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1

Thöndl, Michael. "Richard Nikolaus Graf Coudenhove-Kalergi, die „Paneuropa-Union“ und der Faschismus 1923–1938." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 98, no. 1 (2019): 326–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qfiab-2018-0015.

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2

Thöndl, Michael. "Richard Nikolaus Graf Coudenhove-Kalergi, die „Paneuropa-Union“ und der Faschismus 1923–1938." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 98, no. 1 (2019): 326–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2018-0015.

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Riassunto In un primo momento Coudenhouve-Kalergi concepì la „Paneuropa“ come un’unione di stati democratici. Purtuttavia tentò già nel 1923 di coinvolgervi anche il fascismo, considerandolo una potenza legittima per combattere il bolscevismo. In quanto deciso avversario del nazionalsocialismo, sperava fin dal 1933 che Mussolini avrebbe garantito l’indipendenza dell’Austria. Tra il 1933 e il 1936 propagò una „Paneuropa fascista“, ma la nascita dell’„asse“ tra l’Italia e la Germania portò a un suo – inizialmente poco convinto – distacco dal fascismo. Fino a quel momento il dittatore italiano e la diplomazia italiana avevano cercato di utilizzare i suoi contatti politici, aprendogli in cambio la possibilità di pubblicare in Italia interventi tesi a legittimare la guerra in Etiopia, a differenziare la nazione austriaca da quella tedesca, o a rifiutare la dottrina della razza dei nazionalsocialisti. La polizia segreta fascista lo considerò però sempre un incorregibile antifascista. Verso la fine del 1937 Coudenhouve-Kalergi diede alle stampe la sua opera „Stato totale – l’uomo totale“ dalle tendenze moderatamente antifasciste la cui introduzione in Italia fu proibita. Ciononostante cercò ancora nel 1938 dall’esilio svizzero – ora però invano – la collaborazione con il fascismo.
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3

Vincent, Delphine. ""-Et, ô ces voix d’enfants chantant dans la coupole!" Dimension symbolique de l’architecture et Mises en scène contemporaines du Parsifal de Richard Wagner." Muzikologija, no. 15 (2013): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1315215v.

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Parsifal repr?sente un dilemme entre la sensualit? et l?aspiration ? la puret?, que Wagner a notamment synth?tis? visuellement dans ses indications de d?cors. De nos jours, de nombreux metteurs en sc?ne refusent ce message de renoncement ? la sensualit?. Cet article analyse trois spectacles contemporains (Hans Hollmann, Harry Kupfer, Nikolaus Lehnhoff) sous l?angle de la dimension architecturale, afin de d?terminer les liens entre les partis pris des metteurs en sc?ne quant aux d?cors et le message donn? ? l?oeuvre, ainsi que le rapport aux didascalies wagn?riennes.
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Sharpe, Allison E. "A Paget Memorial in Perspective: Aspects of A Seventeenth-Century Funerary Monument Erected to Richard Paget in St Mary's, Skirpenbeck, East Riding of Yorkshire." Antiquaries Journal 70, no. 1 (1990): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000358150007030x.

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The undocumented memorial (pl. XIIa) to Richard Paget (d. 1636) and his two children in St Mary's, Skirpenbeck, some 12 miles east-north-east of York, has hitherto received little or no attention from scholars, other than a brief mention by Nikolaus Pevsner and a flawed description and conjectural attribution by K. A. Esdaile. Yet its form and its remarkable inscriptions, combined with a puzzling incongruity ofexecution, present the art historian with a number of intriguing problems. Among these are questions relating to its design and construction, the date of its erection, and the style and possible authorship of its ingenious commemorative verses. Detailed consideration is given to such matters in another paper by the writer, however, a brief résumé of them may be helpful before discussion of the wider questions raised here: the iconography of the monument and its relationships both with others of the period and with contemporary opinions.
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Lebaron, Frédéric. "The State and the Market: the Rise of the Economic Rationale." Contemporary European History 9, no. 3 (2000): 463–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000309x.

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Vivien A. Schmidt, From State to Market? The Transformation of French Business and Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 476pp., £19.95 (pbk), ISBN 0-521-55553-1. Nikolaos Zahariadis, Markets, States and Public Policy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 229pp., $37.50, ISBN 0-472-10542-6. Jim Tomlinson, Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy. The Attlee Years 1945–1951 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 331pp., £40.00, ISBN 0-521-55095-5. Martin Chick, Industrial Policy in Britain 1945-1951. Economic Planning, Nationalisation and the Labour Governments (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1998, 221pp., £35.00, ISBN 0-521-48291-7. Jonathan Boswell and James Peters, Capitalism in Contention. Business Leaders and Political Economy in Modern Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 251pp., £45.00, ISBN 0-521-58225-3. Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello, Le nouvel esprit du capitalisme (Paris: Gallimard, 1999), 843pp., FF 195, ISBN 2-070-74995-9. Richard Sylla, Richard Tilly and Gabriel Tortella, eds., The State, the Financial System, and Economic Modernization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1999, 295pp., £40.00, ISBN 0-521-59123-6.
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6

CADDY, DAVINIA. "Variations on the Dance of the Seven Veils." Cambridge Opera Journal 17, no. 1 (2005): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095458670500193x.

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Early twentieth-century Paris saw an embarrassment of half-naked women dancing with seven veils and papier-mâché heads: ‘Salomania’ had gripped the capital. By 1913 Salome was a regular feature on music hall show-bills, besides the balletic and operatic stage. This study focuses on three variations on Salome's notorious Dance of the Seven Veils, performed by Loie Fuller (1907), Ida Rubinstein (1909) and Maud Allan (from 1906) on music by Florent Schmitt, Nikolay Rimsky-Korsakov and Richard Strauss respectively. Such an investigation provides a peculiar line through the cultural and aesthetic determinants of early twentieth-century theatrical dance. In this context music takes on new narrative significance, offering ways of configuring the Dance above and beyond its mere visual surface.
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7

FORKERT, ANNIKA. "Microtonal Restraint." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 145, no. 1 (2020): 75–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rma.2020.6.

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AbstractThis article proposes that the beginnings of twentieth-century microtonal music and thinking were shaped more by restraint in composers’ thinking than by a full embrace of the principle of ‘progress for progress’s sake’. Pioneering microtonal composers such as Ferruccio Busoni, Julián Carrillo, John Foulds, Alois Hába, Charles Ives and Richard Stein constitute an international group of breakaway modernists, whose music and writings suggest four tropes characterizing this first-generation microtonal music: the rediscovery of a microtonal past, the preservation of tonality, the refinement of tonality and the exercise of restraint. The article traces these tropes of early twentieth-century microtonal experiment in works by Carrillo, Foulds, Hába, Ives and Stein with reference to writings and music by Busoni, Nikolay Kul′bin, Harry Partch, Karol Szymanowski and Ivan Vyschnegradsky. It adds to the growing scholarship about early twentieth-century tonally based aesthetics and techniques, and broadens perspectives on the history of twentieth-century microtonal music.
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Mosusova, Nadezda. "The work of the couple Brailowsky in the mirror of Serbian critiques." Muzikologija, no. 3 (2003): 81–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz0303081m.

