Dissertations / Theses: 'Riksdag'

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Barrling, Hermansson Katarina. "Partikulturer : Kollektiva självbilder och normer i Sveriges riksdag." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Government, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-4089.

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This dissertation addresses party-culture in political parties represented in the Swedish parliament. Party-culture is investigated by studying collective self-images and norms in Swedish parliamentary party-groups (PPG). The aim of this investigation is to contribute to understanding of the conditions under which parliamentary work is carried out. In order to expand our understanding of these conditions this dissertation looks beyond the formal processes by which party-groups deliver their political message and make decisions, and instead highlights the cultural aspects of these party organizations in the parliament.

The method of analysis is qualitative and the material for the study consists of 53 interviews with members of parliament from all represented parties. The parties studied are thus the Social Democratic, Moderate, Liberal, Christian Democrats, Left, Centre, and Green. In addition, some participant observation for the 1998-2002 mandate period in used.

The empirical investigation shows that party-culture is revealed via four basic themes: political ability, feelings of political responsibility, the importance social fellowship, and the party’s strength in relation to individual party members.

The party’s culture based on the four themes noted above provides a theoretical structure for interpretation that combines an Aristotelian idea about basic knowledge types, sophia and phronesis, with cultural theorists Mary Douglas’ grid-group-analysis. Based on this interpretation method it is shown that party-cultures distinguish themselves from each other in a way that diverges from the left-right spectrum that dominates Swedish politics. At the same time as the parties demonstrate differences in party-culture, there are also some similarities between the parties, and these similarities suggest that the parties have adjusted themselves to a more general culture within the parliament, most visibly the focus on factual knowledge and a certain requirement for modesty from party members.

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Barrling, Hermansson Katarina. "Partikulturer : kollektiva självbilder och normer i Sveriges riksdag /." Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Univ.-bibl. [distributör], 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-4089.

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Eklund, Magne. "Slakt, bedövning och antisemitism : Skäktningsdebatten i Sveriges riksdag under 1920-talet." Thesis, Jönköping University, HLK, Ämnesforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-52197.

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The historical study of Swedish antisemitism in the first decades of the twentieth century, initially became a focal point in the 1990s. Since then, research has, for example, been done on the organized political antisemitism and on antisemitic attitudes that prevailed unreflected in the public discourse. 1937 the Swedish parliament passed a bill that mandated mandatory stunning before slaughter, which in turn outlawed the Jewish slaughter method shechita. If and how, the debate was informed or based upon antisemitic believes has been disputed in previous research. The purpose of this essay is therefore, to investigate how the debate preceding the law of mandatory stunning can be understood. The essays theoretical approach is based on Kenneth L. Marcus further development of Helein Feins definition of antisemitism and on Artur Sandauers notion of allosemitism. The philosopher Slavoj Žižek’s theoretical edifice of the Real, is used as an overarching metatheory in the essay. The essay’s findings are that the different opinions on the issue cannot be placed according to ideological- or party lines. Biased opinions were put forth in the debate that pointed out the jews as strange and inferior vis-à-vis the Swedes, which I understand as allosemitic. Shechita inhabited a central role in the debate and was put under more scrutiny than the other questioned slaughter methods. Based upon Lars M. Andersson I suggest that the distinguishing of shechita from “Swedish” slaughter methods was an integral part in the creation of the modern national identity. The obliged stunning before slaughter became part of the Swedish animal friendliness, which in turn was seen as evidence of Sweden’s high-ranking cultural level. A relationship that still today is represented, in the nationalistic discourse.

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Katura, Caroline, and Maria Malmgren. "Implementering av de individuella utvecklingsplanerna - från riksdag till den enskilda skolan." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Lärarutbildningen (LUT), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-27857.

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I Skolverkets skrift Allmänna råd för den individuella utvecklingsplanen med skriftligaomdömen 2008 står det att läsa att skolorna bör sträva efter kontinuerlig uppföljning avelevernas individuella utveckling på ett framåtsyftande vis. Detta för att tydliggöra var elevenbefinner sig och vad som vidare krävs i strävan att nå målen. Syftet med detta arbete är attundersöka hur implementeringen av de individuella utvecklingsplanerna (IUP) har skett frånriksdag till kommun och till den enskilda skolan. Utifrån en kvalitativ metod har vi intervjuatförtroendevalda inom Barn och Utbildningsnämnden, huvudmän (rektorer) samt verksammalärare inom en utvald kommun. Vi är intresserade av hur överlämningen av IUP sker mellanårskurs sex och sju och kommunikationen inom och mellan de berörda verksamheterna. I vårtresultat framkom att hanteringen av IUP inte fått de effekterna som eftersträvats.Implementeringsproblematiken som vi observerat grundar sig i otydlig styrning frånhuvudman, lärarnas inställning, minimal respons från förvaltningen vid införandet ochverksamheternas olika organisationsvariabler. Detta har lett till att det råder en osäkerhetkring arbetssättet med IUP och den kontinuitet som Skolverket förespråkar riskerar att gåförlorad.

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Landerholm, Martinovic Emilia. "Invandrarföretagare i Sverige : kritisk diskursanalys av hur riksdag och regering tala om invandrarföretagare." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Thematic Studies, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-3846.

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Sverige står idag inför en omstrukturering av arbetsmarknaden, bland annat för att de tidigare storföretagen, som mycket av svensk tillväxt och sysselsättning berott av, nu i större utsträckning läggs ner eller flyttar utomland. En sådan omstrukturering innebär i sin tur att allt större vikt och tilltro sätts till att småföretag ska bära den svenska ekonomiska tillväxten och sysselsättningen. Invandrare utgör en stor del av småföretagarna och det är dem som ligger i fokus i detta arbete när jag studerar riksdag och regerings syn på invandrarföretagare.

Debatten kring ”invandrarföretag” har karakteriserats av såväl positiva som negativa förklaringsmodeller. Exempelvis har invandrarföretagares nyskapande och företagsamhet berömts och sådana rörelser har uppmuntrats. Eget företagande har ibland även presenterats som ett alternativ för personer med utländsk bakgrund som har svårt att få fotfäste på arbetsmarknaden. Jag kommer att med hjälp av kritisk diskursanalys genomföra en analys av riksdag och regerings sätt att tala om invandrarföretagare.

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Blomstrand, Rickard. "En strid om verkligheten och Nato : En studie av Natoförespråkare i Sveriges riksdag." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-113476.

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Edin, Agnes. "Vad påverkar klarspråk? : En kvalitativ undersökning av arbetet med klarspråk på Sveriges riksdag." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för språkstudier, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-78980.

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Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka vad som påverkar klarspråksarbetet på Sveriges riksdag. Materialet består av enskilda intervjuer med fyra textgranskare på Riksdagsförvaltningen, enheten riksdagstryck. Fokus ligger på granskningen av betänkanden. De teman som undersöks är textgranskarnas syn på mottagarna, textgranskarnas tolkning av klarspråk, huruvida textgranskarna följer rådande klarspråksnormer, vilka redskap textgranskarna har att tillgå i arbetet med klarspråk samt vilka hinder respektive möjligheter som finns för klarspråk inom verksamheten. Resultaten visar att arbetet med klarspråk på riksdagen påverkas av flera olika faktorer, bland annat riksdagens traditioner vad gäller arbetssätt och skrivsätt. Främst tycks textgranskarnas möjlighet att påverka betänkandena, också på ett tidigt stadium, och deras kommunikation med skribenterna vara av vikt för att utveckla klarspråksarbetet. En seriös satsning genom ett klarspråksprojekt skulle kunna ge textgranskarna möjligheten att komma in tidigare i processen när betänkandena blir till och utveckla kontakten med skribenterna. Baserat på resultatet drar jag slutsatsen att man kan anta att god kommunikation mellan skribenter och textgranskare samt både skribenters och textgranskares möjlighet att påverka texterna de arbetar med har en positiv inverkan på klarspråksarbetet i en verksamhet.

