division of Kastari Animation, found a number of verbal aspects that are used by the songwriter. The purpose of this study is to describe the verbal aspects of Indonesian language in the lyrics of Indonesian children’s songs, especially in Lagu Anak Indonesia Bersama Diva animation. The research method used is qualitative method. The results of this study are descriptions of verbal aspects of Indonesian language including (1) rhyme, (2) onomatopoeia, and (3) toponimi used by children’s songwriters. As for the Indonesian children’s songs being researched are Naik Becak, Menanam Jagung, Tik Tik Bunyi Hujan, Burung Kakak Tua, Halo-Halo Bandung, Satu Nusa Satu Bangsa, and Bendera Merah Putih.

Background : Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) covers a set of developmental disabilities that can cause significant social, communication, and behavioral challenges.Objective : It was aimed to find out the language problem in Bangladeshi children with Autism spectrum disorder following the neurolinguistics approach.Methodology : A descriptive observational study conducted during the period of April 2014 to December 2014 in the department of Linguistics, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh among the Bangladeshi children aged between 3–12 years. A total of 10 children with normal hearing ability who were diagnosed as ASD according to the diagnostic criteria (DSM- 5 or ICD 10) were enrolled in the study purposively from two tertiary care hospitals of Dhaka city.Results : In this study total 10 children were included and their age range was 3 to 12 years. Male was predominant (90%).Consanguinity of parents was not present in most (90%) cases,60% had positive family history of mental illness, 70% had history of delivery by lower uterine section, 80% of them were term baby. 100% children had delayed speech development, 90% was unable to indicate with index finger, 90% was unable to use noun and pronoun, 90% had repetitive words, 100% had inability to take part in rhymes, 90% was unable to play with symbols, 70% had no eye to eye contact, and 90% had no reciprocal social smile.Conclusion : Language problem in the children with ASD is an under attended problem in Bangladesh. To the authors’ best knowledge this is the first neurolinguistics approach to ASD children in Bangladesh. Further large scale extensive studies would be necessary for better visualization of the extent of the issue.Northern International Medical College Journal Vol.9(2) Jan 2018: 295-299

Lexical Forms of Song’s Incipits in Belarusian Wedding Cycle: Semantics, Structural Transformations (an Example of One Type of Texts) In the context of the study on dynamic typology and dialectal features of Belarusian folk songs, the paradigm of texts relating to the episode when the Bride parts with her parents is considered here. Such texts have the same lexical and poetic basis; are characterized by common type of incipit in different variants. All of these texts depict an dramatic for the Bride moment of “intrusion” into her backyard “an alien” family – the Groom’s family. Different versions of this incipit have been noticed within the large territory of Belarus and on the frontier (Latvia, Poland). Structural transformations of this type of incipits are manifested by reduction or, quite the opposite, by adding (affixation) syllables in verses. It is conditioned by non-verbal semantics expressed through vocalic rhythmic – the superiority of recitation elements or motor and somatic dynamics. Expansion of an incipit verses by adding to the initial word its rhymed synonym is also a typical phenomena.Diachrony of a given paradigm texts is also revealed by comparing the texts related thematically to the wedding moment mentioned above. A large number of these texts are abridged versions (a middle and a final part) of full texts of paradigm in question. A song in the abbreviated version begins with the culminative part and omits the metaphorical and descriptive initial part (such transformations can be observed in the periphery districts of a radical area). Accordingly, in such a case a different stanza fulfills the incipit function. The method of dynamic typology is applied while analyzing various texts that belong strictly to the same syllabic and rhythmic paradigm. It is a promising approach to study on linguo-musical dialects and diachronic changes in folk song language. Leksyka incipitów białoruskich pieśni weselnych: semantyka, transformacje strukturalne (na przykładzie jednej grupy tekstów)W kontekście badań typologii dynamicznej oraz cech dialektalnych białoruskiej pieśni ludowej rozpatrujemy paradygmat tekstów dotyczących epizodu rozstawania się panny młodej z rodzicami. Są to teksty o tym samym podłożu leksykalno-poetyckim, które charakteryzuje wspólny typ incipitu w różnych jego wariantach. Wszystkie one symbolizują dramatyczny dla panny młodej moment „wtargnięcia” na jej podwórko „obcego” rodu – rodu narzeczonego. Metafora ta zawarta jest w formule incipitu. Warianty formuły zanotowano na znacznym obszarze Białorusi oraz na terenach przygranicznych (Łotwa, Polska). Transformacje strukturalne tego typu incipitów polegają na redukcji lub rozrastaniu (afiksacji) składu sylabowego wersolinii. Wszystko to jest uwarunkowane semantyką pozawerbalną, wyrażoną przez rytmikę wokaliczną – z przewagą albo elementów deklamacyjności, albo dynamiki motoryczno-somatycznej. Charakterystyczne jest również poszerzenie wersu incipitu za pomocą dodawania do początkowego wyrazu synonimu rymowanego.Diachronia tekstów danego paradygmatu ujawnia się także przy zestawieniu tekstów tematycznie związanych z tymże epizodem wesela. Spora liczba tych tekstów przedstawia wersję skróconą – środkowy i końcowy fragmenty – tekstu pierwotnego danej grupy. Pieśń w wersji skróconej rozpoczyna się od punktu kulminacyjnego, z pominięciem metaforyczno-narracyjnej części wstępnej. Odpowiednio rolę incipitu pełni tu inna strofa. Teksty w wersji skróconej lokalizują się na peryferiach areału. Metodę dynamicznej typologii pieśni stosujemy do opisu tekstów różnych gatunków, o różnej tematyce, jednak należących ściśle do tego samego paradygmatu sylabo-ryt­micznego. Otwiera to nowe perspektywy w badaniach dialektów lingwo-muzycznych oraz zmian diachronicznych w języku pieśni ludowej.

Character education in early childhood is not new, and character education is also not just a transfer of knowledge, but something that needs to be built early on through various stimula- tions. This study aims to develop the character of early childhood through audio-visual media with traditional Javanese songs. Using educational design-based research to develop audio-visual media from traditional songs, this media was tested in the field with an experimental design with a control group. Respondents involved 71 kindergarten students from one experimental class in one control class. The data revealed that character education in children shows the average value of the experi- mental class is higher than the control group, this means character education in children can be built through traditional songs. Further research can be done to improve the character of early childhood through a variety of media that interests children. 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Aims: To establish the impact of using songs and music on English language acquisition of children in Saudi Arabia Methodology: Descriptive study, involved 20 Saudi teachers with different ages who were randomly selected from governmental and privates schools in Riyadh city - Saudi Arabia. The age of their students ranged from 6 to 10 years. 40 parents volunteered to participate, Parents were asked to answer an online survey comprising ten different questions. The survey was downloaded from the ‘Survey Monkey’ website. Interview questionnaire and online survey were the tools used for data collection. SPSS version 18 was used for data entry and analysis. Results: About 9 of all teachers don't use songs and rhymes activities in teaching English. 15 of teachers out of 20 said that this technique is not a mandatory part of the curriculum. 13 of the teachers believe that it is very important and 2 teachers believed in using songs and rhymes for facilitate remembering. 16 of teachers out of 20 noticed that their students are actually using the songs or their vocabularies outside the classroom and 17 of all teachers stated that songs and rhymes helped their young learners’ English language development. 82.50% of parents in Saudi Arabia support teaching English to their children, 47.50% of parents stated that their child is using English only in the classroom. Only 7.50% of the parents were not aware of this classroom activity while 92.50% of them are aware. 2.50% of parents expressed their disagreement to use songs and rhymes in teaching English to their young children. Conclusion: Songs and rhymes is rarely used in teaching English to young learners in the Saudi Arabia and curriculum was not rich enough with fun activities like songs and rhymes.

Parenteau, Shirley. Bears in a Band. Candlewick Press, 2016.This is a great little book. Children will love the rhymes, which tell the story of four brightly coloured teddy bears, who pick up instruments and begin to play. They make a joyful noise that eventually wakes “Big Brown Bear." Instead of being angry, Big Bear joins as a conductor and the music becomes even better.There are two music messages in this book. First, parents should celebrate their children’s musical activities and accept that there will be noise. Second, everyone should attempt to find the music in themselves, and share that with everyone.The text is simple. Young children will quickly memorize it. “The bears all play a noisy song/They don’t care if the notes are wrong." The images are happy, uplifting and full of warm fuzzies. This would be a good bedtime picture book for young children. I highly recommend this book for libraries. Highly recommended: 4 stars out of 4 Reviewer: Sean BorleSean Borle is a University of Alberta undergraduate student who is an advocate for child health and safety.

Winters, Kari-Lynn and Lori Sherritt-Fleming. Hungry For Math: Poems to Munch On, illustrated by Peggy Collins. Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 2015.Winters and Sherritt-Fleming seemingly intend this picture book to introduce those mathematical skills and concepts that children learn in their first years of schooling: shape recognition, counting, telling time, and using money. The authors append a glossary that defines such terms as “Base Ten,” “Ordinal numbers,” and “Rhombus.” Having raised our expectations that this will be a mathematically informative book, they get off to a bad start in a rhyme entitled “The Balanced Bee.” “Three circles, tall not wide,”Now, surely, if we are going to define a rhombus for the picture book crowd, we can also allow that a circle is a closed curve with all points on that curve equidistant from the centre. (In other words, it cannot be “tall not wide.”) Their presentation of the concept of time uses a variation on an old standby: “Hickory, Dickory Dock” in “Move Around the Clock.” At one time, the original rhyme was relevant to children because it referenced the nature of a clock. Sometimes, that clock had a pendulum or a sweep second hand to mark the passing seconds; always, it had hands that pointed to the minutes and the hours. Not all clocks chimed, but one could at least see the hands “strike” the hours. Most importantly, the numbers one to twelve circled the clock face and, thus, provided a visual clue to their sequence. Children learned of this sequence without being particularly aware of their learning.For today’s young child the typical “clock” is a digital strip on a microwave, or a smart phone, or an adult’s wrist strap. The numbers on it change either second by second or minute by minute. Staring at this strip which might, for example, read “1:30 p.m.”, how does a child know that “1:00 p.m.” arrived a half hour earlier, that “2:00 p.m.” will arrive a half hour hence, and that “12:30 a.m.” will arrive in a further eleven hours? The concept is no longer visually obvious. This book does not illuminate it. Despite a text which reads, “The mouse ran up the clock,” the mouse in Peggy Collins’ illustration does not run “up” anything: it hops along insouciantly through the gears and springs and winding key of a technology now unknown to children. Nor does the mouse progress systematically through the hours. The text accompanying its romp reads, “…three o’clock, four-thirty, seven o’clock…nine-thirty” …etc. Primary school teacherswould have to struggle to relate anything in this story sequence to the daily rotation of the earth, and humankind’s decision to mark its course in hours, minutes and seconds. Equally unhelpful is the rhymed story of the Spendosaur who wastes all his pennies at the candy store. The penny was discontinued in Canada two years before the publication of this book. The coin’s time honoured usefulness as a counting device or an introduction to base ten is kaput. Increasingly, we use credit cards at the shops. We buy online using computers and hand-held devices. We need not count change; we can simply enter a figure representing the cost of our purchase on a digital screen. In sum, Canadian children of primary school age scarcely remember that their parents once carried pennies in their pockets, let alone that they actually used the copper coins to make purchases. “One penny buys a chocolate-dipped pickle.” becomes merely a line of amusing nonsense.In part, uncertainty of intent may have led to this picture book’s various problems. It attempts to be both an entertaining fantasy and an engaging teaching tool. The blurring of purposes here has not quite succeeded. Reviewer: Leslie AitkenNot recommended: 1 star out of 4Leslie Aitken’s long career in librarianship included selection of books for school, public, special and academic libraries. She is a former Curriculum Librarian for the University of Alberta.