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Leonid (1867-1937) and Rimma (1877-1959) Brailowsky brought to Belgrade National theatre (together with other Russian emigrated stage and costume designers) the spirit of the World of Art (Mir Iskusstva), making d?cor and costumes for 18 performances during the period of 1921-1924. Les romanesques by Edmond Rostand, Le malade imaginaire by Moli?re, Shakespeare's Richard III, Merchant of Venice and King Lear and two Serbian dramas, Offenbach's Hoffmann's Tales, Faust by Gounod, Smetana's Bartered Bride, Bizet's Carmen Onegin and Queen of Spades by Tchaikovsky, Massenet's Manon, The Tsar's Bride by Rimsky-Korsakov, The Wedding of Milos by Petar Konjovic, the Serbian opera composer, two ballets, Sheherazade and Nutcracker. The artists, husband and wife, were praised for their modernization of the Belgrade scene, for their vivid realization of sets and costumes, for their novelties, especially in Serbian historical dramas by Branislav Nusic and Milutin Bojic, and Shakespeare as well. In operas and ballets they were also respected in some extent, but the pictorial, sometimes independent value of their scenic work, although inspired by music, arouse opposing questions among the musical critics, who could not accept their too bright colors which once conquered Paris in the scenic interpretation of Leon Bakst or Nikolai Roerich. To avoid resistance of Belgrade critics the couple decided to leave Yugoslav capital for Italy where they continued successfully their artistic career.
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Hinton, Leanne. "Lenore A. Grenoble & Lindsay J. Whaley (eds.), Endangered languages: Current issues and future prospects. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp. xvii, 361. Hb $69.95, pb $27.95." Language in Society 29, no. 2 (2000): 287–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500302044.

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Over the past decade, an increasing number of linguists have been turning their attention toward the plight of endangered languages. We are realizing that most of the small indigenous languages of the world are in great danger of disappearing over the coming century, if they have not already disappeared. Nor are linguists alone in their concern; the media have become interested in the issue, as have international organizations – like UNESCO, the European Union, and even national governments that have in the past been instruments of the demise of indigenous languages. Clearinghouses are being set up (e.g. the International Clearing House for Endangered Languages at Tokyo University), and funds such as the Endangered Languages Fund. Most active in fighting language extinction are members of the affected communities themselves, who are working on their own, or forging new kinds of partnerships with linguists, in an effort to reverse language shift. In the context of these movements, this excellent book is a welcome and crucial resource. The volume gathers together a set of valuable articles by a group including some of the best scholars in linguistics and some of the best native language teachers: Nancy Dorian, Nora and Richard Dauenhauer, Kaia'titahkhe Annette Jacobs, Colette Grinevald, Marianne Mithun, Ken Hale, Christopher Jocks, Anthony Woodbury, Carol Myers-Scotton, and Nikolai Vakhtin. It is a must-read for anyone – native, linguist, teacher, or policy maker – who is involved with issues of language loss, maintenance, or revitalization.
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Pärn, Katre. "Towards the semiotics of the future: From anticipation to premediation." Sign Systems Studies 49, no. 1-2 (2021): 108–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2021.49.1-2.05.

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The paper aims to make a contribution to semiotic research on the future by bringing together various approaches that deal with the relationship humans have with the future. More specifically, the paper concentrates on anticipation viewed as an activity that is based on modelling the (un)desired future as suggested by Nikolai Bernstein. The model-based approach to anticipation allows drawing connections between the psychophysiological and semiotically mediated forms of anticipation on the one hand, and between individual and collective forms of anticipation on the other hand. With these aims in mind, the paper offers a sketch of a semiotic approach to the future that is based on the framework of semiotic modelling systems, i.e. views the future in terms of models of it and the semiotic resources and processes involved in the model-building. As the semiotically mediated models of the future circulating in a culture can become collectively shared means of cognizing and anticipating some futures, it is possible to talk about a collective anticipation, analogous to Juri Lotman’s cultural semiotic notion of collective memory. Accordingly, premediation, a future-oriented media practice outlined by Richard Grusin, is viewed as an example of collective anticipation.
 In addition to tracing the mechanisms of anticipation from its individual organismic to semiotically mediated collective forms, the paper foregrounds also the two fundamental problems that run across the diverse theoretical perspectives brought together within the approach: the individual and collective agency in futuremaking and the affective dimension of anticipation.
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11

Hasegawa, Tsuyoshi. "Nikolai Sukhanov: Chronicler of the Russian Revolution. By Israel Getzler. St. Antony’s Series. Edited by, Richard Clogg. Houndsmills: Palgrave, 2002. Pp. xix+226. $60.00." Journal of Modern History 76, no. 1 (2004): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/421229.

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12

Rangaswamy, Leela. "AN ATLAS OF FOOT AND ANKLE SURGERY. Edited by Nikolaus Wülker, Michael Stephens, and Andrea Cracchiolo, III. With artwork by Andrea Rosenmeier, Cornelia Kaubisch, Léon Dorn, and Karl-Horst Richardt. London, Martin Dunitz, 1998. $149.50, 242 pp." Journal of Bone & Joint Surgery 81, no. 9 (1999): 1353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2106/00004623-199909000-00023.

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13

Harelik, P. V., V. A. Snezhitskiy, Ya Baransky, M. Yu Surmach та O. I. Etel. "Journal of the Grodno State Medical University, Vol. 16, No 3, 2018 376 Поступила: 11.01.2018 Отрецензирована: 23.01.2018 История медицины и медицинского образования LESHEK PARADOVSKY, KAZIMIERZ NIKOLAI IMELINSKY, ZBIGNIEW PUHALSKY, RICHARD JERZY GRIGLEVSKY, LEON DROBNIK AND SLAVOY KUKHARSKY – - DOCTORS HONORIS CAUSA OF THE GRODNO STATE MEDICAL UNIVERSITY AND PROMINENT FIGURES IN SCIENCE, HIGHER EDUCATION AND MEDICINE OF POLAND". Journal of the Grodno State Medical University 16, № 3 (2018): 370–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.25298/2221-8785-2018-16-3-370-376.

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14

Werth, V., J. Merrill, R. Furie, et al. "OP0132 EFFECT OF IBERDOMIDE ON CUTANEOUS MANIFESTATIONS IN SYSTEMIC LUPUS ERYTHEMATOSUS: RESULTS OF A 24-WEEK, PLACEBO-CONTROLLED, PHASE 2 STUDY." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 80, Suppl 1 (2021): 76–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2021-eular.2181.