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Nordlund, Nommi, and Emma Olsson. "Politiska föreställningar om bibliotek : En studie av idèer om biblioteksinstitutionen i riksdagsmotioner." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75987.

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The aim of this bachelor thesis is to examine what Swedish parliamentarians thinks about the library as an institution. To achieve this aim we use discourse analysis. By analyzing parliament motions from four decades we found nine discourses that represents a wide variety of thoughts and opinions of what the library is, what it should contain and what it should provide. The discourses that we identified are: the culture discourse, the multi-cultural discourse, the reading discourse, the technical discourse, the information discourse, the democratic discourse, the book discourse, the quality discourse and the learning discourse. These discourses can furthermore be divided in three branches that expresses continuous thoughts about the library. Those are that the library is for everyone, that the library is a carrier of something and that the library is an intermediary of something. The opinions differ between the left wing and the right wing as well as between the individual parties. The changes that can be seen over time is mostly due to the societal and technology development.

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Johansson, Jonas. "Du sköna nya tid? : debatten om informationssamhället i riksdag och storting under 1990-talet /." Linköping : Institutionen för Tema, Linköpings universitet [distributör], 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6215.

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Johansson, Jonas. "Du sköna nya tid? : Debatten om informationssamhället i Riksdag och Storting under 1990-talet." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Kommunikation, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6215.

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Under 1990-talet var “informationssamhället” ett begrepp som flitigt användes av politiker i hela västvärlden. De nordiska länderna var inga undantag. I denna avhandling undersöks och jämförs den svenska och norska politiska debatten om “informationssamhället” under 1990-talet. Debatten präglas av uppfattningen att ny IKT (informations- och kommunikationsteknik) är drivande i ett historiskt epokskifte som implicerar industrisamhällets slut och “informationssamhällets” början. Denna uppfattning analyseras ingående med diskursteoretiska verktyg. Debatten förstås som en diskursiv kamp mellan olika kollektiva aktörer (de politiska partierna i riksdagen resp. Stortinget), en kamp som inte bara handlar om framtiden utan också om samtid och historia. De tongivande inslagen av teknik och utvecklingsdeterminism analyseras och problematiseras både som en politisk strategi och som en arketypiskt modern förståelseform. Ett socialdemokratiskt dilemma infinner sig – hur skall socialdemokratiskt styre legitimeras i en tid där utvecklingen sprungit ifrån industrimodernitetens socialdemokratiska industristat? En tyngspunktsskillnad beträffande betoningen av “hårda” och “mjuka” frågor påvisas i jämförelsen mellan svensk och norsk debatt. Denna skillnad sätts i ett historisk sammanhang som understryker grannländernas delvis olikartade moderniseringsprocesser.

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Bäckbring, Nathalie, and Sofia Ehrnstedt. "GENOMSYRAS RIKSDAGENSBESLUT AV FOLKETS VILJA? : En kvantitativ studie av deskriptiv representation i Sveriges riksdag." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-58989.

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Although the Swedish constitution states that the parliament should represent the people, many researchers have questioned if this is true. Does the Swedish parliament really represent the people? This essay aims to provide an increased knowledge of the descriptive representation in Sweden. To do this, the composition of the parliament and the composition of the entitled voters between 2002 and 2014 are being studied based on three demographic dimensions. The demographic dimensions studied are gender, foreign-/domestic born and age. The main question of the essay is “To what extent does the Swedish parliament represent the entitled voters?”. It intends to be answered using these three, more precise, questions: • To what extent does the Swedish parliament represent the demographic composition of the entitled voters? • To what extent does the Swedish parliament represent the entitled voters when the three dimensions are merged into a total dimension? • To what extent does a time shift occur in the Swedish parliaments descriptive representation? A quantitative method is used to answer the questions. Statistics from Statistiska Centralbyrån (SCB) are used as empirical material and analyzed using a mathematical formula called Gallagher index. Gallagher index is being used to find out the representativeness between the composition of the parliament and the composition of the entitled voters for each demographic dimension. Another formula is used to give an indication of the overall representativeness. The essay also applies a comparative design to find out if there is a time shift in representativeness. The study shows that the descriptive representation of the entitled voters by the Swedish parliament varies in the studied dimensions and over time. The demographic composition of the Swedish parliament represents the composition of the entitled voters between 73,7-97,7% in the period between 2002 and 2014. When the dimensions are merged together, the result shows that the overall representativeness is 68,3%. The study also shows that there is a time shift in the representativeness in 16 out of 24 cases studied.

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Sternhoff, Annie. "Fru talman! Var ska vi bo? : En studie av bostadspolitiska debatter i Sveriges riksdag." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-130715.

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Den här studien analyserar de problembeskrivningar och åtgärdsförslag som riksdagspartierna tillämpade i den bostadspolitiska debatten i Sveriges riksdag valåret 2010 och valåret 2014 med syfte att urskilja likheter, skillnader och förändringar. Studien redogör för att bostadspolitiken i Sveriges riksdag präglas av djupa ideologiska meningsskillnader. Vad som presenteras som ett åtgärdsförslag av ett parti, kan motsvara problembeskrivningen för ett annat. Resultatet visar att två riksdagspartier tycks utvecklat sin bostadspolitik från en ideologiförankrad till sakpolitisk under den period som studerats och det förs ett resonemang kring orsakerna baserat på teori.

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Forssell, Anna. "Skolan som politiskt narrativ : En studie av den skolpolitiska debatten i Sveriges riksdag 1991 - 2002." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för pedagogik och didaktik, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-61806.

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How do politician talk about the role of school in society, in an era of changing demands and challenges represented by the knowledge society and globalization? The material underlying the study consists of protocols from the Swedish parliament during a decade characterized by many reforms and with both a conservative government and a social democratic. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the contemporary debate on school policy in the Swedish Parliament between 1991 and 2002. My research questions are: Which are the dominating narratives about schooling that emerge in the debate? What are the influences from contemporary policies and from educational research? What kind of rhetorical resources underpin the arguments in the plenary debate and are there any shifts, inconsistencies and contradictions that can be heard in the debates? Inspired by Margaret Somers four dimensions of narratives: ontological narrative, public narrative, metanarrative and conceptual narrative and I am using them to interpret different aspects of school as a political narrative. Methodologically, I worked initially with a content analysis gradually moving to narrative analysis. The educational debates held during the three terms in office are characterised by different political initiatives and different kind of issues. I construct a number of dominating narratives with different plots, problems, solutions and promises of a better future for both the school and the nation. Key concepts seems to “float” depending on who uses them and in what context they are used. Important parts in the narratives are the rhetorical resources that politicians are using to get legitimacy and credibility. Perceptions of schools presented in the debate, may be seen as stories about what is desirable and possible, but also what is unwanted, threatening the progress of school and society. I have highlighted four public narratives in these debates and they are: A School for All, School on the Market, School in the Knowledge Society and A School in Crisis.

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Lanfelt, Isabelle. "Arbete, politisk representation och kvinnor : Deskriptiv representationsteori och kvinnliga yrkeserfarenheter i Sveriges riksdag 1974–2018." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385815.

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Bertz, Wågström Magda. "Att göra de frånvarande närvarande : En beskrivande studie av substantiell geografisk representation i Sveriges riksdag." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353256.

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Lagercrantz, Hjalte. "Riksdagens Socialtjänst : En kritisk diskursanalys av hur socialtjänsten framställs i Sveriges riksdag och hur det kan förstås utifrån Foucaults maktbegrepp." Thesis, Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-9136.