Abstract It is generally acknowledged that alternative strategies are required to enable children with disability to access storytelling activities. In this study, we sought to analyse the benefits of one such strategy: an arts-based multisensory story and rhyme program delivered to children with Down syndrome and autism spectrum disorder. In order to determine the engagement and impact of the program on the participants, data were collected through a series of multisensory session observations, focus group interviews with parents of participants, and interviews with performing artists delivering the program. The findings of this study revealed multiple benefits of using sensory stimuli to engage children with disability in storytelling processes, including increased engagement, focus, and interaction with other children and family members. The performing artists used their knowledge and skills to create an engaging environment that was responsive to the children’s needs. It was observed that language development could be further enhanced by integrating written text into the performance and increasing the use of nonverbal communication methods. Further, the engagement of siblings without disability in this program suggested that it could be developed to be inclusive of children with and without disability.

Roth, Ruby. V is for Vegan: The ABCs of Being Kind. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books, 2013. Print.With adorable illustrations, bright colours, and brief, engaging text, this book would be a welcome addition to any library collection. Roth’s newest book, V is for Vegan, is a quirky and entertaining guide to human-animal relations and the vegan lifestyle. This book is a gentle and informative introduction to the vegan lifestyle, incorporating important vocabulary all vegans should know. It introduces the reader to major food groups in a vegan diet: legumes, grains, nuts, fruits, and vegetables; as well as touching on animal rights. This book is a brilliant resource to help children learn about their or their classmate’s dietary needs. The illustrations, also done by Roth, and rhymes garnered lots of laughs. My 4-year old niece’s favorite page: “Ee is for eggs-- from a chicken’s butt?! Wow.” For vegan and vegetarian parents, this book is a must have.This book was sponsored by the Society for the Study of Native Arts and Sciences, an educational nonprofit corporation established to “develop an educational and cross-cultural perspective that links scientific, social, and artistic fields; to nurture a holistic view of arts, sciences, humanities, and healing; and to publish and distribute literature on the relationship of mind, body, and nature.” Their publishing house, North Atlantic Books, publishes many books on alternative health.Recommended: 3 of out 4 starsReviewer: Jorden SmithJorden is a Public Services Librarian in Rutherford Humanities and Social Sciences Library at the University of Alberta. She is an avid fiction reader and subscribes to Hemingway’s belief that “there is no friend as loyal as a book.”

Welwood, Margaret. Little Bunny's Own Storybook, illustrated by Nataly Vits, Bomars Ventures, 2017.Margaret Welwood tells the story of a little bunny, who wants to spend the day at his favourite place, the library. Unfortunately, it is closed, and he must find another way to occupy himself. The little bunny feels sad because he does not want to play outside or with his toys, but then has the idea to make his own book. He collects paper, crayons, glue, and paint, and goes about writing his own story. The little bunny spends the day busily working on it. Then he reads his new book to his parents, who love the story. Finally, the little bunny encourages the reader to write their own stories and create their own books.This book has gentle, watercolour illustrations that give an almost dream-like quality to the book. Most pages are dominated with browns, greens, and blues. Each illustration fills a single page with the text written in a soft white bubble that overlays the images. The images are very pretty, but they do not add more information to the book, beyond what can be gleaned from the text itself.The text is an interesting combination of simple structure and rhyme scheme with complex and advanced vocabulary. The second and fourth line of every page rhyme, which gives the book a pleasant and familiar lilt. However, because of the use of words like “antidote,” the language seems somehow discordant. This book indicates that it is intended for children aged 3 to 8, but the vocabulary would likely be too difficult for 3-year-olds, and the simple story line would likely be uninteresting for 8-year-olds. As a result, I would recommend it more for children aged 5 to 6. The book is clearly meant to convey the pleasures of reading and the library, as well as creating and sharing. As a result, I would recommend this book for public libraries. Recommended: 3 stars out of 4Reviewer: Laura HamonicLaura Hamonic is an Academic Library Resident at the University of Alberta’s Science and Technology Library. She has a passion for all things crafty and spends her days cross stitching, crocheting, and costume making.

Smallman, Steve. Poo in the Zoo. Illus. Ada Grey. Wilton, CT : Tiger Tales, 2015. Print.This story is a fun way to introduce kids to the fact that there all sorts of messy but very necessary jobs in the world. “There’s too much poo in the zoo!” for zookeeper Bob McGrew. Children who are at the age when all things scatological are both fascinating and hilarious will revel in watching Bob clean up after all of the animals in the zoo. The creative wordplay, rhyme scheme, as well as the fact that the word “poo” shows up an average of 2 or 3 times a page is sure to delight and amuse young listeners:“There was tiger poo, lion poo, prickly porcupine poo, Plummeting giraffe poo that landed with a splat.Gobs of gnu poo, bouncy kangaroo poo,A dotted line of droppings from a fat wombat!”After consuming some fireflies, an escaped iguana produces a green, glowing, alien-like pile of poop which draws crowds to the zoo. Hector Glue, who owns a travelling side-show of exotic poo, arrives on the scene to acquire it for his collection. With the money from the sale, the zookeeper is able to buy a robot “pooper scooper”. Ada Grey’s illustrations are rendered in a bright colour palette punctuated by lots of interesting textures. For example, in the scene where we meet Hector Glue, there is a myriad of patterns used in the depiction of the animal coats and skin as well as in the clothing of the zoo patrons, particularly in Hector’s Victorian-era showman outfit. Children will enjoy perusing the bottles of exotic poo from Hector’s collection which are also reproduced in the endpapers. There are clever gems such as: “Squirrel Poo: Warning May Contain Nuts”. Among the fictional creatures mentioned on the bottles, there are also many lesser-known animals such as an ocelot and a blob fish. This provides an opportunity for teachers or parents to encourage young readers to learn more about these animals. “Poo in the Zoo” could also work as a complement to a lesson or non-fiction book on animals or on caring for pets, provided that the teacher or parent points out the differences between fact and fiction. Recommended for ages 3-7.Recommended: 3 out of 4 starsReviewer: Kim FrailKim is a Public Services Librarian at the H.T. Coutts Education Library at the University of Alberta. Children’s literature is a big part of her world at work and at home. She also enjoys gardening, renovating and keeping up with her kids.

Reid, Barbara. Welcome, Baby. Toronto: Scholastic Canada, 2013. Print.As with Reid's other books, the focus of Welcome Baby is the author's superb hand-sculpted plasticine illustrations. They are all bright, colourful and contain small charming details such as: framed family photos, the stubble on a new father's unshaven face, and a baby's missing sock and tiny bare foot. The story is addressed to a new baby and presents the joys of welcoming the new arrival into the family. There are images of babies snuggling with Moms and Dads, interacting with grandparents, playing with siblings and friends and enjoying the great outdoors in all four seasons.The characters are racially diverse and household scenes are very realistic. A father and baby nap in the couch amidst a sea of toys and clothes strewn about the living room carpet. The narrative features a simple rhyme scheme that would appeal to young children. There are usually only 5-7 words per page and it alternates between text and image. The colour of the textual pages alternates between yellow and blue to create interest without overwhelming the images on the opposite side. The meaning of the text corresponds well to the images and conveys playful metaphors. For example, in one image we see rain and clouds through a large window. In the foreground a baby flashes a joyful smile while holding her father's finger. He is wearing a sports jersey. The text reads: "You will be our sunshine, We'll be your biggest fans." This book is ideal for the nursery or preschool library. It would make a fantastic gift for parents-to-be and could also be read to a sibling before the birth to allow them to share in the excitement and anticipation.Highly Recommended: 4 out of 4 starsReviewer: Kim FrailKim is a Public Services Librarian at the H.T. Coutts Education Library at the University of Alberta. Children’s literature is a big part of her world at work and at home. She also enjoys gardening, renovating and keeping up with her kids.

Byers, Grace. I Am Enough. Illustrated by Keturah A. Bobo, Balzer + Bray-Harper Collins, 2018 I Am Enough by Grace Byers is an uplifting and motivating book about female empowerment and respect for diversity. The consistent message through this book is one of self-worth and embracing differences. Byers emphasizes that regardless of one’s looks, abilities, or beliefs, every child is unique, able, and worthy of respect. Her message encourages children to recognize diversity and show respect and kindness to others. She poetically portrays messages of empowerment through the use of simple simile and rhyme. For example, she writes “Like the sun, I’m here to shine” and later: “...that does not dictate our worth, we both have places here on Earth.” Her use of rhyme allows the book to read smoothly and rhythmically, and simile encourages the reader to think carefully about the message on each page. Many of the messages are simple and clear, while others may require more careful thought and discussion to build meaning from the message. The front cover of her book shows the face of a young girl of colour, which paired with the bold title "I Am Enough" sets the tone of diversity, acceptance, and strength, seen throughout the book. Byers’ messages of empowerment are complemented and supported by Keturah Bobo’s illustrations. Bobo’s illustrations artistically and realistically depict children from a variety of ethnic backgrounds and abilities. Great thought and detail has been put into the characters in the illustrations, authentically depicting girls from a variety of different races and cultures. This book could be a mirror for children from a variety of backgrounds, allowing them to see themselves in this book. Bobo’s illustrations add a great deal of meaning to this story, as the theme of diversity is not explicitly stated in the text until the end of the book, but is clearly portrayed in the images throughout the pages. The children featured in this story are elementary aged, matching the intended audience. The characters in the foreground are complemented by background images of simple crayon sketches. The use of crayon further appeals to the intended audience of young children. This is Grace Byers’ first children's book. She grew up in a diverse background of a multiracial family, as well as the child of deaf parents. She wrote this book to empower young girls against bullying and promote an understanding of diversity and the importance of showing kindness to others. Her intended audience is elementary aged children (particularly girls, as females are the focus in the illustrations), however this book is a great read for everyone. The mantra “I am enough” has the potential to resonate with individuals of any age or background, so the message portrayed can appeal to a variety of readers. This book would be an excellent addition to school and classroom libraries. Highly Recommended: 4 out of 4 starsReviewer: Bethany Semotiuk Bethany Semotiuk is an elementary teacher and open studies student at the University of Alberta. She has a special interest in early literacy development and plans to pursue graduate studies focused in children’s language and literacy. She enjoys reading children’s literature in her classroom as well as for personal pleasure.