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Background:Iberdomide is a high-affinity cereblon ligand that promotes proteasomal degradation of Ikaros (IKZF1) and Aiolos (IKZF3), transcription factors involved in innate and adaptive immune cell development and homeostasis, and linked to the genetic risk for systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE). A phase 2, placebo-controlled study evaluated the efficacy and safety of iberdomide in patients (pts) with moderate to severe SLE.Objectives:To examine the effect of iberdomide on cutaneous manifestations in SLE pts.Methods:Adult autoantibody-positive SLE pts with a SLE Disease Activity Index 2000 (SLEDAI 2K) score ≥6 were randomized (2:2:1:2) to oral iberdomide (0.45, 0.3, 0.15 mg) or placebo once daily (QD) for 24 weeks while continuing standard background lupus medications. The Cutaneous Lupus Area and Severity Index Activity score (CLASI-A) was assessed every 4 weeks through week 24. As prespecified, exploratory analyses, change from baseline and the proportion of pts who achieved ≥50% reduction from baseline (CLASI-50) were evaluated for all pts, pts with baseline CLASI-A ≥8, and by cutaneous lupus subtypes (acute [ACLE], subacute [SCLE], chronic [CCLE]). CLASI-A outcomes were also evaluated post hoc for subgroups with high baseline expression of IKZF3 or the type 1 interferon (IFN) gene signatures in the blood.Results:Of 288 randomized pts, the mean and median (range) baseline CLASI-A scores were 6.9 and 5.0 (0-49), with 28% of pts having a score ≥8. 56% of pts had ACLE, 29% CCLE, and 16% SCLE. CLASI-50 responses were not significantly different comparing iberdomide to placebo in all pts and pts with baseline CLASI-A ≥8 at week 24, where high placebo response rates were observed (Table). Numerically greater mean improvement from baseline in CLASI-A scores in pts with baseline CLASI-A ≥8 was observed for iberdomide 0.45 mg vs placebo beginning at week 4, with continuous improvement through week 24. For pts with SCLE or CCLE, CLASI-50 response rates were significantly higher with iberdomide 0.45 mg vs placebo (P<0.04; Table). SCLE pts had significantly greater mean change and median percent improvement in CLASI-A from baseline with iberdomide 0.45 mg vs placebo at week 24 (P<0.03). Treatment differences in CLASI-A between iberdomide 0.45 mg and placebo were larger for SCLE and CCLE subgroups with high baseline IKZF3 or type 1 IFN gene signatures, with statistical significance achieved for SCLE pts but not CCLE pts (Figure).Table 1.CLASI-50 Response Rates by Subgroups at Week 240.15 mg QD0.3 mg QD0.45 mg QD(n=42)(n=82)(n=81)PlaceboSubgroup(n=83)0.15 mg QD vs Placebo0.3 mg QD vs Placebo0.45 mg QD vs Placebon/m (%)n/m (%)Str Diff in % (95% CI)P valuen/m (%)Str Diff in % (95% CI)P valuen/m (%)Str Diff in % (95% CI)P valueAll pts37/83 (44.6)19/42 (45.2)0.4 (-17.33, 18.55) P=0.96141/82 (50.0)5.3 (-9.93, 20.11) P=0.49945/81 (55.6)10.9 (-4.30, 25.51) P=0.163CLASI-A ≥810/20 (50.0)8/13 (61.5)15.9 (-17.42, 45.45) P=0.39913/24 (54.2)12.1 (-17.57, 39.97) P=0.45816/24 (66.7)15.1 (-15.51, 42.49) P=0.368ACLE23/50 (46.0)15/30 (50.0)4.8 (-17.22, 26.31) P=0.66220/43 (46.5)-3.3 (-22.95, 16.67) P=0.73817/38 (44.7)-3.0 (-23.20, 17.65) P=0.782SCLE9/17 (52.9)5/9 (55.6)2.6a (-33.04, 36.33) P=0.9663/9 (33.3)-6.6 (-38.98, 31.86) P>0.99911/12 (91.7)38.7a(4.54, 61.75) P=0.035CCLE5/18 (27.8)7/14 (50.0)22.2a (-10.51, 50.00) P=0.19810/23 (43.5)23.8 (-6.89, 48.88) P=0.12918/29 (62.1)34.1 (4.43, 56.16) P=0.029CI, confidence interval; Str Diff, stratified difference.aUnstratified difference.Conclusion:Iberdomide showed beneficial effects on skin manifestations in pts with SLE. Efficacy appears to be more pronounced in pts with SCLE and CCLE skin subtypes, and in pts with high IKZF3 or IFN gene expression signatures.Δ, treatment difference of adjusted means; CCLE, chronic cutaneous lupus erythematosus; CLASI-A, Cutaneous Lupus Erythematosus Disease Area and Severity Index-activity score; IFN, interferon; SCLE, subacute cutaneous lupus erythematosus.Acknowledgements:This study was sponsored by Bristol Myers Squibb. Professional medical writing assistance was provided by Peloton Advantage, LLC, an OPEN Health company, and funded by Bristol Myers Squibb.Disclosure of Interests:Victoria Werth Consultant of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Grant/research support from: Bristol Myers Squibb, Joan Merrill Consultant of: UCB, GlaxoSmithKline, AbbVie, EMD Serono, Remegen, Celgene/Bristol Myers Squibb, AstraZeneca, Lilly, Immupharma, Amgen, Janssen, Resolve, Alpine, Aurinia, Astellas, Alexion, and Provention, Grant/research support from: GlaxoSmithKline and AstraZeneca, Richard Furie Consultant of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Grant/research support from: Bristol Myers Squibb, Thomas Dörner Consultant of: support for clinical studies and honoraria for scientific advice: AbbVie, Bristol Myers Squibb Company, Celgene, Eli Lilly, Janssen, Novartis, Roche, Employee of: Charite Universitätsmedizin, Berlin and DRFZ Berlin, Germany, Ronald van Vollenhoven Speakers bureau: UCB, AbbVie, Galapagos, Janssen, Pfizer, Paid instructor for: support for educational programs: Pfizer, Roche, Consultant of: AstraZeneca, Biogen, Biotest, Celgene, Gilead, Servier, UCB, AbbVie, Galapagos, Janssen, Pfizer, Grant/research support from: Bristol Myers Squibb, GlaxoSmithKline, Eli Lilly, UCB, Peter Lipsky Employee of: RILITE Foundation, Michael Weiswasser Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Shimon Korish Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Peter Schafer Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Mark Stern Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Zhaohui Liu Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Shaojun Tang Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Nikolay Delev Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb
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Wyrwa, Ulrich. "Richard Nikolaus Graf Coudenhove-Kalergi (1894–1972) und die Paneuropa-Bewegung in den zwanziger Jahren." Historische Zeitschrift 283, no. 1 (2006). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2006.283.jg.103.