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Using two reports from the The Riksdag’s Social Affairs Committee, this essay has examined and analyzed discourses that are expressed in how the Riksdag describes the social services. The material has been analyzed using critical discourse analysis and Foucalts terms Power/knowledge to see what can be said about how the social services are described and constructed. The dicourses I could identify in the material was a legal discourse where the social service is defined based on legislation where the words used to describe the goal of the social services is not being discussed. Knowledge-based discourse where the social service is mainly described in terms of a flawed organization and where the solution is more knowledge, a discourse I chose to call unity where a consensus is manifested regarding the social services and finally the formalized discourse where there is indications of a discursive change towards a higher level of formalized language-use that affects how the Riksdag constructs the social services. This essay also discusses the importance of examining how the Riksdag constructs the social services through the use of language and that how they use the language affects how the social services is understood which impacts the social work. Lastly I argue that an examination of how power/knowledge is expressed is needed to, among other things, make it possible to introduce alternative and new discourses.
Den här uppsatsen har genom två betänkanden från riksdagens socialutskott undersökt och analyserat de diskurser som kommer till uttryck i hur riksdagen framställer socialtjänsten. Genom kritisk diskursanalys och Foucaults begrepp makt/kunskap har materialet analyserats för att se vad Foucaults begrepp kan säga oss om hur socialtjänsten framställs. Diskurser jag kunde identifiera i materialet var en juridisk diskurs där socialtjänsten definieras utifrån lagstiftning där betydelsen av begrepp som beskriver socialtjänsten inte diskuteras. En kunskapsdiskurs där socialtjänsten främst beskrivs i termer av en organisation som brister och vars lösning är mer kunskap, en diskurs jag valt att kalla enighetsdiskursen där det manifesteras en enighet och där konflikter inte synliggörs, och till sist formaliseringsdiskursen som indikerar en diskursiv förändring mot ett mer formaliserat språkbruk kring bland annat socialtjänsten som påverkar hur riksdagen yttrar sig angående socialtjänsten. Vidare diskuteras vikten av att rikta fokus mot hur riksdagen använder språk för att konstruera socialtjänsten och hur det påverkar förståelsen av socialtjänsten samt hur det i sin tur påverkar det sociala arbetet. Dessutom menar jag att processer kring hur makt/kunskap utövas behöver synliggöras, bland annat för att möjliggöra introduktionen av nya och alternativa diskurser.

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Hassel, Karl. "Kampen om kristendomsämnet : En studie av debatten kring kristendomsundervisningen sinnehåll under 1920-talet." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Religionsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-35325.

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Syftet med undersökningen är att undersöka den efterföljande debatten vid riksdag och kyrko-möte med hänsyn till 1919 års undervisningsplan, som innebar att katekesen avskaffades som lärobok och timtalet för ämnet reducerades. Studien utförs med extra fokus mot den förlo-rande opinionen och undersöka den kyrkligt konservativa opinionens försök att återinföra ka-tekesundervisningen För att besvara syftet har följande frågeställningar formulerats; • Vilka argument kopplade till kristendomsämnet användes vid debatterna i riksdagen och vid kyrkomötena under 1920-talet? Hur ville man att ämnet skulle se ut med bak-grund av 1919 års undervisningsplan? • Vilka argument användes vid försvar av katekesundervisningen? • Vilka argument användes mot katekesundervisningen? Undersökningen behandlar 1920-talets debatt vid riksdagen och kyrkomötet kring kristen-domsämnet och materialet som ligger till grund för undersökning har bestått av protokoll från riksdag och kyrkomötet. Undersökningen har en ambition att med extra fokus studera den för-lorande opinionens försök att återinföra katekesundervisningen i folkskolan. I analysen före-kommer de argument som jag hittat i undersökningen, dessa argument analyseras utifrån en konfrontationsmodell som är en form av argumentationsanalys. De tydligaste argumenten som framkom var av pedagogisk karaktär. Detta följdes av religiösa argument kopplade till kris-tendomsämnet. Även argument kopplade till moral och fostran förekom framförallt från opin-ionen som försvarade katekesen, det förekom även demokratiska och geografiska argument kopplade till Luthers lilla katekes och dess koppling till kristendomsämnet. I diskussionen diskuteras argumenten utifrån två opinioner i form av de katekesvänliga och motståndarna till katekesen där dessa opinioners argument lyfts fram och diskuteras utifrån vilken utformning av kristendomsämnet de ville ha. I diskussionen görs även en didaktisk re-flektion I den didaktiska reflektionen appliceras de didaktiska frågorna och redogör för hur opinionerna önskade att utforma kristendomsämnet utifrån de argument som framkommit.

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Carlgren, Mattias. "Ger radikal högerpopulism ett ökat valdeltagande? : En kvantitativ studie om Sverigedemokraternas effekt på valdeltagandet till Sveriges riksdag." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-381043.

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My thesis examines the effects of the last two decades' increased support for populist, radical right-wing party “the Sweden Democrats”. Previous literature mostly focuses on how the party came to claim large chunks of the electorate and there seems to be a lack of research that investigates the consequences of this development. This thesis therefor strives to investigate theeffects of the Sweden Democrats by looking at voter turnout. The study observes the 290municipalities of Sweden through the general election years of 2006, 2010 and 2014. By using panel data, I manage to isolate for both known and unknown variables and can through thischoice of method get close to providing a causal relationship, revealing that an increase insupport for the Sweden Democrats yields a rise in voter turnout. The result raises questions about how radical right populism relates to democracy.

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Nilsson, Hampus. "Makten och skolan : Debatten om skolan inför riksdagsvalet 2014." Thesis, Gymnastik- och idrottshögskolan, GIH, Institutionen för idrotts- och hälsovetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:gih:diva-5884.