Introduction In the following self-reflexive (examining my own experiences) piece I discuss the methodology of my PhD thesis which, completed in 2014 (Johnson On a Tightrope), focused on how women negotiate, reject and embody the expectations associated with contemporary pregnancy and mothering. In this qualitative research project I examined the types of pregnancy and parenting practices (defined as those practices undertaken to manage and maximise the success of women’s pregnancies and parenting) women engage in with reference to contemporary sources of information. Central to this, I studied the changing nature of pregnancy and mothering practices in the context of increasing digitalisation, with a particular focus on whether and how technologies enable new spaces for experiential learning and health responsibilisation. This also allowed me to query how various discourses work to inform particular ideas of ‘good’ or ‘appropriate’ mothering behaviours and mothering ideologies, and the expert patient ideal (Johnson Maternal Devices). An examination of the different resources and technologies women draw on during their transition to first-time motherhood reveals how dominant discourses are resisted, negotiated or differentially embodied by women facing first-time pregnancy and motherhood. Since the time I began my research, there has been an explosion of applications (apps) into the market. Pregnancy and mothering have been ‘appified’. Apps offer a unique way to order, engage with and reshape our bodies and biology today. They reflect wider cultural and social changes in the understanding of our identity, our ‘lifestyle’ and our body. In my study I drew on characterisations from participants in attempting to understand the affordances of apps and the role they may play during both pregnancy and new motherhood. I found that apps format motherhood and pregnancy in new ways, instituting new rules into new devices and offering templates which actively shape meanings and practices. They provide new ways to imagine or create foetal/child identity, to monitor child activity from a distance, to gather and interpret data and the enactment of “digital” helicopter parenting (Johnson Maternal Devices). Apps also represent a ‘tidbitisation’ of information which is delivered directly into the user’s intimate sphere, sometimes ‘pushed’ into this intimate sphere, no matter where they are. This ‘device-ification’ of mothering purports to turn it into an administrative and calculable activity, valuing data over subjective experiences and changing the meaning of what it is to mother and be a mother. Apps also represent the contemporary intersection between social media, medical advice, expectations of self-management and notions of convenience. They also creates new social relations and valuing practices, such as ‘likeability’ on Facebook, which have the potential to alter our understandings of health and identity. Increasing numbers of health initiatives are adopting apps in their promotional marketing campaigns and the appification of health means that medical knowledge is being increasingly incorporated into new sorts of social interactions. Ongoing research must consider the multiplicity of women’s engagement with these apps across the transition to first-time motherhood and for parents who are trying to manage child health. It would be productive to direct focus onto the lived experiences associated with apps rather than lauding or criticising the content of apps. Background The initial question that motivated my research was: ‘How do women draw on, weave together, and reject aspects of the dominant advice which configures contemporary perceptions of maternal subjectivity, encompassing specifically the transition to first-time motherhood?’ I was interested in what women in the transition to first-time motherhood experienced and how they reflected on and interpreted these experiences. The subjective accounts of women tell a particular story, so, rather than administering a survey to a large group of women I focused on in-depth, semi-structured but flexible interviews as a way of discovering participant experiences as expressed in their own words. Having only a small number of interview participants meant that I was able to analyse my data closely in a way that would be difficult with a larger sample. In total, I conducted twenty-two interviews with twelve women during January and September, 2012. This included two interviews with ten participants and one interview with the remaining two participants. The first interview was conducted during the third trimester of pregnancy, ranging from 32 to 38 weeks. The second interview was undertaken postnatally when the babies ranged from 3 to 7 months of age. For participant demographic information, please refer to earlier publications (Johnson Maternal Devices; Intimate Mothering Publics). Interviewing late in pregnancy and early in new motherhood provided a realistic sense of the changes, both positive and negative, which occur during this transition as well as the – at times – deep rift between experience and expectation. The time between interviews was important as it allowed women time to adjust somewhat to life as a new mum, allowed time for reflection on both the pregnancy and the early months of mothering. The interviews were conversational and relaxed in nature and allowed to flow in the direction the participant chose to take. The women were generous in sharing intimate details of their experiences from conception through to motherhood. Their responses revealed different ways of being pregnant, being supported and responsibilised during pregnancy, and the different ways women cope with stress, anxiety and more. The stories also demonstrate the amount of work, thought and often deliberate self-transformation which occurs throughout pregnancy, and as a new mother. I believe my personal biography influenced the data that I collected during the interviews. My age and sex advantaged my position as an interviewer. Being a relatively young female researcher it was easy to develop rapport with the participants. In addition, being a woman likely increased my access, as a researcher, to the intimate experiences women shared throughout the interviews, especially considering the gendered and personal nature of the research. It was also apparent that my absence of first-hand experience of pregnancy and mothering enhanced the depth of interview data, encouraging participants to provide access to details and feelings that they may have believed were unnecessary to discuss had I also been a mother. Rebecca Horn discusses a similar experience in her research with prison inmates and police staff, which she describes as being due to her projected image as an “innocent abroad” (96). It also meant that participants were more likely to share details because my lack of experience meant that I was not in a position to judge these experiences against my own. Throughout the interviews, the participants often wanted to know more about me, asking me questions like: How old are you? Have you ever been pregnant? Do you have a partner? Does doing this research turn you off having children? Does doing this research make you want to have children? What do you plan to do after you’ve finished your thesis? Similar to other researchers who discuss their interview experiences in self-reflexive pieces Edwards, Finch and Oakley, I found that by sharing some of my own personal experiences I was able to establish trust and develop rapport with the participants. Like Kasper I worked with the assumption that each interview is a collaborative and consensual enterprise among women. I focused on earning trust, displaying sensitivity and fairness, and showing support. The participants expressed genuine interest in my research and the findings it was generating, with most women keen to read any published findings from the research. Many participants asked to have a copy of their interview transcripts for posterity or to reflect on with friends or in future pregnancies. ‘Getting Personal’ Now that I am contemplating the extension of my research into the future I must think about how my position as a researcher has changed. As one of my key interests is the ways in which digital technologies impact on parenting I have to ask myself whether I will use this broad range of technologies myself, as a parent. If I do use these technologies, will I insert myself into my research asking questions about my own user experiences and considering whether my partner uses these technologies in a different way to myself? If so, how, and what are the implications of this? I also need to consider my child amongst this, as both a parent and a researcher. Am I comfortable with my child having a digital life from a young age? I have already contemplated this question and made the conscious decision not to discuss or mention my pregnancy on social media, Facebook in particular. This question will again be important when my partner and I make decisions around the different ways we choose to announce the birth of our first child. These questions will continue to be important to me as a parent in an increasingly digitalised world. Until I become a mother, (some time in the next five weeks) I believe I cannot answer these questions. Rather, this article functions as a sounding board, allowing me to begin contemplating these questions in my future dual role as a mother and a researcher. Becoming a mother will change my position as a researcher in other important ways. I will no longer be the inexperienced, childless researcher. I will continue to treat my participants as partners in my research but being a mother myself, intersubjectivity, “the acknowledgment of the reciprocal sharing of knowledge and experience between the researcher and the researched” (Shields and Dervin 67), will become all the more essential to my approach. In this way I would hope to continue to de-emphasise the conventional hierarchies and dichotomies of research by focusing on the dialectical relationship between myself and my research ‘partners’. It will be imperative that I not only listen to these women without judgement but that I also share the intricacies of my research project and my own experiences as a maternal subject. These women are the experts of their own lives (Kasper) and I am sure this research would benefit from their involvement from an early phase where they would be invited to share in the design of research questions and the collection and interpretation of results. This is particularly important when designing research on new technologies where the only experiences I can currently draw from are my own and perhaps those of friends, family and colleagues. Digital research methodologies are still in their infancy, as this special issue attests, and although research into the use of apps is growing, there continues to be little research into the user experiences of apps. Apps as Tools of Convenience? As noted above, apps create a “tidbitisation” of information (Johnson Maternal Devices), where information is convenient and accessible in small ‘tidbits’ that anyone can access anywhere, anytime on their smartphone. This is something I have already utilised during my pregnancy (checking symptoms, reading about baby’s development) and I am sure this will be useful for me as a new mum. I have also been using my smartphone for other baby-related resources such as gathering lists of lullabies and nursery rhymes. These few examples indicate that smartphones do offer a great number of conveniences to new parents. But, they could also appear worrisome – raising questions around smartphones as distractions from parenting or relying on smartphones to track health conditions or baby habits, and perhaps even the deferral of responsibility, for example, busy parents using apps to entertain children. At this stage we actually know very little about the user experience of apps for mothers and new parents and new research in this area needs to ask questions such as: Who uses apps and why? What are users paying attention to and what is ignored or ‘switched off’? Do push notifications actually work? Do they create a new form of responsibilisation and if so, what are the repercussions of this, particularly if these apps are directed towards women as new parents, rather than men? This last question is particularly important for a scholar such as myself in the field of Gender and Cultural Studies where questions of gender and gendering are often central to our research. I have found that, as apps continue to be developed at an alarming rate, those specific to parenting are, more often than not targeted to women rather than men. Those that are targeted to men are often patronising and poorly executed, lacking detailed information and emphasising gendered stereotypes (for examples, see Johnson Maternal Devices). This is important to note because I found in my study that app use constitutes part of the intimate relationship of parents-to-be and new parents. Male partners rarely read guidebooks or significant detail from other information sources and so apps played a role in their day-to-day gathering of knowledge, usually via their partner. Rather than reading a chapter of a book or googling a pregnancy symptom, quiet time chatting on the couch after work often included the sharing of information from apps or regular email updates on a variety of topics. Men used the same apps as women but this was usually on their partner’s phone, rather than their own. This raises another important question. How do we research indirect use of apps? Is this even possible? The obvious way to answer this question would be through the use of qualitative interviews. This is made difficult through the mere fact that we first must know who uses these apps indirectly before we recruit them into our research. Researching Digital Technologies through Discourse Analysis In my PhD the use of smartphones and apps only emerged as a theme of interest late into the research project. The constant mention of various apps during the interviews prompted me to examine a number of key pregnancy and parenting apps in terms of the discourses they mobilise and their functionality (Johnson Maternal Devices). As Dorothy Smith attests, we live in a textually mediated world. Pregnancy and parenting books, magazines, technologies such as apps and other forms of popular advice represent a mediated version of motherhood, parenthood and fatherhood. If these texts can influence and be influenced by patterns of parenting discourse then critical discourse analysis can contribute to an understanding of the ways in which mothering can be influenced or constructed by popular media and discourse. Thus, in my PhD research I applied discourse analysis to the study of apps. Discourse analysis examines how language constructs social phenomena and investigates the ways in which it produces certain social realities and expectations (Sunderland). Discourse analysis is valuable because of the questions it enables us to ask about the constructed nature of our experiences and the texts that we are exposed to. Smartphone apps, social media and the Internet are growing resources for women in the transition to first-time motherhood. These technologies require further research as they represent a particular way for women to engage with the neoliberal project of responsibilisation. Targeting first-time mothers and parents research allows access to users of digital technologies who most likely have a vested interest (i.e. the health and development of their children) in understanding the way new technologies are increasingly intervening in our everyday lives. Maternal subjects are likely to view such technologies as a means to monitor her pregnancies and her children’s health and development. A central aim of my research is to render visible the enduring nature of ideologies and expectations of motherhood – which include the ways in which women as mothers are responsibilised – and the ways in which different variants of mothering are inserted in new ways into tools of self-help, social media and new ‘pushy’ technologies (apps). This will reveal how discourse is constituted by mothers and how mothering discourse can work to constitute particular maternal practices and beliefs or expectations. Thus I argue that discourse analysis is central to the research of pregnancy/parenting apps. My research demonstrates how women draw on new technologies in rebellious, ironic or affirmative ways to enact different technologies of the self (Foucault). The texts can be viewed as disciplinary in a Foucauldian sense, and by analysing these different forms of advice it is possible to provide an ongoing demonstration of the difficulty of complying with the various demands of motherhood. Women’s interactions with a range of parenting discourses and attempts to create their own version of motherhood can be seen to constitute one component of the work of motherhood and the ways women practice and enact motherhood (this is discussed in detail in an article currently under review). Although researching the potential affordances of apps is important this research must be connected to user experience. In other words, are apps used in the ways we think they are? In order to move forward and ask questions such as: “Are women responsibilised and their conduct shaped in a new way via their smartphones in what I have characterised ‘push responsibilisation’?” we must move beyond discourse analysis and ask questions that focus on the user experience of apps. It would be useful to draw on existing research in other fields, which have started to develop a range of ethnographic methods and tools for research into computer-user interactions, applications and social media including Tinder, Grindr and Instagram. Other questions I wish to include in a future empirical study include: Who adopts these apps and why? Are there variations in the ways different generational users adopt apps? Who rejects these apps and why? Are push notifications ignored, considered obtrusive or do they prompt specific practices or actions? How are apps used? How do apps maintain already existing gender inequalities in parenting? In asking these questions I believe we could also begin to interrogate a much broader question, that is: “What can the use of devices during this particular ‘life stage’ tell us more broadly about mapping, tracking and quantifying the self?” This brings me again to the central question in this piece: How do we do this research? In this article I have not attempted to answer this question but rather to provoke discussion and encourage debate. In particular, I would like to consider new research methodologies which have the potential to extend our research capabilities and those whom we are able to involve in our research. An example would be conducting research online through pre-existing discussion forums. I have attended numerous academic events in the past two years where academics have started to ponder these questions more generally but my hope is that this article can act as encouragement for further debate. References Edwards, Rosalind. “Connecting Method and Epistimology: A White Woman Interviewing Black Women.” Women's Studies International Forum 13 (1990): 477-490. Finch, Janet. “It’s great to have someone to talk to”: The Ethics and Politics of Interviewing Women. Social Researching: Politics, Problems, Practice. Eds. Colin Bell and Helen Roberts. London: Routledge, 1984. Foucault, Michel. "Technologies of the Self: A Seminar with Michel Foucault." Technologies of the Self: A Seminar with Michel Foucault. Eds. Luther Martin, Huck Gutman, and Patrick Hutton. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1998. Horn, Rebecca. “Reflexivity in Placement: Women Interviewing Women.” Feminism & Psychology 5 (1995): 94-98. Johnson, Sophia. “On a Tightrope? 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Lindbergh, Reeve. Homer The Library Cat. Illus. Anne Wilsdorf. Somerville, MA: CandlewickPress, 2011. Print. Reeve Lindbergh’s tale of a cat who only wants some peace and quiet is a pleasant, though unremarkable, romp through some very noisy places, ending up in the quiet sanctuary of the library. The rhyme scheme is incredibly simple, making it easy for children to memorize and read along; however, the rhythm of the lines is not ideal, and aside from a general linguistic playfulness that serves him well, it cannot be said that Lindbergh has a particularly good ear for poetry. Likewise, Wilsdorf’s watercolours are vibrant and cheerful enough, but there is nothing notable in her style to attract or draw readers in. Most of the illustrations are very busy, giving children plenty to see and do; however, at times, Homer himself fades into the background. He is never drawn with enough definition to truly distinguish him or imbue him with any life beyond the pages of the story. Homer’s ubiquitous and varied use of onomatopoeia is sure to delight children, as well as giving parents small opportunities to perform in their reading. However, despite the faint pleasures of bright colours and noise-words, it is hard to imagine this book becoming any kind of favourite, unless perhaps of a child inordinately fond of both cats and libraries. Just as Homer eventually proves to be a library cat, Homer The Library Cat would probably be best suited as a library book. It is a book that many would enjoy reading a few times over, though it will never be a nursery staple. Homer is not so prettily drawn nor so well-defined a character as to particularly endear himself to children, though he may prove an amusing, short-term distraction with whom no reader could find serious fault. Recommended: 2 starsReviewer: Amy PatersonAmy Paterson is a Public Services Librarian at the University of Alberta’s H. T. Coutts Education Library. She was previously the Editor of the Dalhousie Journal of Interdisciplinary Management and is very happy to be involved in the Deakin Review and the delightful world of children’s literature.