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Cipolletti, George. "In Memorium Richard D. “Nik” Nikolaev August 24, 1938 – December 19, 2019." Reconstructive Review 10 (July 22, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.15438/rr.10.1.244.

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The worldwide orthopaedic industry lost one of our true giants, as Nik Nikolaev passed away in December of last year. Nik is survived by Sandy, his wife of nearly 60 years, daughter Kimberly and son Cort, of whom he was immensely proud. He is also survived by all of us who had the privilege of knowing and working with him, and by the millions of patients who received the gift of a new prosthesis that Nik was responsible for commercializing.
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Vasinauskaitė, Rasa. "Balys Sruoga about Kipras Petrauskas: in search of national style of acting." Menotyra 26, no. 3 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.6001/menotyra.v26i3.4058.

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The article discusses Balys Sruoga’s attitude towards State opera and Lohengrin created by soloist Kipras Petrauskas in the performance “Lohengrin” (Dir. Nikolay Vekov, 1926). Based on Petrauskas’ treatise, Sruoga identified the peculiarities of the national/Lithuanian style of acting, emphasized Lohengrin’s “popular and folk expression”, but did not analyze a wider context of the appearance of this image. By the examples of Richard Wagner’s works and performers it was stated that Lohengrin by Petrauskas was close to the Russian opera theatre and two of the most prominent performers of this role, Leonid Sobinov and Ivan Ershov. It was noted that at the beginning of the 20th century the changes in opera production and directing tradition, which was originally held in Russia by Vsevolod Mejerhold, whose performances were watched and later played by Petrauskas, had very little influence on the Lithuanian opera theatre, opera directing and opera acting. Opera performances followed a realistic tradition of the 19th century, and the stage expression did not depend on the director but on the soloists with excellent vocal and dramatic talent. So when it comes to the Lithuanian features of Lohengrin and the Lithuanian style of acting, it is obvious that this impression was made by the personality of Kipras Petrauskas, the world famous Lithuanian opera soloist.
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Cox, John K. "Andrej Blatnik. The Law of Desire; Aleš Čar. Dog's Tango; Kajetan Kovič. Kaleidoscope; Maja Novak. Feline Plague; Andrej E. Skubic. Fuzine Blues; Aleš Šteger. Protuberances (brochures). Translated by Tamara Soban, Tom Ložar, Ana Jelnikar, Tom Priestly, Lili Potpara, Nikolai Jeffs, Richard George, Brian Henry, Matthew Zapruder, Janko Lozar, Evald Flisar, Andrew Wachtel, Anne Talvaz, Peter Richards, and Aleš Šteger. Ljubljana: Student Publishing House (Študentska Založba), no dates." Slovene Studies Journal 25, no. 1 (2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.7152/ssj.v25i1.4268.

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"Inhalt." Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung 47, no. 1 (2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zhf.47.1.toc.