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Sammanfattning Syfte och frågeställningar Undersökningen syftar till att analysera hur riksdagspartierna argumenterade kring den svenska skolan inför valet 2014. Frågeställningen för undersökningen var: Hur argumenterade partierna kring skolans styrning? Hur argumenterade partierna kring betyg och resultat? Hur argumenterade partierna kring friskolor? Hur argumenterade partierna kring lärares roll och lärarprofessionens status? Metod Det empiriska materialet bestod av 1) debattartiklar skrivna av partiledare eller språkrör samt skolpolitiska talespersoner, 2) SVT:s utfrågningar av partiledarna, 3) partiernas valprogram. Metoden som tillämpades var Arne Naess (1970) argumentationsanalys. I analysen söktes efter teser samt pro- och contra-argument till teserna. Urvalet för studiens empiriska material baserades på handplockade urval. Resultat Undersökningen visade att Moderaterna argumenterade för ett delat ansvar för skolan mellan stat och kommun. Centerpartiet ville behålla nuvarande styrningsform. Socialdemokraterna, Sverigedemokraterna, Miljöpartiet och Folkpartiet ville att skolan skulle förstatligas. Folkpartiet argumenterade för att betyg skulle sättas från och med årskurs 6 men menade samtidigt att skriftliga omdömen ger en bättre bild av eleven. Socialdemokraterna, Centerpartiet och Folkpartiet använde PISA-undersökningar för att stärka sina argument. Kristdemokraterna var positivt inställda till friskolor. Likaså var Centerpartiet som menade att vinstutdelning för ägare av friskolor skulle vara tillåten. Socialdemokraterna och Vänsterpartiet argumenterade för ett vinstförbud. Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet, Miljöpartiet ville stärka lärarnas roll och status främst genom att höja lärarnas löner och genom att öka tiden för undervisning samtidigt som att minska det administrativa arbetet. Slutsats Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet, Sverigedemokraterna, Miljöpartiet och Vänsterpartiet drev tesen om att förstatliga skolan. Kristdemokraterna, Folkpartiet och Centerpartiet var i sina teser positiva till vinstutdelning för friskolor medan Miljöpartiet, Socialdemokraterna och Vänsterpartiet teser ställde sig negativ till vinstutdelning. Folkpartiet argumenterade för tidigare betyg. Socialdemokraterna drev tesen om att införa karriärtjänster för lärare vilket skulle leda till att lärarna snarare skulle komma längre från sitt uppdrag att undervisa. Frågorna kring skolan följde inte den traditionella höger- och vänsterskalan. Naess (1970) argumentations analys lämpade sig mindre väl för analys av partiernas valprogram än utfrågningarna och debattartiklarna då texterna i partiernas valprogram till sin karaktär sällan var argumenterande.
Abstract Aim The aim of the study was to analyze how the parties in the Swedish parliament debated the matter of the Swedish school prior to the 2014 election. The question for the survey was: • How did the parties debate school governance? • How did the parties debate grades and results? • How did the parties debate the question of independent schools? • How did the parties debate the role of teachers and the status of teacher profession? Method The empirical material consisted of 1) debating articles written by party leaders or school political spokesmen. 2) Swedish public service hearings with party leaders 3) party election programs. The method for analysis Arne Naess´ (1970) argumentative analysis described by Bergström och Boréus (2005) searching for thesis, pro- and contra arguments. The selection of the empirical material was made through hand picked selections. Naess´ argumentative analysis was less suited for analysing the parties ‘electoral programs than the hearings and articles, as the text, by their nature, rarely were argumentative. Results The study showed that the Moderate party argued for shared responsibility between the state and the municipalities. The Centre party, the Social democrats, the Swedish democrats, the Green party and the Liberal party argued for a nationalization. The Liberal party argued for grades starting from grade 6 at the same time as arguing for written reviews giving a more descriptive picture of the pupil. The Social democrats, The Centre party and the Liberal party used PISA surveys supporting their argument in the question of grades. The Christian democrats were in favour of independent schools. Similarly, the Centre party argued for continued legislation allowing share-out for owners of independent schools. The Social democrats and the Left party argued for banning share-outs. The Social democrats, the Liberal party, the Green party argued for strengthening teachers ‘role and status primarily by raising teacher´s and increasing the time spent teaching while decreasing administrative work. Conclusions The Social democrats, The Liberal party, the Swedish democrats, the Green party and the Left party wanted nationalize the Swedish school. The Christian democrats, the Liberal party and the Centre party were in favour of share-outs while the Social democrats, the Green party and the Left party opposed share-outs. The Liberal party argued for grading pupils at a lower age. The Social democrats argued for the introduction of career opportunities which would lead to teachers being becoming more separated from their teaching assignments. The question of the school could not be divided into left or right wing politics. Naess´ argumentative analysis was less suited for analysing the parties ‘electoral programs than the hearings and articles, as the text, by their nature, rarely were argumentative.

Ämneslärarprogrammet, Specialidrott

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Lindh, Maria, and Johan Wilsson. "DEN KVINNLIGA REPRESENTATIONEN I SVERIGES RIKSDAG -En studie om yttre faktorers eventuella påverkan på den kvinnliga representationens utveckling." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-85680.

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In January 1921, the Swedish government voted through a proposal that women should have the right to vote in general elections. The same year five women was given a place as a member of the parliament. Now almost 100 years later, around 46 percent of the parliament are women, but the way has been difficult. In this assignment the authors will be assessing the effects from support stockings, every other seat for a woman and women's organization through the Swedish parliamentary representation of women.The assignments analysis and empirical study are based on the equivalence between different time periods in between election years 1976 to 2018. During these election years the authors have selected a few, to analyze them and their political parties based on the women's representation. The research material is based on diagrams, parliament motions and budget from the parliament's website. This study has also used the theory of power, the gender power perspective and one gender system. The parliament motions where selected through the documents related to the women's representation and where selected through a randomization. The study found out that the support stockings, every other seat for a woman and women's organizations had some extent influence on the women's representation in the parliament of Sweden. An influence that you can see as a positive change for the future. Thanks to every other seat for a woman and the support stockings, the gender equality came up on the political agenda and have increased the women's representation since 1970s.

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Selnes, Agnes. "Offer eller förövare? : En kritisk diskursanalys om hur kvinnor och män beskrivs i förhållande till terrorism i Sveriges riksdag." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-186526.

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This thesis examines how women and men are portrayed in regards to terrorism by Swedish parliament officials through Norman Faircloughs threedimensional model in critical discourse analysis. The empirical material consists of political debates from the Swedish riksdag annd was analysed through specific themes based on the previous work of feminist academics within the field of terrorism studies. The theoretical framework in this essay concluded that while men are usually described as the perpetrators of terrorism women were drawn upon either as victims or forgotten in the events of terrorism. The theoretical framework also concluded that women who perform violent acts of terrorism are usually described based upon the societal expectations of them or characterized as biologically deviant. The themes obtained by the theoretical framework were used together with Fairclough’s model to scrutinize the debates in order to discover if the themes were present and what the implications of different portrayals might be. The primary findings suggests that actors within terrorism are usually discussed in a gender neutral matter. Secondly, terrorism was portrayed as a consequence of the patriarchal system and the violence of men. Women were likewise portrayed as victims in the sense of terrorism. The final point of research concluded that traditional gender norms were present in the Swedish parliament but that the theories of Sjoberg and Gentry were not.

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Södrén, Karl. "En valaffisch säger mer än tusen politiker : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av Sverigedemokraternas och Feministiskt Initiativs valaffischer i valet till Sveriges riksdag 2014." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Avdelningen för historie-, turism- och medievetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-113514.

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The purpose of this paper is to compare the content and political message in the election posters of the political parties Sverigedemokraterna and Feministiskt Initiativ. This is achieved through a qualitative content analysis combined with text and rhetorical analysis as well as semiotics. Out of all the election posters from Sverigedemokraterna and Feministiskt Initiativ with national spread, eight were analyzed. The conclusions of this analysis are that both political parties prefer posters with high text content with the main purpose of gathering votes, and that persons were used as motives with the objective to present the party representatives and strengthen their perceived ethos.

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Barbich, Sara. "Sverige och alliansen med Osmanska riket : En textanalys av riksdagsständernas intressen av en allians och deras värderingar gentemot turkarna under början av 1700-talet." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184563.

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Scherp, Joakim. "De ofrälse och makten : En institutionell studie av riksdagen och de ofrälse ståndens politik i maktdelningsfrågor 1660-1682." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-84027.

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In this thesis the constitutional policies of the three Commoner Estates (Priests, Burghers and Peasants) of the Swedish Riksdag between the years 1660 and 1682 is examined. While many previous historians have focused on the power-struggle between the Crown and the nobility, the Commoner Estates have been presumed to be staunch supporters of absolutism. I argue that the picture is far more complex. Case-studies of a number of political negotiations that concerned the distribution of political power show that the Commoners were flexible in their constitutional policies. When they sensed they were in a strong position, they were explicit in their demand for a say in political decisions. But when they were weak, they were deferential to the government. If there is one constant in their policies it is not blind reverence to royalties: the thesis show that they could sacrifice the interests of powerless members of the royal family in favour of security and defence of Protestant faith. In comparison, the Commoners were more eager to protect the rights of their own Estates and of the Riksdag as a whole. One important feature of Commoner politics was the willingness of Priests, Burghers and Peasants to co-operate, which sometimes made them quite influential. In the thesis the relations between the Estates are examined. I also have endeavoured to examine the political institutions, the rules that governed politics in the Riksdag during the period. It is observed that the institutional structures were quite complex and unclear, which gav an advantage to well-oriented Estates like the Priests and the Nobility in comparison with the Peasants. The Priests also was the best organized Estate of the Commoners. Other factors that favoured the clergy was that they were led by politically experienced bishops; that they had common privileges that all priests were interested in defending; and that they were strengthened and united by their religious ideology.