English is respectfully addressed as the Global Language. It is also the Link Language of the world. It is even the Richest Language among all world languages. But, it is just 1500 years old. In spite of its late coming, it has spread to every nook and corner. English is not a native language of India. Even then, it is one of the Official Languages of the country. The British had the honour of bringing their Language. In 1830’s English had been declared as the Medium of Instruction in all the Centres of Learning within the country. With the establishment of Universities in 1857, English had gained its national importance and popularity. The journey of English had been like a cake walk. The age of English is almost the age of Islam. Both had their splendid origin in the later part of the 6th Century. One has conquered the world and the other has carved a golden niche in the hearts of Millions and Millions The English Missionaries started to arrive in India in 1810s. They planted the seeds of English on the soil of India. It was Lord Macaulay who transformed English into a Language of India. He made English compulsory in Schools and Universities. The impact was so powerful that almost all the Colleges and Universities had switched over to English Medium. And to-day, its impact has mesmerized the Language into the heart and soul of most of the Official Correspondence in the Country. Its influence is so magnetic in India that it has become the official Language of States like Meghalaya and Nagaland and so on. Every language has its own pride of place. All languages are to be loved and respected. It is because language is the basis to strengthen the fraternal ties. This is why Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru had rightly said, `If you want to pen a lynic, do it in Urdu, If you want to deliver a speech, do it in Tamil, If you want to draft a love-letter, do it in Telugu, If two of you want to converse, do it in Kannada, If you want to conquer the world, do it with English,’ And therefore, every language has its own beauty and importance. Let us love all Languages. Let us learn as many Languages as possible. Let us get together by our Languages. Let all Languages be bridges of connectivity and not walls of separation. More so, it is with English. Let us learn more English and more of English. English is the link language of the world. It is a bridge that connects Countries and Continents. English has so many beauties of its own. They all have transformed it into the Global Language. Its vocabulary is rich. Its grammar is simple. It style is superb. It fits into any language. It wins respect to the Speaker. It gets him popularity. It is the window on the world. Its doors are always kept open. It is secular in spirit. It doesn’t segregate but only unites. It is not like a closed parachute. It is like an open umbrella. Standard books in all subjects are mainly in English. Every country has its own language. But with the native language, no country can establish friendly ties with other countries. This is one reason why the Heads of Nations depend on the Translators. And most of this Official Transaction is carried through English. But exceptions are there like China or Japan. And therefore, Governments of even small islands have switched over to English. This helps them to strengthen their links with advanced countries like America, England, Australia and New Zealand. But, in spite of its popularity, English is not the largest spoken language in the world. It is the Third widely spoken language. Even then, it has its supremacy over all other languages. This supremacy has made English the Global Language. Many of the Indian Languages are older than English. But, they have not crossed the frontiers of their own States. It is because we are not so patriotic as far as our Languages are concerned. We love the Country. We love our State. We love all People. We love our Language. But, we don’t try to make it more popular. But the British are a different set. Otherwise, Shakespeare would not have become the World’s most celebrated Writer. The natives of England conquered several other countries. They named them as Common Wealth Countries. They made English the like language of these countries. This was how English had become a language of the world. In course of time, it had attained the status of a Global Language. And as the Global Language, its role is amazing. It is dominating in all important segments like Science, Technology, Medicine, Politics, Humanities, Music and so on. English has paved way for the coming up of Global Markets. And thus, it has increased the wealth of the Nations. Negotiations for establishment of peace across the Globe are transacted chiefly in English. And thus, English promotes peace and non-violence, all over the world. It is the Medium of all Higher Studies. It is enriching the world with students and scholars of exceptional merit. They all work for human progress and human advancement in all major spheres that are essential for life. English widens one’s knowledge by exposing him to the realms of more learning to gain more knowledge. Even an LKG student gets thrilled with his First Rhyme in English. So are his parents and teachers. Most of the Nobel Laureates deliver their Nobel Lecture only in English. Only then, the world comes to know of their amazing Inventions or Discoveries. And thus, the role of English as Global Language is like a multipetalled sunflower.