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Abhandlungen und Aufsätze Robert Gramsch-Stehfest, Von der Metapher zur Methode. Netzwerkanalyse als Instrument zur Erforschung vormoderner Gesellschaften . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Sarah-Maria Schober, Zibet und Zeit. Timescapes eines frühneuzeitlichen Geruchs 41 Buchbesprechungen Crailsheim, Eberhard /Maria D. Elizalde (Hrsg.), The Representation of External Threats. From the Middle Ages to the Modern World (Wolfgang Reinhard) . . . . 79 Höfele, Andreas / Beate Kellner (Hrsg.), Natur in politischenOrdnungsentwürfen der Vormoderne. Unter Mitwirkung von Christian Kaiser (Stefano Saracino) 80 Jütte, Robert / Romedio Schmitz-Esser (Hrsg.), Handgebrauch. Geschichten von der Hand aus dem Mittelalter und der Frühen Neuzeit (Barbara Stollberg- Rilinger) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Tomaini, Thea (Hrsg.), Dealing with the Dead. Mortality and Community in Medieval and Early Modern Europe Lahtinen, Anu / Mia Korpiola (Hrsg.), Dying Prepared in Medieval and Early Modern Northern Europe (Ralf-Peter Fuchs) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Dyer, Christopher / Erik Thoen / Tom Williamson (Hrsg.), Peasants and Their Fields. The Rationale of Open-Field Agriculture, c. 700–1800 (Werner Troßbach) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 Andermann, Kurt / Nina Gallion (Hrsg.), Weg und Steg. Aspekte des Verkehrswesens von der Spätantike bis zum Ende des Alten Reiches (Sascha Bütow) 88 Jaspert, Nikolas / Christian A. Neumann /Marco di Branco (Hrsg.), Ein Meer und seine Heiligen. 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König Erik VII. von Dänemark und die Städte im südlichen Ostseeraum (1423–1435) (Carsten Jahnke) . . . . . . . 102 Kekewich, Margaret, Sir John Fortescue and the Governance of England (Maree Shirota). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 MacGregor, Arthur, Naturalists inthe Field. Collecting, Recording andPreserving the Natural World from the Fifteenth to the Twenty-First Century (Bettina Dietz) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Jones, Pamela M. / Barbara Wisch / Simon Ditchfield (Hrsg.), A Companion to Early Modern Rome, 1492–1692 (Wolfgang Reinhard) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Frömmer, Judith, Italien im Heiligen Land. Typologien frühneuzeitlicher Gründungsnarrative (Cornel Zwierlein) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 De Benedictis, Angela, Neither Disobedients nor Rebels. Lawful Resistance in Early Modern Italy (Wolfgang Reinhard) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Raggio, Osvaldo, Feuds and State Formation, 1550–1700. The Backcountry of the Republic of Genoa (Magnus Ressel) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Ingram,Kevin, ConversoNon-Conformism in Early Modern Spain.BadBlood and Faith from Alonso de Cartagena to Diego Velázquez (Joël Graf) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Kirschvink, Dominik, Die Revision als Rechtsmittel im Alten Reich (Tobias Schenk) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 Haag, Norbert, Dynastie, Region, Konfession. Die Hochstifte des Heiligen Römischen Reiches Deutscher Nation zwischen Dynastisierung und Konfessionalisierung (1448–1648) (Kurt Andermann) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 Steinfels, Marc / Helmut Meyer, Vom Scharfrichteramt ins Zürcher Bürgertum. Die Familie Volmar-Steinfelsundder Schweizer Strafvollzug (FranciscaLoetz) 120 Kohnle, Armin (Hrsg.), Luthers Tod. Ereignis und Wirkung (Eike Wolgast) . . . . . . 122 Zwierlein, Cornel / Vincenzo Lavenia (Hrsg.), Fruits of Migration. Heterodox Italian Migrants and Central European Culture 1550–1620 (Stephan Steiner) 123 „Inquisitionis Hispanicae Artes“: The Arts of the Spanish Inquisition. Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus. A Critical Edition of the „Sanctae Inquisitionis Hispanicae Artes aliquot“ (1567) with aModern English Translation, hrsg. v. Marcos J. Herráiz Pareja / Ignacio J. García Pinilla / Jonathan L. Nelson (Wolfram Drews) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Lattmann, Christopher, Der Teufel, die Hexe und der Rechtsgelehrte. Crimen magiae und Hexenprozess in Jean Bodins „De la Démonomanie des Sorciers“ (Andreas Flurschütz da Cruz) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 Gorrochategui Santos, Luis, The English Armada. The Greatest Naval Disaster in English History (Patrick Schmidt) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Schäfer-Griebel, Alexandra, Die Medialität der Französischen Religionskriege. Frankreich und das Heilige Römische Reich 1589 (Mona Garloff) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Malettke, Klaus, Richelieu. Ein Leben im Dienste des Königs und Frankreichs (Michael Rohrschneider) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Windler, Christian, Missionare in Persien. Kulturelle Diversität und Normenkonkurrenz im globalen Katholizismus (17.–18. Jahrhundert) (Tobias Winnerling) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 Amsler, Nadine, Jesuits and Matriarchs. Domestic Worship in Early Modern China (Tobias Winnerling) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 Seppel, Marten / Keith Tribe (Hrsg.), Cameralism in Practice. State Administration and Economy in Early Modern Europe (Justus Nipperdey) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 Fludd, Robert, Utriusque Cosmi Historia. Faksimile-Edition der Ausgabe Oppenheim/ Frankfurt, Johann Theodor de Bry, 1617–1624, hrsg. u. mit ausführlichen Einleitungen versehen v. Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann (Martin Mulsow) 140 Rebitsch, Robert (Hrsg.), 1618. Der Beginn des Dreißigjährigen Krieges (Fabian Schulze) . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 Kilián, Jan, Der Gerber und der Krieg. Soziale Biographie eines böhmischen Bürgers aus der Zeit des Dreißigjährigen Krieges (Robert Jütte) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 Caldari, Valentina / Sara J. Wolfson (Hrsg.), Stuart Marriage Diplomacy. Dynastic Politics in Their European Context, 1604–1630 (Martin Foerster) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 Blakemore, Richard J. / Elaine Murphy, The British Civil Wars at Sea, 1638–1653 (Jann M. Witt) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 Deflers, Isabelle /ChristianKühner(Hrsg.),LudwigXIV. –VorbildundFeindbild. Inszenierung und Rezeption der Herrschaft eines barocken Monarchen zwischen Heroisierung,Nachahmung undDämonisierung/LouisXIV– fascination et répulsion.Mise en scène et réception du règne d’un monarque baroque entre héroïsation, imitation et diabolisation (Anuschka Tischer) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 Pérez Sarrión, Guillermo, The Emergence of a National Market in Spain, 1650– 1800. Trade Networks, Foreign Powers and the State (Hanna Sonkajärvi) . . . . . 151 Alimento, Antonella / Koen Stapelbroek (Hrsg.), The Politics of Commercial Treaties in the Eighteenth Century. Balance of Power, Balance of Trade (Justus Nipperdey) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 McDowell, Paula, The Invention of the Oral. Print Commerce and Fugitive Voices in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Markus Friedrich) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Bernhard, Jan-Andrea / Judith Engeler (Hrsg.), „Dass das Blut der heiligen Wunden mich durchgehet alle Stunden“. Frauen und ihre Lektüre im Pietismus (Helga Meise) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Hammer-Luza, Elke, Im Arrest. Zucht-, Arbeits- und Strafhäuser in Graz (1700– 1850) (Simon Karstens) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Oldach, Robert, Stadt und Festung Stralsund. Die schwedische Militärpräsenz in Schwedisch-Pommern 1721–1807 (Michael Busch) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 Koller, Ekaterina E., Religiöse Grenzgänger im östlichen Europa. Glaubensenthusiasten um die Prophetin Ekaterina Tatarinova und den Pseudomessias Jakob Frank im Vergleich (1750–1850) (Agnieszka Pufelska) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Häberlein, Mark / Holger Zaunstöck (Hrsg.), Halle als Zentrum der Mehrsprachigkeit im langen 18. Jahrhundert (Martin Gierl) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Geffarth, Renko / Markus Meumann / Holger Zaunstöck (Hrsg.), Kampf um die Aufklärung? Institutionelle Konkurrenzen und intellektuelle Vielfalt im Halle des 18. Jahrhunderts (Martin Gierl) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 Giro d’Italia. Die Reiseberichte des bayerischen Kurprinzen Karl Albrecht (1715/ 16). Eine historisch-kritische Edition, hrsg. v. 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Tannberg, Tõnu. "„Üks võimsamaid relvi võitluses kodanlise natsionalismi vastu on kindlasti eesti ajalugu…“. Eesti vabariigi perioodi uurimisest Eesti NSV Teaduste Akadeemia ajaloo instituudis aastatel 1946–1950." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 2/3 (May 27, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.2-3.05.