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Ström, Anni-Ruffina. "Civic Integration in Sweden through Problem Representations : Nationalism or Inclusiveness." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-195946.

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Since the 2018 elections Swedish political parties have been eager to enforce civic and language tests as prerequisite for citizenship. This turn in citizenship ideology is studied through problem representations which intend to solve the social segregation, alienation and the supposed poor language skills of immigrants residing in Sweden. By using Carol Bacchi’s approach to policy analysis, What’s the problem represented to be?, this thesis uncovers how the problem representations contain invisible for the naked eye instruments which appear to address the immigrants’ problems but in fact directly benefit the citizenship-holders.

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Johansen, Hanna. "The Swedish Parliamentary Debate on European Affairs – What Makes it to the Pages? : A quantitative content analysis of news media reporting from the Riksdag." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403137.

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The long-spun Brexit process has been named a symbol of an alleged disconnection between the European Union’s high-level decision-makers and its citizens. This thesis aims to contribute to the existing literature on the role of national parliaments in brining EU affairs closer to the citizens. More specifically, it turns attention to the Riksdag, and to how informative parliamentary debates on EU affairs are communicated to Swedish citizens. Earlier studies have provided valuable insights into how political opinions on EU affairs are presented in electoral manifestoes and behind closed doors in the Riksdag’s committees. By conducting a quantitative content analysis on Swedish news medias’ coverage of the Riksdag’s debate on EU-affairs over the last ten years, this study offers a first insight into how EU debates are conveyed to the wider Swedish audience. Drawing on previous research on national parliaments, the concept of opposition and theories from the field of political communication, three hypotheses are formulated. While the first hypothesis aims to test whether Swedish news media provide citizens a diverse set of positions from the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs, the second hypothesis seeks to illuminate which parliamentary actors that are most prominent in medias’ reporting from the Riksdag. Finally, the third hypothesis turns attention to the mode in which EU affairs are presented in news media. None of the hypotheses are unambiguously supported by evidence. The implications are that the media to some extent filter the parliamentary debate. A filter that at occasions may exclude diverging positions on EU affairs. Further, though governments are presented as the main actor in the majority of all analysed articles, the Riksdag is close behind. The result implies that the Riksdag is indeed competing with the government in being the main agenda setter in Swedish news media. Nevertheless, it also suggests that oftentimes, the Riksdag is referred to as one unit, without news media distinguishing the diverging positions within the institution. Finally, the finding from the third hypothesis suggests that the Riksdag is somewhat restricted when it comes to shaping the discourse surrounding EU affairs. In spite of the Riksdag’s increased focus on policy-aspects of EU affairs, the mediated image of the very same debate may still be presented as a concern of polity or procedure. Ultimately, despite not providing any clear support for the hypotheses, the somewhat filtered mediated image of the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs may carry implications for national parliaments’ ability to bring EU affairs closer to the citizens of the Union.

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Lagercrantz, Victor. "Ej välkommen utan papper… : En fallstudie för att studera den teoretiska utgångspunkten för Sveriges hantering av flyktingkrisen 2015." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-53106.

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The purpose with this essay is to examine the hypothesis that states during crisis acts more influences by realism than liberalism. The essay will focus on the ongoing refugee crisis in Sweden and mainly on the insertion of ID-controls and how politicians motivate there decision. The arguments will be analyzed if they are motivated by realism or liberalism. The arguments that are positive for an insertion of ID-controls are motived by realism and therefore support the hypothesis. The objections raised by the opposition are often motived by liberalism but even the opposition is arguing the realism is superior to the liberalism. When the question is raised in the Swedish parliament there are no party that refuse the law instead most of the politicians are positive to the law of ID-controls, in the debate there are a few objections but these are not against the law, just minor interpretations about the effects of this law, for example if the ID-controls should apply to children accompanied by their parents. After this studied the conclusion is that stats in crisis are often motived by realism

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Sjögren, Simon. "Riksdagsuppdragets oklara mandat : En studie av det svenska riksdagsuppdraget." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-80116.

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I den här masteruppsatsen frågar vi oss vilka faktorer som har betydelse för riksdagsmandatets representation. En stor del av den allmänna bilden är att svensk politik i huvudsak är nationellt partiorienterad och att basen för folkviljans förverkligande är åsiktsrepresentation. Tidigare forskning tycks också ge stöd åt detta antagande. Uppsatsen frågar sig om detta verkligen är fallet. I studien används en kvalitativ intervjumetod för att ta sig ann forskningsproblemet. För att närmare förstå frågan använder vi oss också av en bredd av respondenter som inkluderar inte enbart riksdagsledamöter utan även regionala partiföreträdare. Förhoppningen är att detta ska ge en tydligare bild av hur olika politiska företrädare förstår riksdagsuppdragets representation.Med hjälp av representationsteori som referens visar analysen att även den regionala nivån har betydelse för riksdagsuppdraget. Både riksdagsledamöter och regionala partiföreträdare öppnar upp för att, även om den nationella nivåns betydelse inte är oviktig behöver man också införliva den regionala nivån och erkänna den betydelse. Detta tar bland annat uttryck i att så länge den nationella partilinjen fortfarande formas finns en förväntan att riksdagsledamöter ska driva länsfrågor och detta är något som ledamöter även menar sig göra. Men när den gemensamma partilinjen har formats finns också en utbredd acceptans för att riksdagsledamöter måste hålla sig till denna.Här finns en grund för fortsatt diskussion och forskning om vad som är fundamentet för den parlamentariska representationen i Sverige. Vad folkviljan baseras på och hur denna representation förstås är en hörnsten i hur vi förstår svensk politik. Genom att öppna upp för att mer än en enskild faktor är av betydelse då man definierar riksdagsuppdraget är uppsatsens viktigaste bidrag följande; att enbart förstå och tolka riksdagsuppdraget in i den nationella partipolitikens ramar blir en alltför snäv förståelse. Istället behöver man väga in fler faktorer för att förstå hur folkviljan förverkligas och som denna uppsats visar är den regionala nivån ett viktigt exempel på detta.
In this master's thesis, we ask which factors are important for the understanding of the representation of the parliamentary mandate in Sweden. A large part of the general picture is that Swedish politics is mainly nationally party-oriented and that the basis for the realization of the will of the people is representation of opinion. Previous research also seems to support this assumption. The essay asks if this is really the case. The study uses a qualitative interview method to address the research problem. To better understand the issue, we also use a breadth of respondents that includes not only members of parliament (MPs) but also regional party representatives. The hope is that this will provide a clearer picture of how different political representatives understand the parliamentary representation.With the help of representation theory as a reference, the analysis shows that the regional level is also important for the representation of MPs. Both members of the Riksdag and regional party representatives are open to the fact that, although the importance of the national level is not unimportant, it is also necessary to incorporate the regional level and recognize its importance. This is expressed, among other things, in the fact that as long as the national party line is still being formed, there is an expectation that members of the Riksdag will pursue county issues, and this is something that MPs also claim’s to do. But when the central party line has been formed, there is also widespread acceptance that MPs must adhere to it.Here is a basis for further discussion and research on what is the foundation for parliamentary representation in Sweden. What the will of the people is based on and how this representation is understood is a cornerstone in how we understand Swedish politics. By opening to the fact that more than one individual factor is important when defining political representation, the thesis' most important contribution is the following; to only understand and interpret representation within the framework of national party politics becomes an overly narrow understanding. Instead, more factors need to be considered to understand how the will of the people is realized and as this essay shows, the regional level is an important example of this.

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Olsson, Gustav, and Manne Ölfvingsson. "Prediktion av svenska riksdagsval : En kvantitativ studie med bayesianska regressionsmodeller." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statistiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445089.