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Public life is usually understood to be whatever we do or say in our formal and professional relationships. At the workplace, at the doctor’s office or at the café, we need to make a good impression and we cannot say everything we think or do anything we want. We need to appear a certain way to be liked, get ahead, or simply stay out of trouble. The distinction between private and public presupposes that we invest efforts in maintaining a public “persona” whereas at home we can “be ourselves.” A closer examination, however, reveals that we also have a persona within the circle of our immediate family and close friends. We often censor ourselves with the people closest to us, in order to be seen by our loved-ones as caring partners, devoted children or loyal friends. Can we ever relax and really be ourselves without maintaining a persona? Even in our most private moments, at home alone, we are under the pressure of a private persona, a self-image we want to maintain even when nobody else is looking. We also want to impress ourselves, so to speak, to feel and think about and interact with people in a manner that reflects the way we think we are, or should be, in our social world. On occasion, we explicitly endorse certain values or character traits that we see as guiding our social interactions as well as our private thoughts and emotions. Naturally, most of us probably think that who we are, as reflected from our actions and reactions, thoughts and emotions, matches quite well our private persona. But when we consider those around us, especially those we know well enough to know what they think about themselves, we often notice patterns of behaviour that are in tension with their private persona. We could say that they have a false, or at least a partially blind, self-image. The philosopher and psychoanalyst Jonathan Lear provides a good example to think about these tensions in one’s private persona. In A Case for Irony, he describes a woman who displays prototypical femininity in some of her mannerisms, gestures and her style of clothing, and self-consciously comports herself according to traditional gender roles. Yet, Lear notices that she also exhibits “boyish” behaviour without realising it, a behaviour that further demonstrates that she cares about being “boyish” (42-71). Consider other examples such as: a proud anti-authoritarian whose gestures and reactions reveal that he evaluates people according to their social hierarchy; or a person who fiercely defends her independence in close relationships and yet remains financially dependent; or the delicate flower that cannot hurt a fly with a killer instinct. Around us, many people hold onto a self-image that captures only a part of their social ways of being and ignores other parts that are apparently in tension with it. We ascribe to one another the ability to turn a blind eye to what is there to see. In such cases, it appears that some patterns of social interaction fit well with what we may call one’s endorsed private persona whereas other identifiable patterns do not. Those, in turn, seem to fit a hidden private persona, certain values or character traits that the person does not acknowledge having. In other words, one’s private persona may include an endorsed aspect that is in tension with its hidden aspect. In this paper, I critically examine Jonathan Lear’s suggestion as to how to understand and deal with such tensions. In particular, I examine how one’s private persona may get caught up in such tensions in the first place. Endorsed Private Persona Our roles in our relationships and group-belongings comprise what philosophers call our practical identities, such as being a spouse, a parent, a friend, a child, a teacher or a member of the neighbourhood cat-rescue organisation. These practical identities do not just impose on us duties and obligations and appropriate ways of interaction dictated by our social niche. They are also, as the philosopher Christine Korsgaard says in The Sources of Normativity, “description[s] under which [we] value [ourselves], description[s] under which [we] find [our lives] to be worth living and [our] actions worth undertaking” (101). Our social roles present us sometimes with dilemmas, challenges and moments of choice. When we face an important decision in our lives, such as leaving a boyfriend or getting married, telling or not telling a friend that her husband is cheating on her, we may explicitly ask ourselves: do I want to be the kind of person that pursues this course of action? Am I this kind of partner, this kind of friend? It is not just about what others would think of me, it is about what I will think of me: will I be able to live with myself if I make this choice? These are typical moments in which we encounter our endorsed private persona, and reflect upon certain values that we attempt to cultivate through our choices. We also describe ourselves and identify with certain social styles, character traits, or virtues that guide some of our social gestures and actions. We care about being confident or modest, polite or direct communicators, courageous or risk averse, feminine or masculine, light travellers or collectors of objects. These labels do not just comprise the way people see us or how we want them to see us. They describe how we see and want to see ourselves and thus form a part of our endorsed private persona. We often self-consciously attempt to sustain and cultivate behaviours that would fit our endorsed personal style and qualify us as cool or elegant or nerdy, daring or cautious. We also encounter our endorsed private persona when we assess our spontaneous behaviours, in particular our emotional reactions. Those are moments when we face criticism or self-criticism about our emotions. Emotions may be criticised on the ground that they do not fit the circumstances (e.g. fear of a tiny spider), or that they are exaggerated in intensity (e.g. rage about a minor offence), or that they are ungraceful and reflect badly on us, or that they show we are immoral (e.g. envy of a friend or anger at a child), or excessively touchy (e.g. taking offence by a joke), and so forth. Our practices of criticism demonstrate that although we often forgive or accept emotions as episodes we cannot help but undergo, they nevertheless show something about us, about what kind of a person we are. We take such criticisms to heart when they reveal, on reflection, that our emotion is incompatible with our private persona, with our being someone rational, or moral, or with a hippy’s temperament. At times, we embrace the criticism, make it our own, and use it to control our emotion, with varied degrees of success. Our endorsed private persona includes values, virtues, character traits, and styles of social interactions that cut across practical identities. They are ways of inhabiting our various roles and relationships. Many of our spontaneous behaviours, our gestures and emotional reactions, fit with the way we want to be in the social world. Other people may characterise us similarly to how we characterise ourselves and use the same labels to do so, such as “courageous” or “cautious.” It is the fact that we self-consciously care about fitting those labels that makes them a part of our endorsed private persona. A Hidden Private Persona? Our spontaneous reactions, our passing thoughts and emotions, and our non-reflective actions or gestures, often fit well with the way we see and want to see ourselves. Those are the spontaneous behaviours we notice, endorse, or just accept as forgivable or understandable. They reflect who we think we are and what we self-consciously care about. And yet, many such spontaneous behaviours do not fit so well with the endorsed aspect of our private persona. We do not normally pay much attention to those behaviours. We are quite skilled in ignoring them so they typically do not manage to shake our self-image. They are more like background “noise” for our general self-aware comportment in our social interactions. Even in the privacy of our own mind, of the spontaneous emotions and thoughts that strike us without anyone else knowing, we tend to comply with our own endorsed private persona and ignore those passing thoughts that are incompatible with it. And when such behaviours cannot be easily ignored, such as certain emotional reactions, we may be able to control them, to some extent, in reference to our endorsed cares and concerns. But are the spontaneous emotions and gestures that we ignore or reject nothing more than background noise? Do they follow no other positive rhyme or reason? Do they affirm nothing about us in their own right? Lear says that often, the background noise is not just an aggregate of unacknowledged or un-reflected upon emotions and gestures (46). Reflecting on his experience as a psychoanalyst, he claims that this ignored portion of our social lives is often well unified under another social label or “pretence” that the person does not acknowledge or explicitly identify with, even if certain aspects of that person’s behaviour suggest that she actually cares about fitting that hidden “label” (46-51). Although Lear calls these hidden labels “practical identities,” the example of “boyish” and “feminine” demonstrates that he is talking about personal styles, character traits or virtues, such as “self-sacrificing” or “selfish” or “needy.” When we shut off and ignore what we see as mere background noise, Lear says, we effectively shut off a vibrant and unified part of ourselves (64). Lear notices that subjects who are not aware that a certain label unifies aspects of their patterns of social interaction, self-consciously describe themselves with another counter-label, which is the exact inverse of the hidden label (46-47). Lear’s patient is consciously feminine and also exhibits “boyish” behaviour without realising it. Consider also the married man who also exhibits single-life behaviour, or the self-sacrificing family member who actually also cares about what she sees as her selfish needs. These inversions or tensions occur within larger categories: married life; womanhood; self-concern; adulthood, and so forth. The people in these examples inhabit those social categories in ways they find contradictory. How can I be both married and lead a single’s lifestyle? How can I be both a feminine woman and a boyish woman at the same time? As Lear sees things, once his patient acknowledges that she lives in such a tension, she should reassess her ways of organising her behaviours under such rubrics (59-60). The feminine-boyish woman should examine the behaviours that she classifies under the two conflicting labels and ask: “What does any of this has to do with being a woman?” (59). In other words, Lear expects or hopes his patients ask what are, in effect, philosophical questions: what does it mean to be a woman—for me? How do I fit in this category, “woman?” Such negotiation can help people reach some kind of integration whose general purpose is self-acceptance. Perhaps some apparently conflicting identities may serve to qualify one another into reconciliation. Some may be gradually let go. New identities may arise, through reflection, and regroup, so to speak, the behaviours that until then were grouped separately and in opposition. Alternatively, one may accept both sides of the contrariety as parts of oneself that can be given their own time and place for expression. Persona in a World Full of Clichés In her comments on Lear, Korsgaard remarks that the categories of womanhood that trouble Lear’s patient are “most banal” (“Irony” 81). Indeed, Lear’s example—as well as the examples I suggested so far for such tensions—manifests social clichés. His patients exhibit behaviours describable by two poles of society’s stereotypes, prejudices and unqualified moralisms, as if a woman must be either “feminine” or “boyish,” as if love relationships are either “for life” or “dalliances,” as if one is either “loyal” or a “free-spirit,” or either good and “self-sacrificing,” or bad and “selfish” etc. Society offers us many clichés to label ourselves with and some of them may infect our private persona. How did Lear’s patient get caught in opposing clichés? Lear seems to claim that all such people need is some philosophical therapy that would liberate them from this one glitch of their private persona into a superficial dichotomy, inherited from the social world. Are things that simple? Are all the rejected spontaneous behaviours that do not sit well with our endorsed private persona unified by just one social label that comprises what Lear calls our “core fantasy” (e.g. 46; 57)? Our spontaneous behaviours, whether or not we acknowledge or endorse them, give rise to quite a few identifiable patterns, which in turn organise our emotional life. The tensions Lear speaks about are only one such identifiable structuration. That people’s spontaneous emotions and gestures follow various patterns is familiar from ordinary experience. Although we cannot exactly predict the reactions of those we know well, although they may surprise us, we are usually able to make sense of their reaction in light of their past reactions. Our various mannerisms, gestures and emotional reactions lend themselves to groupings in various patterns of reactions. On the one hand, these patterns do not follow a clear rule (or we would be able to predict each other’s emotions much more easily and reliably). And on the other hand, each identifiable pattern brings to light some common aspect in which the behaviours of a pattern are similar to one another. Some reactions resemble one another straightforwardly, like the irritation I feel often with the same rude waiter. This does not mean that each time I see the same rude waiter I will get irritated but, rather, that when I do get irritated, it is partly because of the similarity of the situation now to certain past irritations. Other reactions, as Freud noticed, resemble one another symbolically, such as the resentment one may feel toward one’s female boss here and now symbolising the resentment he has (secretly) harboured for many years toward his mother. As Freud claims, this symbolic connection is also a causal connection and the current resentment is partly caused by the old resentment. Some reactions may be the inverse of one another as in cases of mixed feelings, such as the joy for and the envy of the same friend who achieved something that we wanted for ourselves. Ambivalence, as Freud repeatedly discovered in his case studies, pervades many of our emotional reactions. In Emotions and the Limits of Reason, I propose that our spontaneous emotional life is stitched together through imaginative connections. That is, every reaction of ours is similar to, or symbolic of, the inverse of, or somehow imaginatively relates to, many other reactions from our past. The emotional imaginative network thus gives rise to many traceable patterns. And for each pattern one could, in principle, articulate the respects in which the reactions that follow it connect with one another imaginatively, through similarities and symbols or inversions etc. When we articulate thematic threads that run through such patterns, we can identify various cares and concerns that emerge from our emotional-imaginative network about people and things, ideas, virtues and styles of social interaction. If we are able to identify patterns of both the reactions we endorse and the reactions we normally ignore, the cares and concerns that emerge from our imaginative-emotional network would include those we ordinarily endorse as well as those that we normally fail to recognise. The similarities and other imaginative connections among our various spontaneous reactions do not come at first instance with “subtitles” or with a list of the respects in which they hold. Yet, given that these respects can be articulated in language, these similarities make implicit use of familiar labels. And some of these labels are clichés; they are prejudiced and stereotyped models for being a woman or a parent or good etc. Sometimes, an imaginative emotional network can also give rise to inversions among various patterns such that one group of patterns falls under one social label and another group of patterns under the contrary social label. Such a person may endorse one label and ignore the counter-label. As Freud remarks, “the unconscious [is] the precise contrary of the conscious”(“Notes” 180). Consciously, we do not like to appear contradictory. But, to paraphrase another Freudian maxim, the unconscious knows no contradiction or negation. Imaginatively speaking, this person occupies two—apparently conflicting—positive prototypes of womanhood or adulthood etc., one through her endorsed private persona and another without acknowledgment. But there is no reason to suppose that inversion is the only kind of unity available nor that overcoming it is a once and for all effort, as Lear suggests. Our private persona may inhabit more than one such clichéd couple of apparently conflicting stereotypes that may or may not cause emotional turmoil at various stages in life. On the picture I propose, we may dig ourselves out of one cliché about our private persona and then find ourselves in another. Alternatively, the same cliché may return to haunt us. The solutions we may find to our personalised Socratic question in Lear’s clinic—such as “what is a woman?” or, “what is a sacrifice?”—do not comprise the final word, not for society and not for oneself. Living with Yourself There is no graduation from therapy or immunisation to clichéd inversions or to the pathologies they may cause at some stage in our lives. Perhaps what one can acquire is an attentive attitude to one’s spontaneous behaviours, including those that are not compatible with one’s endorsed private persona. The skill involves the capacity to “listen” to one’s emotions and passing thoughts, to notice one’s non-reflective gestures and ways of interacting and let them inform one’s endorsed cares and concerns and valued styles, character traits and virtues. The goal is not to unify one’s private persona and reach some ideal peace where one is exactly what one wants to be. The goal is, rather, to attend to the spontaneous interruptions of one’s endorsed private persona and at times be prepared to doubt or negotiate the way one sees and wants to see oneself. References Breuer J. and S. Freud. Studies on Hysteria [1893-1895]. S.E. vol. 2. Freud, Sigmund. The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud [1966]. Trans. James Strachey. London: The Hogarth Press, 1995. Freud, Sigmund. Notes upon a Case of Obsessional Neurosis [1909]. S.E. vol. 10, 155-249. Freud, Sigmund. “The Unconscious [1915].” S.E. vol. 14, 166-215. Greenspan, Patricia. “A Case of Mixed Feelings: Ambivalence and the Logic of Emotion.” Explaining Emotions. Ed. Amélie Rorty. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980. 223-250. Korsgaard, Christine M. The Sources of Normativity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Korsgaard, Christine M. “Self Constitution and Irony.” A Case for Irony. Ed. J. Lear. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011. 75-83. Lear, Jonathan. A Case for Irony. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011. Morag, Talia. Emotions and the Limits of Reason: The Role of the Imagination in Explaining Pathological Emotions. PhD Thesis. University of Sydney, 2013. Rorty, Amélie. “Explaining Emotions.” Ed. Amélie Rorty. Explaining Emotions. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980. 103-126. Sartre, J. P. Being and Nothingness: An Essay on Phenomenological Ontology [1943]. Trans. Hazel E. Barnes. NY: Philosophical Library, 1984.