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 Abstract: On the study of the period of the Republic of Estonia at the Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences Institute of History in 1946–1950
 A decision adopted on 30 October 1944 in Moscow by the Orgburo of the Central Committee of the Communist (Bolshevist) Party of the Soviet Union (hereinafter C(B)PSU CC) launched an extensive process of sovietisation in the Estonian SSR. The ‘great struggle’ against so-called bourgeois nationalism began, and one of its thrusts was aimed at vilifying the pre-war Republic of Estonia and rooting it out of society’s consciousness. History started playing an important role in this ‘struggle’. This was already stressed at the Estonian Communist (Bolshevist) Party (hereinafter EC(B)P) CC plenary meeting held in early December of 1944, where Moscow’s decision was discussed along with the first measures for launching the sovietisation of society. At the meeting, a programmatic speech was given by Hans Kruus, the founder of historical science focusing on the Estonian nation, who began to serve the Soviet regime in the ‘June coup’ of 1940. In 1944, Kruus was a close associate of Nikolai Karotamm, the leader of the Estonian SSR at that time, and he led the sovietisation of historical science, and more broadly of the whole system of scientific and academic research in Estonia.
 Hans Kruus formulated the aims and tasks of historical science in Soviet society and also considered it necessary to study the period of independent statehood. He understood perfectly that the assessment from Marxist positions of the legacy of the era of independence was essential for educating the ‘new Soviet man’, but also for making the Soviet regime as palatable as possible for society. For this reason, Karotamm and his ‘team’ paid a great deal of attention to involving writers, scientists and other people known in society to a greater or lesser extent in carrying out the sovietisation process. Kruus stressed the need to eliminate the ‘remnants of misconceptions’ left by the ‘era of bourgeois Estonia’, but this did not mean casting the era of independent statehood into the trash bin of history. The task of historical science was to give the ‘bourgeois Estonian state’ Soviet content.
 One of the first practical tasks in sovietising historical science was to work out a Marxist periodisation for Estonian history, which was supposed to be founded on the theory of social-economic formations. Artur Vassar was the historian who dealt the most with questions of periodisation, completing his system by 1947. Additionally, Abe Liebman, the head of the Chair of History at the Estonian republic’s EC(B)P CC Communist Party School, and Gustav Naan, who at that time was studying at the C(B)PSU CC Higher Communist Party School in Moscow, worked out their own periodisation system. These two competing systems were combined into a single unified system through the mediation of Ivan Käbin, the EC(B)P CC Propaganda and Agitation Secretary, and it was published in the magazine Eesti Bolševik[Estonian Bolshevik] in September of 1948. The publication of the Soviet periodisation system in 1948 was an important landmark in the sovietisation of historical science, since the main periods of Estonian history based on social-economic formations were introduced to the public for the first time. Although this periodisation system was later refined and expanded, it remained the basis for future historical works and provided the framework for the study of history in the Estonian SSR for many years to come.
 Naturally, the aim of the regime was also to sovietise the organisation of science. The central undertaking in this process was the founding of the Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences in 1946. Here as well, the key figure was Hans Kruus, who became the Academy’s first president and a corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union. Various academic institutes began operating as sub-institutions of the Academy of Sciences. These institutes had the leading role in academic research, unlike institutions of higher education, which were expected to prepare students for research and academic degrees and not to contribute to research as their primary task. The Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences Institute of History (directed by Richard Kleis) became the central research institution for historical science (together with archaeology and art history).
 The compilation of Marxist survey works on Estonian history, which were also supposed to provide a complete overview of the period of the independent Republic of Estonia, became the primary task of the Institute of History. Its primary aim at that time was to write an Estonian history textbook, but the undertaking failed. Thereafter plans were made to produce a two-volume Lühike Eesti ajalugu [Brief History of Estonia]. The manuscript for the first volume was ready to be printed by the end of 1949. The institute also started compiling a new three-volume Soviet-style general treatment of Estonian history. The manuscript for the first volume was supposed to be completed in 1948, the second volume in 1950 and the third volume in 1951. Hans Kruus was the executive editor of both publications.
 In studying the period of the independent Republic of Estonia, chief attention had to be paid to the labour movement, though initially there were also more substantial studies of the period of independent statehood planned in the Institute of History. Namely, Hans Kruus planned to write the book Eesti kodanlik riik 1918–1920 [The Estonian Bourgeois State 1918–1920], which was supposed to provide a ‘general popular-style overview of the class nature of the bourgeois Estonian state, its economic foundations, the struggles between cliques that developed in it, and foreign policy’. After a few years, Kruus abandoned this theme and set a new objective for himself to write the book Kodanliku Eesti välispoliitika 1918–1940 [The Foreign Policy of Bourgeois Estonia 1918–1940]. Yet even this undertaking did not come to fruition since the political conditions had already been significantly altered by the end of the 1940s. The campaign against so-called bourgeois nationalism was picking up steam and it did not leave those who went along with the Soviet regime in 1940 untouched. From late 1949, Hans Kruus became the primary target of this campaign, which led to his expulsion from the Communist Party, the dismissal from the posts of Minister of Foreign Affairs and President of the Academy of Sciences, and eventually to his arrest in October of 1950.
 The organisation of historical research disintegrated with the fall of Kruus, and most of the projects connected to his name were cancelled. His stigmatisation as a ‘bourgeois nationalist’ led to the more substantial themes concerning the period of the independent Republic of Estonia being squeezed out of the work plans for the Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences institutes by 1950. One of the main points in the accusations levelled against Kruus became the reprimand that ‘having taken it upon himself to study the bourgeois dictatorship’, he actually did not do anything to launch this research, but rather organised ‘the work in the Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences Institute of History in such a way as to prevent the study of this period in the future as well’. The entire era of independent statehood was turned into a marginal period of research. A few narrow themes were permitted in its research, such as the labour movement, the activities of the Communists, agrarian conditions, and opposition to the Soviet Union in foreign policy. The negative attitude towards the independent Republic of Estonia achieved its apogee in the first Soviet, more precisely Stalinist, a general survey of Estonian history published in 1952.
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"Buchbesprechungen." Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung 47, no. 1 (2020): 79–182. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zhf.47.1.79.

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(Christine Vogel, Vechta) Wagner, Johann Conrad, „Meine Erfahrungen in dem gegenwärtigen Kriege“. Tagebuch des Feldzugs mit Herzog Carl August von Weimar, hrsg. v. Edith Zehm (Schriften der Goethe-Gesellschaft, 78), Göttingen 2018, Wallstein, 552 S. / Abb. / Faltkarte, € 59,00. (Michael Kaiser, Köln / Bonn) Zamoyski, Adam, Napoleon. Ein Leben. Aus dem Englischen übers. v. Ruth Keen / Erhard Stölting, München 2018, Beck, 863 S. / Abb., € 29,95. (Hans-Ulrich Thamer, Münster)
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"Buchbesprechungen." Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung: Volume 47, Issue 4 47, no. 4 (2020): 663–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zhf.47.4.663.

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Denisova, Anastasia. "How Vladimir Putin’s Divorce Story Was Constructed and Received, or When the President Divorced His Wife and Married the Country Instead." M/C Journal 17, no. 3 (2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.813.