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Syftet med uppsatsen är att studera olika residualfördelningar i samband med skapande av modeller föratt predicera valresultat till Sveriges riksdag. Modellerna inkluderar olika typer av t-fördelningar,gammafördelningen samt normalfördelningen som används som referensmodell från en tidigare studie.Strukturella regressionsmodeller och opinionsundersökningar är viktiga hörnstenar för att besvarastudiens frågeställningar. Metoder kopplade till bayesiansk statistik används kontinuerligt genomstudien där dragningar från aposteriorifördelningen liksom den prediktiva fördelningen genereras medhjälp av Markov chain Monte Carlo. För att utvärdera de framtagna modellerna används RMSE,prediktionsintervall, PIT-värden samt ELPD, där särskild vikt läggs vid värdet på ELPD. Resultatetdemonstrerar att den trunkerade t-fördelningen samt den icke-centrerade t-fördelningen generellt gerbäst resultat. För vissa partier, såsom Vänsterpartiet, visar sig dock andra fördelningar vara bättrelämpade vilket kan bero på dessa partiers storlek. Vidare väljs modellerna med icke-centrerad t-fördelning samt trunkerad t-fördelning ut för enjämförelse med de två referensmodellerna vid prediktion för valet 2018. Modell 5 väljs ut som den bästlämpade modellen för valprediktion i en svensk kontext och den prediktiva fördelningen för respektiveparti och valår 2018 illustreras. Slutligen skattas och tolkas parametrarna β och υ för modellen.Resultatet visar att lämpligheten för olika fördelningar varierar mellan partierna, men att en t-fördelninggenerellt ger ett bättre resultat, vad gäller valprediktionens träffsäkerhet, än normalfördelningen.Resultatet blir bättre när det skapas en trunkerad t-fördelning vid 0 vilket stoppar möjligheten förnegativa dragningar av valresultat, något som normalfördelningen och t-fördelningen ej åstadkommer.

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Ericsson, Ellen, and Joanna Jarlén. "Sveriges mäktigaste kvinnor är fortfarande underordnade män : En kvalitativ studie om hur kvinnor i Sveriges riksdag upplever maktförhållanden inom politiken i relation till det globala delmålet 5.5." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Jönköping University, HLK, Globala studier, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49376.

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Jämställdhet är någonting som diskuteras flitigt i politiska debatter. Det blir bättre och bättre världen över men kvinnor ses fortfarande inte ha lika mycket inflytande över beslutsfattande processer som män. Maktpositionerna domineras än idag av män och Sverige är ett av de länder som ännu inte har haft en kvinnlig statsminister. Den här studien bygger på en kvalitativ forskningsmetod genom semistrukturerade intervjuer utförda med kvinnor i Sveriges riksdag. Studien identifierar vilka upplevelser kvinnor i Sveriges riksdag har gällande förväntningar på kvinnor, bemötande mot kvinnor samt deras möjligheter till höga positioner i politiken. Den ser också över hur de själva upplever sin maktposition samt hur makten är könad. Studien undersöks med de Globala Målen, närmare bestämt delmål 5.5, som grund. Tidigare forskning visar hur kvinnor har det betydligt svårare än män gällande att både ta sig in och stanna kvar i politiken samt uppnå ledarskapsroller. Ett intersektionellt perspektiv är i stort sett frånvarande i den tidigare forskningen, därför har den här studien ett fokus på det. Genom en analys utifrån de teoretiska utgångspunkterna homo- och heterosocialitet, glastak, intersektionalitet, ojämlikhetssystemet samt genussystemet identifieras problematik kring det motstånd kvinnor inom politiken möter samt den rådande könsmaktsordningen. Resultatet visar bland annat att kvinnor i riksdagen i stort begränsas inom politiken men att de trots detta ändå är de mäktigaste kvinnorna i Sverige. Studien bidrar till en ökad förståelse för olika maktförhållanden inom svensk politik samt ger en insyn i hur det egentligen kommer sig att Sverige ännu inte har haft en kvinnlig statsminister.
Gender equality is something that is frequently discussed in political debates. It’s getting better all over the world, but women are still not seen to have as much influence over decision-making processes as men. The positions of power are still dominated by men and Sweden is one of the countries that has not yet had a female prime minister. This study is based on a qualitative research method through semi-structured interviews conducted with women in the Swedish Parliament. The study identifies what experiences women in the Swedish Parliament have regarding expectations of women, treatment towards women and their opportunities to reach high positions in politics. It also focuses on how the women themselves perceive their position of power as well as how the power is gendered. The study is examined with The Sustainable Development Goals, more specifically sub-goal 5.5, as the basis. Previous research shows how women have a much harder time than men in terms of both entering and stay in politics and achieving leadership roles. An intersectional perspective is to a high degree absent in previous research, so this study has a specific focus on it. An analysis based on the theoretical principles of homo- and heterosociality, glass ceiling, intersectionality, the inequality system and the gender system identifies problems regarding the resistance women in politics encounter and the prevailing gender power system. The results show, among other things, that women in the Swedish Parliament are largely limited in politics, but that they are nevertheless the most powerful women in Sweden. The study contributes to an increased understanding of different power relations in Swedish politics and gives an insight into why Sweden has not yet had a female prime minister.

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Kihlström, Dan. "Grunden till värdegrunden : En textanalys av värdegrundsdebatten i Riksdagen 1993." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-7872.

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I början av 1990-talet debatterades värdegrundsbegreppet flitigt i Sverige. Orsaken var att den dåvarande borgerliga regeringen beslutade föreslå att den nya läroplanen för det offentliga skolväsendet skulle vila på demokratins grund och också innehålla en uttalad värdegrund. Syftet med denna studie är att ur ett idé- och ideologianalytiskt perspektiv beskriva hur värdegrundsbegreppet diskuterades i regering, riksdag och partier innan beslutet om en ny läroplan togs i Riksdagen 1993. Med hur menas vad de olika partierna fyllde begreppet med för innehåll. Forskningsfrågorna handlar således om att undersöka hur olika aktörer uppfattar innehållet och begreppet ”värdegrund” innan beslutet om den nya läroplanen antogs av Riksdagen. Min forskning i uppsatsen blir en begreppsutvecklande studie eftersom jag vill studera en existerande diskussion kring ett samhällsbegrepp. Som metod kommer jag att använda idé och ideologianalys. Med hjälp av detta verktyg kommer jag att söka reda på det som skrivits om begreppet, sortera de olika definitionerna för att vaska fram själva kärnan i begreppet respektive skillnader och sedan analysera hur partierna tolkar begreppen. Som material kommer läroplanspropositioner, motioner, utskottsbetänkande och riksdagsprotokoll från riksdagsdebatten att användas. I analysen framkommer att det finns en kärna av gemensam värdegrund och att den har en direkt koppling till portalparagraferna i grundlagen.
In the early 1990s the concept of values was frequently debated in Sweden. The reason was that the conservative government reigning at the time decided to propose that the new curriculum for the public school system would be founded on a democratic base and also include values. The purpose of this study is to from an idea and ideology analysis perspective try to describe how the concept of values was discussed in the government, parliament and political parties before the decision on a new curriculum in the Swedish Parliament in 1993. With “how” means what content the various parties filled the concept with. The research questions are therefore necessary in examining how different actors perceive the content and concept of "values" prior to the time when the decision on the new curriculum was adopted by the Swedish Parliament. My research in this paper is a concept development study because I want to study an existing discussion of a social concept. The method I will use is the idea and ideology analysis. Using this tool, I will figure out what has been written about the concept, sort out the various definitions in order to pick out the very essence of the concept and differences, and then analyze how the parties read the concepts. As for the materials are curriculum proposal, motions, parliamentary committee report and protocol from parliamentary debate to be used. The conclusion of the analysis is that there is a core of common values and that they are directly related to the Preamble of the Swedish Constitution.