IntroductionThis paper argues that the industrial contexts of re-imagining, or transforming, literary icons deploy the promotional strategies that are associated with what are usually seen as lesser, or purely commercial, genres. Promotional paratexts (Genette Paratexts; Gray; Hills) reveal transformations of content that position audiences to receive them as creative innovations, superior in many senses to their literary precursors due to the distinctive expertise of creative professionals. This interpretation leverages Matt Hills’ argument that certain kinds of “quality” screened drama are discursively framed as possessing the cultural capital associated with auterist cinema, despite their participation in the marketing logics of media franchising (Johnson). Adaptation theorist Linda Hutcheon proposes that when audiences receive literary adaptations, their pleasure inheres in a mixture of “repetition and difference”, “familiarity and novelty” (114). The difference can take many forms, but may be framed as guaranteed by the “distinction”, or—in Bourdieu’s terms—the cultural capital, of talented individuals and companies. Gerard Genette (Palimpsests) argued that “proximations” or updatings of classic literature involve acknowledging historical shifts in ideological norms as well as aesthetic techniques and tastes. When literary brands are made over using different media, there are economic lures to participation in currently fashionable technologies, as well as current political values. Linda Hutcheon also underlines the pragmatic constraints on the re-imagining of literary brands. “Expensive collaborative art forms” (87) such as films and large stage productions look for safe bets, seeking properties that have the potential to increase the audience for their franchise. Thus the marketplace influences both production and the experience of audiences. While this paper does not attempt a thoroughgoing analysis of audience reception appropriate to a fan studies approach, it borrows concepts from Matt Hills’s theorisation of marketing communication associated with screen “makeovers”. It shows that literary fiction and cinematic texts associated with celebrated authors or auteurist producer-directors share branding discourses characteristic of contemporary consumer culture. Strategies include marketing “reveals” of transformed content (Hills 319). Transformed content is presented not only as demonstrating originality and novelty; these promotional paratexts also perform displays of cultural capital on the part of production teams or of auteurist creatives (321). Case Study 1: Steven Spielberg, The Adventures of Tintin (2011) The Adventures of Tintin: The Secret of the Unicorn is itself an adaptation of a literary brand that reimagines earlier transmedia genres. According to Spielberg’s biographer, the Tintin series of bandes dessinée (comics or graphic novels) by Belgian artist Hergé (Georges Remi), has affinities with “boys’ adventure yarns” referencing and paying homage to the “silent filmmaking and the movie serials of the 1930s and ‘40s” (McBride 530). The three comics adapted by Spielberg belong to the more escapist and less “political” phase of Hergé’s career (531). As a fast-paced action movie, building to a dramatic and spectacular closure, the major plot lines of Spielberg’s film centre on Tintin’s search for clues to the secret of a model ship he buys at a street market. Teaming up with an alcoholic sea captain, Tintin solves the mystery while bullying Captain Haddock into regaining his sobriety, his family seat, and his eagerness to partner in further heroic adventures. Spielberg’s industry stature allowed him the autonomy to combine the commercial motivations of contemporary “tentpole” cinema adaptations with aspirations towards personal reputation as an auteurist director. Many of the promotional paratexts associated with the film stress the aesthetic distinction of the director’s practice alongside the blockbuster spectacle of an action film. Reinventing the Literary Brand as FranchiseComic books constitute the “mother lode of franchises” (Balio 26) in a industry that has become increasingly global and risk-adverse (see also Burke). The fan base for comic book movies is substantial and studios pre-promote their investments at events such as the four-day Comic-Con festival held annually in San Diego (Balio 26). Described as “tentpole” films, these adaptations—often of superhero genres—are considered conservative investments by the Hollywood studios because they “constitute media events; […] lend themselves to promotional tie-ins”; are “easy sells in world markets and […] have the ability to spin off sequels to create a franchise” (Balio 26). However, Spielberg chose to adapt a brand little known in the primary market (the US), thus lacking the huge fan-based to which pre-release promotional paratexts might normally be targeted. While this might seem a risky undertaking, it does reflect “changed industry realities” that seek to leverage important international markets (McBride 531). As a producer Spielberg pursued his own strategies to minimise economic risk while allowing him creative choices. This facilitated the pursuit of professional reputation alongside commercial success. The dual release of both War Horse and Tintin exemplify the director-producer’s career practice of bracketing an “entertainment” film with a “more serious work” (McBride 530). The Adventures of Tintin was promoted largely as technical tour de force and spectacle. Conversely War Horse—also adapted from a children’s text—was conceived as a heritage/nostalgia film, marked with the attention to period detail and lyric cinematography of what Matt Hills describes as “aestheticized fiction”. Nevertheless, promotional paratexts stress the discourse of auteurist transformation even in the case of the designedly more commercial Tintin film, as I discuss further below. These pre-release promotions emphasise Spielberg’s “painterly” directorial hand, as well as the professional partnership with Peter Jackson that enabled cutting edge innovation in animation. As McBride explains, the “dual release of the two films in the US was an unusual marketing move” seemingly designed to “showcase Spielberg’s artistic versatility” (McBride 530).Promotional Paratexts and Pre-Recruitment of FansAs Jonathan Gray and Jason Mittell have explained, marketing paratexts predate screen adaptations (Gray; Mittell). As part of the commercial logic of franchise development, selective release of information about a literary brand’s transformation are designed to bring fans of the “original,” or of genre communities such as fantasy or comics audiences, on board with the adaptation. Analysing Steven Moffat’s revelations about the process of adapting and creating a modern TV series from Conan Doyle’s canon (Sherlock), Matt Hills draws attention to the focus on the literary, rather than the many screen reinventions. Moffat’s focus on his childhood passion for the Holmes stories thus grounds the team’s adaptation in a period prior to any “knowledge of rival adaptations […] and any detailed awareness of canon” (326). Spielberg (unlike Jackson) denied any such childhood affective investment, claiming to have been unaware of the similarities between Raiders of the Lost Ark (1981) and the Tintin series until alerted by a French reviewer of Raiders (McBride 530). In discussing the paradoxical fidelity of his and Jackson’s reimagining of Tintin, Spielberg performed homage to the literary brand while emphasising the aesthetic limitations within the canon of prior adaptations:‘We want Tintin’s adventures to have the reality of a live-action film’, Spielberg explained during preproduction, ‘and yet Peter and I felt that shooting them in a traditional live-action format would simply not honor the distinctive look of the characters and world that Hergé created. Hergé’s characters have been reborn as living beings, expressing emotion and a soul that goes far beyond anything we’ve been able to create with computer-animated characters.’ (McBride 531)In these “reveals”, the discourse positions Spielberg and Jackson as both fans and auteurs, demonstrating affective investment in Hergé’s concepts and world-building while displaying the ingenuity of the partners as cinematic innovators.The Branded Reveal of Transformed ContentAccording to Hills, “quality TV drama” no less than “makeover TV,” is subject to branding practices such as the “reveal” of innovations attributed to creative professionals. Marketing paratexts discursively frame the “professional and creative distinction” of the teams that share and expand the narrative universe of the show’s screen or literary precursors (319–20). Distinction here refers to the cultural capital of the creative teams, as well as to the essential differences between what adaptation theorists refer to as the “hypotext” (source/original) and “hypertext” (adaptation) (Genette Paratexts; Hutcheon). The adaptation’s individualism is fore-grounded, as are the rights of creative teams to inherit, transform, and add richness to the textual universe of the precursor texts. Spielberg denied the “anxiety of influence” (Bloom) linking Tintin and Raiders, though he is reported to have enthusiastically acknowledged the similarities once alerted to them. Nevertheless, Spielberg first optioned Hergé’s series only two years later (1983). Paratexts “reveal” Hergé’s passing of the mantle from author to director, quoting his: “ ‘Yes, I think this guy can make this film. Of course it will not be my Tintin, but it can be a great Tintin’” (McBride 531).Promotional reveals in preproduction show both Spielberg and Jackson performing mutually admiring displays of distinction. Much of this is focused on the choice of motion capture animation, involving attachment of motion sensors to an actor’s body during performance, permitting mapping of realistic motion onto the animated figure. While Spielberg paid tribute to Jackson’s industry pre-eminence in this technical field, the discourse also underlines Spielberg’s own status as auteur. He claimed that Tintin allowed him to feel more like a painter than any prior film. Jackson also underlines the theme of direct imaginative control:The process of operating the small motion-capture virtual camera […] enabled Spielberg to return to the simplicity and fluidity of his 8mm amateur films […] [The small motion-capture camera] enabled Spielberg to put himself literally in the spaces occupied by the actors […] He could walk around with them […] and improvise movements for a film Jackson said they decided should have a handheld feel as much as possible […] All the production was from the imagination right to the computer. (McBride 532)Along with cinematic innovation, pre-release promotions thus rehearse the imaginative pre-eminence of Spielberg’s vision, alongside Jackson and his WETA company’s fantasy credentials, their reputation for meticulous detail, and their innovation in the use of performance capture in live-action features. This rehearsal of professional capital showcases the difference and superiority of The Adventures of Tintin to previous animated adaptations.Case Study 2: Andrew Motion: Silver, Return to Treasure Island (2012)At first glance, literary fiction would seem to be a far-cry from the commercial logics of tentpole cinema. The first work of pure fiction by a former Poet Laureate of Great Britain, updating a children’s classic, Silver: Return to Treasure Island signals itself as an exemplar of quality fiction. Yet the commercial logics of the publishing industry, no less than other media franchises, routinise practices such as author interviews at bookshop visits and festivals, generating paratexts that serve its promotional cycle. Motion’s choice of this classic for adaptation is a step further towards a popular readership