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A politician’s political and personal selves have been in the spotlight of academic scholarship for hundreds of years, but only in recent years has a political ‘persona’ obtained new modes of mediation via networked media. New advancements in politics, technology, and media brought challenges to the traditional politics and personal self-representation of major leaders. Vladimir Putin’s divorce announcement in June 2013, posed a new challenge for his political self-mediation. A rather reserved leader (Loshak), he nonetheless broadcast his personal news to the large audience and made it in a very peculiar way, causing the media professionals and public to draw parallels with Soviet-era mediated politics and thereby evoke collective memories. This paper studies how Vladimir Putin’s divorce announcement was constructed and presented and also what response and opinion threads—satirical and humorous, ignorant and informed feedback—it achieved via media professionals and the general Twitter audience. Finally, this study aims to evaluate how Vladimir Putin’s political ‘persona’ was represented and perceived via these mixed channels of communication.According to classic studies of mediated political persona (Braudy; Meyrowitz; Corner), any public activity of a political persona is considered a part of their political performance. The history of political marketing can be traced back to ancient times, but it developed through the works of Renaissance and Medieval thinkers. Of particular prominence is Machiavelli’s The Prince with its famous “It is unnecessary for the prince to have all the good qualities I have enumerated, but it is very necessary to appear to have them” (cited in Corner 68). All those centuries-built developments and patterns of political self-representation have now taken on new forms as a result of the development of media industry and technology. Russian mediated politics has seen various examples of new ways of self-representation exercised by major politicians in the 2010s. For instance, former president Dmitry Medvedev was known as the “president with an iPad” (Pronina), as he was advocating technology and using social networks in order to seem more approachable and appear to be responsive to collecting feedback from the nation. Traditional media constantly highlighted Medvedev’s keen interest in Facebook and Twitter, which resulted in a growing public assumption that this new modern approach to self-representation may signify a new approach to governance (see Asmolov).Goffman’s classic study of the distinction between public and private life helps in linking political persona to celebrity persona. In his view the political presentation of self differs from the one in popular culture because politicians as opposed to entertainers have to conform to a set of ideals, projections, social stereotypes and cultural/national archetypes for their audience of voters (Goffman; Corner). A politician’s public persona has to be constantly reaffirming and proving the values he or she is promoting through their campaigns. Mediations of a political personhood can be projected in three main modes: visual, vocal, and kinetic (Ong; Mayhew; Corner). Visual representation follows the iconic paintings and photography in displaying the position, attitude, and associative contexts related to that. Vocal representation covers both content and format of a political speech, it is not only the articulated message, but also more important the persona speaking. Ong describes this close relation of the political and personal along with the interrelation of the message and the medium as “secondary orality”—voice, tone and volume make the difference. The third mode is kinetic representation and means the political persona in action and interaction. Overlapping of different strategies and structures of political self-representation fortifies the notion of performativity (Corner and Pels) in politics that becomes a core feature of the multidimensional representation of a mediated political self.The advancement of electronic media and interactive platforms has influenced political communication and set the new standard for the convergence of the political and personal life of a politician. On its own, the President Clinton/Monica Lewinsky affair raised the level of public awareness of the politician’s private life. It also allowed for widely distributed, contested, and mediated judgments of a politician’s personal actions. Lawrence and Bennett in their study of Lewinsky case’s academic and public response state that although the majority of American citizens did not expect the president to be the moral leader, they expressed ambivalence in their rendition of the importance of “moral leadership” by big politicians (438). The President Clinton/Lewinsky case adds a new dimension to Goffman and Corner’s respective discussions on the significance of values in the political persona self-representation. This case proves that values can not only be reinforced by one’s public persona, but those values can be (re)constructed by the press or public opinion. Values are becoming a contested trait in the contemporary mediated political persona. This view can be supported by Dmitry Medvedev’s case: although modern technology was known as his personal passion, it was publicised only with reference to his role as a public politician and specifically when Medvedev appeared with an iPad talking about modernisation at major meetings (Pronina). However, one can argue that one’s charisma can affect the impact of values in public self-representation of the politician. In addition, social networks add a new dimension to personified publicity. From Barack Obama’s ‘Yes We Can’ networked campaign in 2008 and through many more recent examples, we are witnessing the continuing process of the personalisation of politics (Corner and Pels). From one point of view, audiences tend to have more interest and sympathy in political individuals and their lifestyles rather than political parties and their programmes (Lawrence and Bennett; Corner and Pels). It should be noted that the interest towards political individuals does not fall apart from the historical logics of politics; it is only mediated in a new way. Max Weber’s notion of “leadership democracy” proves that political strategy is best distributed through the charismatic leadership imposing his will on the audience. This view can be strengthened by Le Bon’s concept of emotive connection of the leader and his crowd, and Adorno’s writings on the authoritarian personality also highlight the significance of the leader’s own natural and mediated persona in politics. What is new is the channels of mediation—modern audiences’ access to a politician’s private life is facilitated by new forms of media interactivity (Corner and Pels). This recent development calls for the new understanding of “persona” in politics. On one hand, the borderline between private and public becomes blurred and we are more exposed to the private self of a leader, but on the other hand, those politicians aware of new media literacy can create new structures of proximity and distance and construct a separate “persona” online, using digital media for their benefit (Corner and Pels). Russian official politics has developed a cautious attitude towards social networks in the post-Medvedev era - currently, President Vladimir Putin is not known for using social networks personally and transmits his views via his spokesperson. However, his personal charisma makes him overly present in digital media - through the images and texts shared both by his supporters and rivals. As opposed to Medvedev’s widely publicised “modernisation president” representation, Putin’s persona breaks the boundaries of limited traditional publicity and makes him recognised not only for his political activity, but looks, controversial expression, attitude to employees, and even personal life. That brings us back to Goffman, Corner and Lawrence and Bennett’s discussions on the interrelation of political values and personal traits in one’s political self-representation, making it evident that one’s strong personality can dominate over his political image and programme. Moreover, an assumption can be made that a politician’s persona may be more powerful than the narrative suggested by the constructed self-representation and new connotations may arise on the crossroads of this interaction.Russian President Divorce Announcement and Collective MemoryVladimir Putin’s divorce announcement was broadcast via traditional media on 6 June 2013 as a simple news story. The state broadcasting company Vesti-24 sent a journalist Polina Yermolayeva from their news bulletin to cover Vladimir Putin and Lyudmila Putin’s visit to a ballet production, Esmeralda, at the state Kremlin theatre. The news anchor’s introduction to the interview was ordinarily written and had no hints of the upcoming sensation. After the first couple and the journalist had discussed their opinion of the ballet (“beautiful music,” “flawless and light moves”), the reporter Yermolayeva suddenly asked: “You and Lyudmila are rarely seen together in public. Rumour has it that you do not live together. It is true?” Vladimir Putin and his wife exchanged a number of rather pre-scripted speeches stating that the first couple was getting a divorce as the children had grown old enough, and they would still stay friends and wished each other the best of luck. The whole interview lasted 3:25 minutes and became a big surprise for the country (Loshak; Sobchak).When applying the classification of three modes of political personhood (Corner; Ong) to Vladimir Putin’s divorce announcement, it becomes evident that all three modes—visual, vocal, and