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Holmström, Zenk Jesper. "Enade eller delade? Stad och land i Sveriges mellanstora kommuner : Vad säger riksdagsvalen 2006 till 2014? [An English version of this thesis is available. See the link in the right column]." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-153578.

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Sweden has a divided pattern in terms of voting patterns from region to region in terms of the urban/rural divide in the 2006-14 three-time election cycle. The country’s mid-sized municipalities outside of the three major metropolitan areas show a general likelihood to vote for the left-leaning red-green coalition than to vote for the centre-right “alliance” in the urban areas. On the contrary, the alliance had a general advantage on the countryside or in minor locations in said municipalities. Out of the 31 municipalities studied, regional variations are significant. Northern municipalities, while left-leaning in both demographic groups, saw a general trend of the red-green parties winning more relative votes outside of the urban centres. This went heavily against the rest of the country’s tendencies, while southern Sweden also saw many towns vote for the alliance over the red-greens, especially in 2010. The study confirmed that towns and rural areas are moving further apart, especially when considering the influence of the social conservative and nationalist Sweden Democrats on the rural areas. The Social Democratic party has instead become ever more dependent on urban voters during the eight years of opposition to the alliance between ’06 and ’14. The other main party of Sweden, namely the Moderates was slightly stronger in towns than rural areas in ’06, before shifting in a slightly more rural-dependent direction in the forthcoming elections. The scope of the study covered all eight parliamentary parties elected into the Swedish Riksdag in 2014. The findings did indicate tendencies for several of them in the electoral research being done around that election. Areas with lower trust in the political system, lower political personal interest, sense of direction of the country going in the wrong direction and low trust ratings for the European Union were linked with rural areas, where the Sweden Democrats gained strong support as an anti-establishment party. Interestingly, in spite of a larger number of the Swedish electorate self-identifying as to the right rather than to the left, the strong divide of right-leaning voters between the alliance parties and the Sweden Democrats contributed to a minority left-leaning government led by the Social Democrats being able to take office after the 2014 election. This study has helped identify and confirm regional and demographical differences between parties and has correlated well with previous findings.

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Johansson, Marianne. "En studie av synen på kvinnor och högre utbildning I samband med läroverksreformen 1927." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Educational Science (IUV), 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2356.

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Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka synen på kvinnors rätt till utbildning och kvinnans plats i samhället i samband med riksdagsdebatten om läroverksreformen 1927. Genom denna reform skulle det bli ytterliggare förbättringar, mer lika vilkor för båda könen i vår utbildningshistoria. Utvecklingen av denna reform ledde till att kvinnor skulle få tillträde till de statliga läroverken och därmed kunde avlägga en högre utbildningsexamen. Genom denna undersökning vill jag lyfta fram de olika åsikterna om kvinnors rätt till utbildning på politisk nivå under mellankrigstiden i Sverige, för att vi som blivande lärare ska få en förståelse för andra länders situation idag när det gäller utbildning för flickor och pojkar.

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Hillman, Emilia. "SUPPLIKER TILL RIDDERSKAPET OCH ADELN UNDER FRIHETSTIDEN." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-149796.

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The purpose of this paper is to chart the relationship between supplicants and the Knightship and the nobility (K.a.N) during the age of freedom and the identities created in these meetings. The result of this study is based on the parliamentary protocols of 1731, 1746-1757 and 1771-1772. To answer the purpose of this study, three questions have been constructed. First, who were the supplicants and the supplications? Supplicants came from all over Sweden and its provinces. It was mainly nobleman who spoke to K.a.N, but also women, farmers, bourgeois, craftsmen, theologians, academics, officials and cultural workers. The supplications, could be performed by a single supplicant or a larger group, both for personal reasons or for someone else's. The supplications could both, written down short and concise or long and nuanced. Service, economy, benefit, legal goals and permissions are the five different types of supplications that have been categorized. There is a change in the content of supplications over time, which was due to changes in external frameworks such as laws and taxes. Secondly, what strategies and identities were used by the supplicant to try to influence the outcome of the supplication? In total, sixteen different strategies and identities have been indetified. The legal right, Employment, Succession, For king and country, Suffering, Gods will, By the nature, Like so many before, Honors and status, Encouragement, Flattering, The family, Health and mind, Loss, Modesty, and Poverty. Thirdly, how did the K.a.N motivate their decisions? Of the total 182 supplications 147 were appeals. In 1731 a practice was developed where widows were granted half of the amount they sought. In total there were 12 supplications that did not get a decision or were left resting and nine supplications were rejected. The supplications that were rejected were mainly requests regarding succession and recommendations. It has shown that the supplication could create reproach for the K.a.N, partly by showing decisions later regarded as incorrect. Supplications about recommendations often raised discussions within the K.a.N and many advocated that they should not interfere with private matters. K.a.N did not treat the supplications with consistency - but with what was considered appropriate for the individual, even if it was against the law/practice. It was also found that the supplicant's identity was fortified by K.a.N or created, in order to justify approvals. The approval could be written even more nuanced and flattering by K.a.N than the supplication itself.

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Selander, Lisa. "En partiledardebatt på teckenspråk : Tolkars strategier för att leverera högkvalitativ tolkning." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Tolk- och översättarinstitutet, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196903.

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Riksdagen beskrivs ibland som Sveriges demokratiska och politiska hjärta. Alla medborgare ska kunna delta i den demokratiska diskussionen. Personer med hörselnedsättning och dövhet fick denna rättighet år 2000. Denna studie har undersökt teckenspråkstolkningen av en partiledardebatt i Sverigesriksdag. Fokus i studien har varit teckenspråkstolkars så kallade copingstrategier, dvs. språkliga och tolktekniska strategier i tolkningen som används för att säkerställa tolkningens kvalitet. Studien utgårfrån en kvalitativ, diskursanalytisk ansats. Materialet består av en tre timmar och 35 minuter lång filmad partiledardebatt samt en semistrukturerad intervju med en teckenspråkstolk med lång erfarenhet från tolkning i riksdagen. I materialet har sju olika copingstrategier identifierats: processtid, bokstavering, adekvata utelämningar, adekvata tillägg, samarbete med teamtolken, parafrasering och konstruerat agerande. Förhoppningen är att genom systematisk beskrivning och analys synliggöra teckenspråkstolkning som profession, och hur denna i sin tur bidrar till tillgänglighet och inkludering iden svenska demokratin.
Sometimes the Swedish Parliament is described as the heart of the Swedish democracy and politics. Every Swedish citizen has the right to participate in the political discussion. People with a disabled hearing and deaf people got this right in 2000. This essay has examined the sign language interpretation of a party leader debate in the Swedish Parliament. The main focus of this essay has been the sign language interpreters’ usage of coping strategies, in other words, techniques of interpretation and linguistic strategies, which secure the quality of the interpretation. The study is based on a discourse analytical perspective with a qualitative approach. The results are based on a three hours and 35 minutes lasting, video-recorded debate between the leaders of the different parties of the Swedish Parliament, and on a semi-structured interview with a sign language interpreter with a long experience as an interpreter in the Swedish Parliament. Seven different coping strategies could be identified and analyzed: lag time, spelling, adequate omissions, adequate additions, cooperation with the team interpreter, paraphrasing, constructed acting. Hopefully, this systematic description and analysis can help to spread some light on the profession of sign language interpretation, and how it contributes to accessibility and inclusion into the Swedish democracy.

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Emilia, Eriksson. "Planning for sea level rise in Sweden : A study regarding how the parliamentary parties relate to climate change adaptation of sea level rise." Thesis, KTH, Hållbar utveckling, miljövetenskap och teknik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-241695.