than his poetry—or the memoirs, literary criticism, or creative non-fiction (“fabricated” or speculative biographies) (see Mars-Jones)—that constitute his earlier prose output. Treasure Island’s cultural status as boy’s adventure, its exotic setting, its dramatic characters long available in the public domain through earlier screen adaptations, make it a shrewd choice for appropriation in the niche market of literary fiction. Michael Cathcart’s introduction to his ABC Radio National interview with the author hones in on this:Treasure Island is one of those books that you feel as if you’ve read, event if you haven’t. Long John Silver, young Jim Hawkins, Blind Pew, Israel Hands […], these are people who stalk our collective unconscious, and they’re back. (Cathcart)Motion agrees with Cathcart that Treasure Island constitutes literary and common cultural heritage. In both interviews I analyse in the discussion here, Motion states that he “absorbed” the book, “almost by osmosis” as a child, yet returned to it with the mature, critical, evaluative appreciation of the young adult and budding poet (Darragh 27). Stevenson’s original is a “bloody good book”; the implication is that it would not otherwise have met the standards of a literary doyen, possessing a deep knowledge of, and affect for, the canon of English literature. Commercial Logic and Cultural UpdatingSilver is an unauthorised sequel—in Genette’s taxonomy, a “continuation”. However, in promotional interviews on the book and broadcast circuit, Motion claimed a kind of license from the practice of Stevenson, a fellow writer. Stevenson himself notes that a significant portion of the “bar silver” remained on the island, leaving room for a sequel to be generated. In Silver, Jim, the son of Stevenson’s Jim Hawkins, and Natty, daughter of Long John Silver and the “woman of colour”, take off to complete and confront the consequences of their parents’ adventures. In interviews, Motion identifies structural gaps in the precursor text that are discursively positioned to demand completion from, in effect, Stevenson’s literary heir: [Stevenson] was a person who was interested in sequels himself, indeed he wrote a sequel to Kidnapped [which is] proof he was interested in these things. (Cathcart)He does leave lots of doors and windows open at the end of Treasure Island […] perhaps most bewitchingly for me, as the Hispaniola sails away, they leave behind three maroons. So what happened to them? (Darragh)These promotional paratexts drop references to Great Expectations, Heart of Darkness, Lord of the Flies, Wild Sargasso Sea, the plays of Shakespeare and Tom Stoppard, the poetry of Auden and John Clare, and Stevenson’s own “self-conscious” sources: Defoe, Marryat. Discursively, they evidence “double coding” (Hills) as both homage for the canon and the literary “brand” of Stevenson’s popular original, while implicated in the commercial logic of the book industry’s marketing practices.Displays of DistinctionMotion’s interview with Sarah Darragh, for the National Association of Teachers of English, performs the role of man of letters; Motion “professes” and embodies the expertise to speak authoritatively on literature, its criticism, and its teaching. Literature in general, and Silver in particular, he claims, is not “just polemic”, that is “not how it works”, but it does has the ability to recruit readers to moral perspectives, to convey “ new ideas[s] of the self.” Silver’s distinction from Treasure Island lies in its ability to position “deep” readers to develop what is often labelled “theory of mind” (Wolf and Barzillai): “what good literature does, whether you know it or not, is to allow you to be someone else for a bit,” giving us “imaginative projection into another person’s experience” (Darragh 29). A discourse of difference and superiority is also associated with the transformed “brand.” Motion is emphatic that Silver is not a children’s book—“I wouldn’t know how to do that” (Darragh 28)—a “lesser” genre in canonical hierarchies. It is a writerly and morally purposeful fiction, “haunted” by greats of the canon and grounded in expertise in philosophical and literary heritage. In addition, he stresses the embedded seriousness of his reinvention: it is “about how to be a modern person and about greed and imperialism” (Darragh 27), as well as a deliberatively transformed artefact:The road to literary damnation is […] paved with bad sequels and prequels, and the reason that they fail […] is that they take the original on at its own game too precisely […] so I thought, casting my mind around those that work [such as] Tom Stoppard’s play Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead […] or Jean Rhys’ wonderful novel Wide Sargasso Sea which is about the first Mrs Rochester in Jane Eyre […] that if I took a big step away from the original book I would solve this problem of competing with something I was likely to lose in competition with and to create something that was a sort of homage […] towards it, but that stood at a significant distance from it […]. (Cathcart) Motion thus rehearses homage and humility, while implicitly defending the transformative imagination of his “sequel” against the practice of lesser, failed, clonings.Motion’s narrative expansion of Stevenson’s fictional universe is an example of “overwriting continuity” established by his predecessor, and thus allowing him to make “meaningful claims to creative and professional distinction” while demonstrating his own “creative viewpoint” (Hills 320). The novel boldly recapitulates incidental details, settings, and dramatic embedded character-narrations from Treasure Island. Distinctively, though, its opening sequence is a paean to romantic sensibility in the tradition of Wordsworth’s The Prelude (1799–1850).The Branded Reveal of Transformed ContentSilver’s paratexts discursively construct its transformation and, by implication, improvement, from Stevenson’s original. Motion reveals the sequel’s change of zeitgeist, its ideological complexity and proximity to contemporary environmental and postcolonial values. These are represented through the superior perspective of romanticism and the scientific lens on the natural world:Treasure Island is a pre-Enlightenment story, it is pre-French Revolution, it’s the bad old world […] where people have a different ideas of democracy […] Also […] Jim is beginning to be aware of nature in a new way […] [The romantic poet, John Clare] was publishing in the 1820s but a child in the early 1800s, I rather had him in mind for Jim as somebody who was seeing the world in the same sort of way […] paying attention to the little things in nature, and feeling a sort of kinship with the natural world that we of course want to put an environmental spin on these days, but [at] the beginning of the 1800s was a new and important thing, a romantic preoccupation. (Cathcart)Motion’s allusion to Wild Sargasso Sea discursively appropriates Rhys’s feminist and postcolonial reimagination of Rochester’s creole wife, to validate his portrayal of Long John Silver’s wife, the “woman of colour.” As Christian Moraru has shown, this rewriting of race is part of a book industry trend in contemporary American adaptations of nineteenth-century texts. Interviews position readers of Silver to receive the novel in terms of increased moral complexity, sharing its awareness of the evils of slavery and violence silenced in prior adaptations.Two streams of influence [come] out of Treasure Island […] one is Pirates of the Caribbean and all that jolly jape type stuff, pirates who are essentially comic [or pantomime] characters […] And the other stream, which is the other face of Long John Silver in the original is a real menace […] What we are talking about is Somalia. Piracy is essentially a profoundly serious and repellent thing […]. (Cathcart)Motion’s transformation of Treasure Island, thus, improves on Stevenson by taking some of the menace that is “latent in the original”, yet downplayed by the genre reinvented as “jolly jape” or “gorefest.” In contrast, Silver is “a book about serious things” (Cathcart), about “greed and imperialism” and “how to be a modern person,” ideologically reconstructed as “philosophical history” by a consummate man of letters (Darragh).ConclusionWhen iconic literary brands are reimagined across media, genres and modes, creative professionals frequently need to balance various affective and commercial investments in the precursor text or property. Updatings of classic texts require interpretation and the negotiation of subtle changes in values that have occurred since the creation of the “original.” Producers in risk-averse industries such as screen and publishing media practice a certain pragmatism to ensure that fans’ nostalgia for a popular brand is not too violently scandalised, while taking care to reproduce currently popular technologies and generic conventions in the interest of maximising audience. As my analysis shows, promotional circuits associated with “quality” fiction and cinema mirror the commercial logics associated with less valorised genres. Promotional paratexts reveal transformations of content that position audiences to receive them as creative innovations, superior in many senses to their literary precursors due to the distinctive expertise of creative professionals. Paying lip-service the sophisticated reading practices of contemporary fans of both cinema and literary fiction, their discourse shows the conflicting impulses to homage, critique, originality, and recruitment of audiences.ReferencesBalio, Tino. Hollywood in the New Millennium. London: Palgrave Macmillan/British Film Institute, 2013.Bloom, Harold. The Anxiety of Influence: A Theory of Poetry. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1997.Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Trans. Richard Nice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1987. Burke, Liam. The Comic Book Film Adaptation: Exploring Modern Hollywood's Leading Genre. Jackson, MS: UP of Mississippi, 2015. Cathcart, Michael (Interviewer). Andrew Motion's Silver: Return to Treasure Island. 2013. Transcript of Radio Interview. Prod. Kate Evans. 26 Jan. 2013. 10 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/booksplus/silver/4293244#transcript›.Darragh, Sarah. "In Conversation with Andrew Motion." NATE Classroom 17 (2012): 27–30.Genette, Gérard. Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree. Lincoln, NE: U of Nebraska P, 1997. ———. Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997. Gray, Jonathan. Show Sold Separately: Promos, Spoilers, and Other Media Paratexts. New York: New York UP, 2010.Hills, Matt. "Rebranding Dr Who and Reimagining Sherlock: 'Quality' Television as 'Makeover TV Drama'." International Journal of Cultural Studies 18.3 (2015): 317–31.Johnson, Derek. Media Franchising: Creative License and Collaboration in the Culture Industries. Postmillennial Pop. New York: New York UP, 2013.Mars-Jones, Adam. "A Thin Slice of Cake." The Guardian, 16 Feb. 2003. 5 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.theguardian.com/books/2003/feb/16/andrewmotion.fiction›.McBride, Joseph. Steven Spielberg: A Biography. 3rd ed. London: Faber & Faber, 2012.Mittell, Jason. Complex TV: The Poetics of Contemporary Television Storytelling. New York: New York UP, 2015.Moraru, Christian. Rewriting: Postmodern Narrative and Cultural Critique in the Age of Cloning. Herndon, VA: State U of New York P, 2001. Motion, Andrew. Silver: Return to Treasure Island. London: Jonathan Cape, 2012.Raiders of the Lost Ark. Dir. Steven Spielberg. Paramount/Columbia Pictures, 1981.Wolf, Maryanne, and Mirit Barzillai. "The Importance of Deep Reading." Educational Leadership. March (2009): 32–36.Wordsworth, William. The Prelude, or, Growth of a Poet's Mind: An Autobiographical Poem. London: Edward Moxon, 1850.