kinetic—were used. Television audiences watched their president speak freely to the unknown reporter, explain details of his life in his own words so that body language also was visible and conveyed additional information. The visual self-representation harkens back to classic, Soviet-style announcements: Vladimir Putin and Lyudmila Putina are dressed in classic monochrome suit and costume with a skirt respectively. They pose in front of the rather dull yet somewhat golden decorations of the Kremlin Theatre Hall, the walls themselves reflecting the glory and fanfare of the Soviet leadership and architecture. Vladimir Putin and his wife both talk calmly while Lyudmila appears even more relaxed than her husband (Sobchak). Although the speech looks prepared in advance (Loshak), it uses colloquial expressions and is delivered with emotional pauses and voice changes.However, close examination of not only the message but the medium of the divorce announcement reveals a vast number of intriguing symbols and parallels. First, although living in the era of digital media, Vladimir Putin chose to broadcast his personal news through a traditional television channel. Second, it was broadcast in a news programme making the breaking news of the president’s divorce, paradoxically, quite a mundane news event. Third, the semiotic construction of the divorce announcement bore a lot of connotations and synergies to the conservative, Soviet-style information distribution patterns. There are a few key symbols here that evoke collective memories: ballet, conservative political report on the government, and the stereotype of a patriarchal couple with a submissive wife (see Loshak; Rostovskiy). For example, since the perestroika of the 1990s, ballet has been widely perceived as a symbol of big political change and cause of public anxiety (Kachkaeva): this connotation was born in the 1990s when all channels were broadcasting Swan Lake round the clock while the White House was under attack. Holden reminds us that this practice was applied many times during major crises in Soviet history, thus creating a short link in the public subconscious of a ballet broadcast being symbolic of a political crisis or turmoil.Vladimir Putin Divorce: Traditional and Social Media ReceptionIn the first day after the divorce announcement Russian Twitter generated 180,000 tweets about Vladimir Putin’s divorce, and the hashtag #развод (“divorce”) became very popular. For the analysis that follows, Putin divorce tweets were collected by two methods: retrieved from traditional media coverage of Twitter talk on Putin’s divorce and from Twitter directly, using Topsy engine. Tweets were collected for one week, from the divorce announcement on 6 June to 13 June when the discussion declined and became repetitive. Data was collected using Snob.ru, Kommersant.ru, Forbes.ru, other media outlets and Topsy. The results were then combined and evaluated.Some of those tweets provided a satirical commentary to the divorce news and can be classified as “memes.” An “Internet meme” is a contagious message, a symbolic pattern of information spread online (Lankshear and Knobel; Shifman). Memes are viral texts that are shared online after being adjusted/altered or developed on the way. Starting from 1976 when Richard Dawkins coined the term, memes have been under media scholarship scrutiny and the term has been widely contested in various sciences. In Internet research studies, memes are defined as “condensed images that stimulate visual, verbal, musical, or behavioral associations that people can easily imitate and transmit to others” (Pickerel, Jorgensen, and Bennett). The open character of memes makes them valuable tools for political discourse in a modern highly mediated environment.Qualitative analysis of the most popular and widely shared tweets reveals several strong threads and themes round Putin’s divorce discussion. According to Burzhskaya, many users created memes with jokes about the relationship between Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. For instance, “He should have tied up his relationship with Dmitry Anatolyevich long ago” or “So actually Medvedev is the case?” were among popular memes generated. Another collection of memework contained a comment that, according to the Russian legislation, Putin’s ex-wife should get half of their wealth, in this case—half of the country. This thread was followed by the discussion whether the separation/border of her share of Russia should use the Ural Mountains as the borderline. Another group of Twitter users applied the Russian president’s divorce announcement to other countries’ politics. Thus one user wrote “Take Yanukovich to the ballet” implying that Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovich (who was still a legitimate president in June 2013) should also be taken to the ballet to trigger changes in the political life in Ukraine. Twitter celebrity and well-known Russian actress and comedian Tatiana Lazareva wrote “In my opinion, it is a scam”, punning on the slang meaning of the word “razvod” (“divorce”) in Russian that can also mean “fraud” or “con”. Famous Russian journalist Dmitry Olshansky used his Twitter account to draw a historical parallel between Putin and other Russian and Soviet political leaders’ marital life. He noted that such Russian leaders as Tsar Nikolay the Second and Mikhail Gorbachev who loved their wives and were known to be good husbands were not successful managers of the state. In contrast, lone rulers of Russia such as Joseph Stalin proved to be leaders who loved their country first and gained a lot of support from their electorate because of that lonely love. Popular print and online journalist Oleg Kashin picked up on that specific idea: he quoted Vladimir Putin’s press secretary who explained that the president had declared that he would now spend more time working for the prosperity of the country.Twitter users were exchanging not only 140 symbol texts but also satirical images and other visual memes based on the divorce announcement. Those who suggested that Vladimir Putin should have divorced the country instead portrayed Lyudmila Putina and Vladimir holding candles and wearing funereal black with various taglines discussing how the country would now be split. Other users contributed visual memes jamming the television show Bachelor imagery and font with Vladimir Putin’s face and an announcement that the most desirable bachelor in the country is now its president. A similar idea was put into jammed images of the Let’s Get Married television show using Vladimir Putin’s face or name linked with a humorous comment that he could try those shows to find a new wife. One more thread of Twitter memes on Putin’s divorce used the name of Alina Kabaeva, Olympic gymnast who is rumoured by the press to be in relationship with the leader (Daily Mail Reporter). She was mentioned in plenty of visual and textual memes. Probably, the most popular visual meme (Burzhskaya; Topsy) used the one-liner from a famous Soviet comedy Ivan Vasylievich Menyaet Professiyu: it uses a joyful exclamation of an actress who learns that her love interest, a movie director, is leaving his wife so that the lovers can now fly to a resort together. Alina Kabaeva, the purported love interest of Putin, was jammed to be that actress as she announced the “triumphal” resort vacation plan to a girlfriend over the phone.Vladimir Putin’s 2013 divorce announcement presented new challenges for his personal and political self-representation and revealed new traits of the Russian president’s interaction with the nation. As the news of Vladimir and Lyudmila Putin’s divorce was broadcast via traditional media in a non-interactive television format, commentary on the event advanced only through the following week’s media coverage and the massive activity on social networks. It has still to be examined whether Vladimir Putin’s political advisors intentionally included many symbols of collective memory in the original and staid broadcast announcement. However, the response from traditional and social media shows that both Russian journalists and regular Twitter users were inclined to use humour and satire when discussing the personal life of a major political leader. Despite this appearance of an active counter-political sphere via social networks, the majority of tweets retrieved also revealed a certain level of respect towards Vladimir Putin’s privacy as few popular jokes or memes were aggressive, offensive or humiliating. Most popular memes on Vladimir Putin’s divorce linked this announcement to the political life of Russia, the political situation in other countries, and television shows and popular culture. Some of the memes, though, advanced the idea that Vladimir Putin should have divorced the country instead. The analysis also shows how a charismatic leader can affect or reconstruct the “values” he represents. In Vladimir Putin’s divorce event, his personality is the main focus of discussion both by traditional and new media. However, he is not judged for his personal choices as the online social media users provide rather mild commentary and jokes about them. The event and the subsequent online discourse, images and texts not only identify how Putin’s politics have become personified, the research also uncovers how the audience/citizenry online often see the country as a “persona” as well. Some Internet users suggested Putin’s marriage to the country; this mystified, if not mythologised view reinforces Vladimir Putin’s personal and political charisma.Conclusively, Vladimir Putin’s divorce case study shows how political and private persona are being mediated and merged via mixed channels of communication. 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