IntroductionLike other forms of embodiment, pregnancy has increasingly become subject to representation and interpretation via digital technologies. Pregnancy and the unborn entity were largely private, and few people beyond the pregnant women herself had access to the foetus growing within her (Duden). Now pregnant and foetal bodies have become open to public portrayal and display (Lupton The Social Worlds of the Unborn). A plethora of online materials – websites depicting the unborn entity from the moment of conception, amateur YouTube videos of births, social media postings of ultrasounds and self-taken photos (‘selfies’) showing changes in pregnant bellies, and so on – now ensure the documentation of pregnant and unborn bodies in extensive detail, rendering them open to other people’s scrutiny. Other recent digital technologies directed at pregnancy include mobile software applications, or ‘apps’. In this article, we draw on our study involving a critical discourse analysis of a corpus of pregnancy-related apps offered in the two major app stores. In so doing, we discuss the ways in which pregnancy-related apps portray pregnant and unborn bodies. We place a particular focus on the ludification and gamification strategies employed to position pregnancy as a playful, creative and fulfilling experience that is frequently focused on consumption. As we will demonstrate, these strategies have wider implications for concepts of pregnant and foetal embodiment and subjectivity.It is important here to make a distinction between ludification and gamification. Ludification is a broader term than gamification. It is used in the academic literature on gaming (sometimes referred to as ‘ludology’) to refer to elements of games reaching into other aspects of life beyond leisure pursuits (Frissen et al. Playful Identities: The Ludification of Digital Media Cultures; Raessens). Frissen et al. (Frissen et al. "Homo Ludens 2.0: Play, Media and Identity") for example, claim that even serious pursuits such as work, politics, education and warfare have been subjected to ludification. They note that digital technologies in general tend to incorporate ludic dimensions. Gamification has been described as ‘the use of game design elements in non-game contexts’ (Deterding et al. 9). The term originated in the digital media industry to describe the incorporation of features into digital technologies that not explicitly designed as games, such as competition, badges, rewards and fun that engaged and motivated users to make them more enjoyable to use. Gamification is now often used in literatures on marketing strategies, persuasive computing or behaviour modification. It is an important element of ‘nudge’, an approach to behaviour change that involves persuasion over coercion (Jones, Pykett and Whitehead). Gamification thus differs from ludification in that the former involves applying ludic principles for reasons other than the pleasures of enjoying the game for their own sake, often to achieve objectives set by actors and agencies other than the gamer. Indeed, this is why gamification software has been described by Bogost (Bogost) as ‘exploitationware’. Analysing Pregnancy AppsMobile apps have become an important medium in contemporary digital technology use. As of May 2015, 1.5 million apps were available to download on Google Play while 1.4 million were available in the Apple App Store (Statista). Apps related to pregnancy are a popular item in app stores, frequently appearing on the Apple App Store’s list of most-downloaded apps. Google Play’s figures show that many apps directed at pregnant women have been downloaded hundreds of thousands, or even millions, of times. For example, ‘Pregnancy +’, ‘I’m Expecting - Pregnancy App’ and ‘What to Expect - Pregnancy Tracker’ have each been downloaded between one and five million times, while ‘My Pregnancy Today’ has received between five and ten million downloads. Pregnancy games for young girls are also popular. Google Play figures show that the ‘Pregnant Emergency Doctor’ game, for example, has received between one and five million downloads. Research has found that pregnant women commonly download pregnancy-related apps and find them useful sources of information and support (Hearn, Miller and Fletcher; Rodger et al.; Kraschnewski et al.; Declercq et al.; Derbyshire and Dancey; O'Higgins et al.). We conducted a comprehensive analysis of all pregnancy-related smartphone apps in the two major app stores, Apple App Store and Google Play, in late June 2015. Android and Apple’s iOS have a combined market share of 91 percent of apps installed on mobile phones (Seneviratne et al.). A search for all pregnancy-related apps offered in these stores used key terms such as pregnancy, childbirth, conception, foetus/fetus and baby. After eliminating apps listed in these searches that were clearly not human pregnancy-related, 665 apps on Google Play and 1,141 on the Apple App Store remained for inclusion in our study. (Many of these apps were shared across the stores.)We carried out a critical discourse analysis of these apps, looking closely at the app descriptions offered in the two stores. We adopted the perspective that sees apps, like any other form of media, as sociocultural artefacts that both draw on and reproduce shared norms, ideals, knowledges and beliefs (Lupton "Quantified Sex: A Critical Analysis of Sexual and Reproductive Self-Tracking Using Apps"; Millington "Smartphone Apps and the Mobile Privatization of Health and Fitness"; Lupton "Apps as Artefacts: Towards a Critical Perspective on Mobile Health and Medical Apps"). In undertaking our analysis of the app descriptions in our corpus, attention was paid to the title of each app, the textual accounts of its content and use and the images that were employed, such as the logo of the app and the screenshots that were used to illustrate its content and style. Our focus in this article is on the apps that we considered as including elements of entertainment. Pregnancy-related game apps were by far the largest category of the apps in our corpus. These included games for young girls and expectant fathers as well as apps for ultrasound manipulation, pregnancy pranks, foetal sex prediction, choosing baby names, and quizzes. Less obviously, many other apps included in our analysis offered some elements of gamification and ludification, and these were considered in our analysis. ‘Pregnant Adventures’: App Games for GirlsOne of the major genres of apps that we identified was games directed at young girls. These apps invited users to shop for clothes, dress up, give a new hair style, ‘make-over’ and otherwise beautify a pregnant woman. These activities were directed at the goal of improving the physical attractiveness and therefore (it was suggested) the confidence of the woman, who was presented as struggling with coming to terms with changes in her body during pregnancy. Other apps for this target group involved the player assuming the role of a doctor in conducting medical treatments for injured pregnant women or assisting the birth of her baby.Many of these games represented the pregnant woman visually as looking like an archetypal Barbie doll, with a wardrobe to match. One app (‘Barbara Pregnancy Shopping’) even uses the name ‘Barbara’ and the screenshots show a woman similar in appearance to the doll. Its description urges players to use the game to ‘cheer up’ an ‘unconfident’ Barbara by taking her on a ‘shopping spree’ for new, glamorous clothes ‘to make Barbara feel beautiful throughout her pregnancy’. Players may find ‘sparkly accessories’ as well for Barbara and help her find a new hairstyle so that she ‘can be her fashionable self again’ and ‘feel prepared to welcome her baby!’. Likewise, the game ‘Pregnant Mommy Makeover Spa’ involves players selecting clothes, applying beauty treatments and makeup and adding accessories to give a makeover to ‘Pregnant Princess’ Leila. The ‘Celebrity Mommy’s Newborn Baby Doctor’ game combines the drawcard of ‘celebrity’ with ‘mommy’. Players are invited to ‘join the celebrities in their pregnancy adventure!’ and ‘take care of Celebrity Mom during her pregnancy!’.An app by the same developer of ‘Barbara Pregnancy Shopping’ also offers ‘Barbara’s Caesarean Birth’. The app description claims that: ‘Of course her poor health doesn’t allow Barbara to give birth to her baby herself.’ It is up to players to ‘make everything perfect’ for Barbara’s caesarean birth. The screenshots show Barbara’s pregnant abdomen being slit open, retracted and a rosy, totally clean infant extracted from the incision, complete with blonde hair. Players then sew up the wound. A final screenshot displays an image of a smiling Barbara standing holding her sleeping, swaddled baby, with the words ‘You win’.Similar games involve princesses, mermaids, fairies and even monster and vampire pregnant women giving birth either vaginally or by caesarean. Despite their preternatural status, the monster and vampire women conform to the same aesthetic as the other pregnant women in these games: usually with long hair and pretty, made-up faces, wearing fashionable clothing even on the operating table. Their newborn infants are similarly uniform in their appearance as they emerge from the uterus. They are white-skinned, clean and cherubic (described in ‘Mommy’s Newborn Baby Princess’ as ‘the cutest baby you probably want’), a far cry from the squalling, squashed-faced infants smeared in birth fluids produced by the real birth process.In these pregnancy games for girls, the pain and intense bodily effort of birthing and the messiness produced by the blood and other body fluids inherent to the process of labour and birth are completely missing. The fact that caesarean birth is a major abdominal surgery requiring weeks of recovery is obviated in these games. Apart from the monsters and vampires, who may have green- or blue-hued skin, nearly all other pregnant women are portrayed as white-skinned, young, wearing makeup and slim, conforming to conventional stereotypical notions of female beauty. In these apps, the labouring women remain glamorous, usually smiling, calm and unsullied by the visceral nature of birth.‘Track Your Pregnancy Day by Day’: Self-Monitoring and Gamified PregnancyElements of gamification were evident in a large number of the apps in our corpus, including many apps that invite pregnant users to engage in self-tracking of their bodies and that of their foetuses. Users are asked to customise the apps to document their changing bodies and track their foetus’ development as part of reproducing the discourse of the miraculous nature of pregnancy and promoting the pleasures of self-tracking and self-transformation from pregnant woman to mother. When using the ‘Pregnancy+’ app, for example, users can choose to construct a ‘Personal Dashboard’ that includes details of their pregnancy. They can input their photograph, first name and their expected date of delivery so that that each daily update begins with ‘Hello [name of user], you are [ ] weeks and [ ] days pregnant’ with the users’ photograph attached to the message. The woman’s weight gain over time and a foetal kick counter are also included in this app. It provides various ways for users to mark the passage of time, observe the ways in which their foetuses change and move week by week and monitor changes in their bodies. According to the app description for ‘My Pregnancy Today’, using such features allows a pregnant woman to: ‘Track your pregnancy day by day.’ Other apps encourage women to track such aspects of physical activity, vitamin and fluid intake, diet, mood and symptoms. The capacity to visually document the pregnant user’s body is also a feature of several apps. The ‘Baby Bump Pregnancy’, ‘WebMD Pregnancy’, ‘I’m Expecting’,’iPregnant’ and ‘My Pregnancy Today’ apps, for example, all offer an album feature for pregnant bump photos taken by the user of herself (described as a ‘bumpie’ in the blurb for ‘My Pregnancy Today’). ‘Baby Buddy’ encourages women to create a pregnant avatar of themselves (looking glamorous, well-dressed and happy). Some apps even advise users on how they should feel. As a screenshot from ‘Pregnancy Tracker Week by Week’ claims: ‘Victoria, your baby is growing in your body. You should be the happiest woman in the world.’Just as pregnancy games for little girls portrayal pregnancy as a commodified and asetheticised experience, the apps directed at pregnant women themselves tend to shy away from discomforting fleshly realities of pregnant and birthing embodiment. Pregnancy is represented as an enjoyable and fashionable state of embodiment: albeit one that requires constant self-surveillance and vigilance.‘Hello Mommy!’: The Personalisation and Aestheticisation of the FoetusA dominant feature of pregnancy-related apps is the representation of the foetus as already a communicative person in its own right. For example, the ‘Pregnancy Tickers – Widget’ app features the image of a foetus (looking far more like an infant, with a full head of wavy hair and open eyes) holding a pencil and marking a tally on the walls of the uterus. The app is designed to provide various icons showing the progress of the user’s pregnancy each day on her mobile device. The ‘Hi Mommy’ app features a cartoon-like pink and cuddly foetus looking very baby-like addressing its mother from the womb, as in the following message that appears on the user’s smartphone: ‘Hi Mommy! When will I see you for the first time?’ Several pregnancy-tracking apps also allow women to input the name that they have chosen for their expected baby, to receive customised notifications of its progress (‘Justin is nine weeks and two days old today’).Many apps also incorporate images of foetuses that represent them as wondrous entities, adopting the visual style of 1960s foetal photography pioneer Lennart Nilsson, or what Stormer (Stormer) has referred to as ‘prenatal sublimity’. The ‘Pregnancy+’ app features such images. Users can choose to view foetal development week-by-week as a colourful computerised animation or 2D and 3D ultrasound scans that have been digitally manipulated to render them aesthetically appealing. These images replicate the softly pink, glowing portrayals of miraculous unborn life typical of Nilsson’s style.Other apps adopt a more contemporary aesthetic and allow parents to store and manipulate images of their foetal ultrasounds and then share them via social media. The ‘Pimp My Ultrasound’ app, for example, invites prospective parents to manipulate images of their foetal ultrasounds by adding in novelty features to the foetal image such as baseball caps, jewellery, credit cards and musical instruments. The ‘Hello Mom’ app creates a ‘fetal album’ of ultrasounds taken of the user’s foetus, while the ‘Ultrasound Viewer’ app lets users manipulate their 3/4 D foetal ultrasound images: ‘Have fun viewing it from every angle, rotating, panning and zooming to see your babies [sic] features and share with your family and friends via Facebook and Twitter! … Once uploaded, you can customise your scan with a background colour and skin colour of your choice’.DiscussionPregnancy, like any other form of embodiment, is performative. Pregnant women are expected to conform to norms and assumptions about their physical appearance and deportment of their bodies that expect them to remain well-groomed, fit and physically attractive without appearing overly sexual (Longhurst "(Ad)Dressing Pregnant Bodies in New Zealand: Clothing, Fashion, Subjectivities and Spatialities"; Longhurst "'Corporeographies’ of Pregnancy: ‘Bikini Babes'"; Nash; Littler). Simultaneously they must negotiate the burden of bodily management in the interests of risk regulation. They are expected to protect their vulnerable unborn from potential dangers by stringently disciplining their bodies and policing to what substances they allow entry (Lupton The Social Worlds of the Unborn; Lupton "'Precious Cargo': Risk and Reproductive Citizenship"). Pregnancy self-tracking apps enact the soft politics of algorithmic authority, encouraging people to conform to expectations of self-responsibility and self-management by devoting attention to monitoring their bodies and acting on the data that they generate (Whitson; Millington "Amusing Ourselves to Life: Fitness Consumerism and the Birth of Bio-Games"; Lupton The Quantified Self: A Sociology of Self-Tracking).Many commentators have remarked on the sexism inherent in digital games (e.g. Dickerman, Christensen and Kerl-McClain; Thornham). Very little research has been conducted specifically on the gendered nature of app games. However our analysis suggests that, at least in relation to the pregnant woman, reductionist heteronormative, cisgendered, patronising and paternalistic stereotypes abound. In the games for girls, pregnant women are ideally young, heterosexual, partnered, attractive, slim and well-groomed, before, during and after birth. In self-tracking apps, pregnant women are portrayed as ideally self-responsible, enthused about their pregnancy and foetus to the point that they are counting the days until the birth and enthusiastic about collecting and sharing details about themselves and their unborn (often via social media).Ambivalence about pregnancy, the foetus or impending motherhood, and lack of interest in monitoring the pregnancy or sharing details of it with others are not accommodated, acknowledged or expected by these apps. Acknowledgement of the possibility of pregnant women who are not overtly positive about their pregnancy or lack interest in it or who identify as transgender or lesbian or who are sole mothers is distinctly absent.Common practices we noted in apps – such as giving foetuses names before birth and representing them as verbally communicating with their mothers from inside the womb – underpin a growing intensification around the notion of the unborn entity as already an infant and social actor in its own right. These practices have significant implications for political agendas around the treatment of pregnant women in terms of their protection or otherwise of their unborn, and for debates about women’s reproductive rights and access to abortion (Lupton The Social Worlds of the Unborn; Taylor The Public Life of the Fetal Sonogram: Technology, Consumption and the Politics of Reproduction). Further, the gamification and ludification of pregnancy serve to further commodify the experience of pregnancy and childbirth, contributing to an already highly commercialised environment in which expectant parents, and particularly mothers, are invited to purchase many goods and services related to pregnancy and early parenthood (Taylor "Of Sonograms and Baby Prams: Prenatal Diagnosis, Pregnancy, and Consumption"; Kroløkke; Thomson et al.; Taylor The Public Life of the Fetal Sonogram: Technology, Consumption and the Politics of Reproduction; Thomas).In the games for girls we examined, the pregnant woman herself was a commodity, a selling point for the app. The foetus was also frequently commodified in its representation as an aestheticised entity and the employment of its image (either as an ultrasound or other visual representations) or identity to market apps such as the girls’ games, apps for manipulating ultrasound images, games for predicting the foetus’ sex and choosing its name, and prank apps using fake ultrasounds purporting to reveal a foetus inside a person’s body. As the pregnant user engages in apps, she becomes a commodity in yet another way: the generator of personal data that are marketable in themselves. In this era of the digital data knowledge economy, the personal information about people gathered from their online interactions and content creation has become highly profitable for third parties (Andrejevic; van Dijck). Given that pregnant women are usually in the market for many new goods and services, their personal data is a key target for data mining companies, who harvest it to sell to advertisers (Marwick).To conclude, our analysis suggests that gamification and ludification strategies directed at pregnancy and childbirth can serve to obfuscate the societal pressures that expect and seek to motivate pregnant women to maintain physical fitness and attractiveness, simultaneously ensuring that they protect their foetuses from all possible risks. 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