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The consequences due to sea level rise are many, and will affect the environment and societies all around the world. There is uncertainty about how much and how quickly the sea will rise. Despite the uncertainties, society must be adapted to a changing climate. The climate change adaptation work is relatively new in Sweden, and there are still uncertainties about how this work should be carried out, and by whom. This thesis examines to what degree the Swedish parliament parties’ view on how to plan and adapt to sea level rise differ. The study is based on interviews with representatives from a majority of the political parties in the Swedish parliament. The results show that the interviewed representatives all agree that climate change and sea level rise are important issues to work with. The result also shows that the different parties have managed to agree on what they want to achieve, but not how or when it is best to implement adaptation measures towards sea level rise and other climate change-related effects.
Konsekvenserna av havsnivåhöjningar är många och kommer att påverka miljön och samhällen över hela jorden. Det råder osäkerheter om hur mycket och hur snabbt haven kommer höjas. Trots osäkerheterna så måste samhället anpassas till ett förändrat klimat. Klimatanpassningsarbetet är relativt nytt i Sverige och det råder fortfarande oklarheter om hur detta ska genomföras och av vem. Uppsatsen undersöker i vilken utsträckning de svenska riksdagspartiernas åsikter angående planeringen och anpassningar till havsnivåhöjningen skiljer sig. Studien bygger på intervjuer med representanter från en majoritet av de politiska partierna i riksdagen. Resultaten visar på att de intervjuade representanterna alla håller med om att klimatanpassning är viktigt att arbeta med. Resultaten visar även på att de olika partierna har lyckats enas om vad man vill uppnå, men dock inte på vilket sätt man ska gå till väga eller när det är bäst att implementera åtgärder mot havsnivåhöjning och andra klimatförändringsrelaterade effekter.

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Hassel, Bodil, and Kristofer Persson. "Att angöra en lobby : En kvalitativ studie av riksdagsledamöters erfarenheter och attityder gentemot lobbying ur ett kommunikationsperspektiv." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-217311.

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Title: Lobbying in the Swedish parliament - a qualitative study about experiences and attitudes of lobbying among the members of the Swedish parliament, from a communication perspective. Author: Bodil Hassel and Kristofer Persson Tutor: Emma Svensson Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to study lobbying towards members of the Swedish parliament. We aim to study their point of view: what experiences and attitudes they have towards the phenomenon. Key questions to be answered are: What experiences and attitudes do the members of the Swedish parliamentary Committee on Environment and Agriculture have towards lobbying? What skills does a successful lobbyist possess, according to the members of the committee? How do the organizations Skogsindustrierna and Naturskyddsföreningen lobby? Method/Material: The material used in this study consists of interviews with nine respondents of the Committee on Environment and Agriculture in the Swedish parliament. Additionally, two informant interviews with the organizations Skogsindustrierna and Naturskyddsföreningen were made. The questions for the interviews were based on a theoretical framework based on policies of lobbying. Main results: The main results demonstrate that all members of the Committee on Environment and Agriculture have a positive attitude towards lobbying. The results further show that a professional lobbyist of choice by the members of parliament is a three-stage rocket consisting of 1) proper preparation, 2) the right way to make contact, and 3) maintenance of the relation. Number of pages: 62 Course: Media and Communication studies C University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University Period: Fall 2013

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McColl, Heidi. "Men in Power: The Significance of the Representation of Women in terms of Gender Equality in the National Legislatures of Sweden and Canada." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2726.

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The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters.

In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.

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Weding, Sara. "Vad förvaltningen bör sträva efter : -riksdagspartiernas uppfattningar om de värden som förknippas med förvaltningen." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1118.

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The values politicians relate with public administration are likely to affect the way that they want the public administration to be organised. The purpose of this study is therefore to examine which values Swedish parliamentary parties relate with public administration and more particularly how they emphasise these values.

The study is conducted as an analysis of theoretically relevant bills that the government party and the parliamentary parties have introduced to the Riksdag, and reports and statements of opinion from the parliamentary committees. The documents are from the Riksdag´s sessions from 2000/01 to 2005/06. After examining the documents the conclusion can be drawn that the value that is most emphasised during the period is legal security. This might mean that legal security will have more influence on the decisions taken about the organisation of Swedish public administration.

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Håkansson, Jakob. "En persona i frihetstidens politiska rum : Bonden i ridderskapet och adelns tankevärld i 1740-talets Sverige." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-253664.

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This essay is a contribution to the process of reconstructing the meaning of a concept that has been long forsaken and somewhat forgotten. It examines the way in which the Swedish nobility perceived the politically active peasantry during the 1740s as an expression of the prevailing political culture of the period. The aim of this study is thus to understand a bygone world of thought that once existed in a very turbulent political culture. I focus on the words formed and articulated in the halls and rooms of the Swedish estates by which the thoughts, opinions and power of the Swedish government came to the fore. In doing so it is possible to say something about how the nobility, in their relationship with the peasantry, constructed an object which represented their perception of the Swedish peasant and what this meant. In other words the persona that the nobility attributed the peasants. The new political culture of the Age of Liberty (1719–1772) allowed the peasants to enforce a political offensive that gave raise to new ways of expressing themselves, new ways of performing and new ways of positioning themselves in relation the other estates. This also meant a change in how the other estates perceived and acted in relation to the peasantry. The peasant persona was mainly characterized by negative traits and qualities. He was foolish, unqualified and naïve in his quest for increased political rights. However, he was also regarded as humble, benevolent and as a dedicated man. He was a Swedish citizen, just as the members of the nobility, and therefore he had an inherent value because of his love for his homeland. This made it possible for the nobility and peasantry to protect themselves against intruders, to strive forward and to live in harmony with each other.

Författaren har bytt namn till Jakob Starlander.

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Reinholdsson, Oskar. "Bro över mörka vatten : En diskursanalys av debatten i den svenska riksdagen rörande Turkiet." Thesis, Linköping University, Political Science, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-58736.

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Asso, Josef. "Sveriges positionsförflyttning i migrationspolitiken : En analys av Sveriges vändning i migrationspolitiken efter migrationskrisen 2015." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-82921.

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The aim of this study is to examine how the political change in the migration policy has changed since the migration crisis in 2015. The premise to analyse this change will be how four political parties in Sweden; the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, the Liberals and the Center Party, have expressed their political opinion about migration policy in two different parliamentary debates. The method for this study is a qualitative text analysis and with the help of this method, key concepts have been identified. Additionally, relevant information has been selected from the parliamentary debates and have been included in this study.The results of this study have been analysed by previous research and theories in order to reach a conclusion. The study concludes that the migration policy in Sweden has gone from being generous to being more coarse. Further, it is revealed that the Swedish Democrats entry to the Swedish Parliament was an external stimuli which probably was an underlying factor to the change in migration policy in Sweden.

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Fransson, Sara. "Blockpolitik i riksdagen : Har riksdagsledamöterna förvandlats till röstboskap?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-12608.

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This thesis aims at studying the development of the party cohesion and oligarchichaltendencies in the party groups of the Swedish national parliament, riksdagen, after theintroduction of two clear block coalitions during the years 2006-2010.The result of the cohesion during these years has been compared towards the years 1998-2006. The research method being used has been 18 semi structured interviews with member of the parliament during the examined years. The main findings show an increment of both the cohesion and the oligarchical tendencies after the block coalitions during the years 2006-2010. The result verified therefore also the two originally stated hypothesis.

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Nilsson, Stefan. "Rösterna i Riksdagen : Samstämmighet mellan parti och person." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Avdelningen för politiska och historiska studier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-13985.

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The Voices of Parliament Congruence between party and person The purpose of this study is to determine the congruence between the opinions of members of parliament and their respective party policies, in order to further determine the cause of poor voter-party congruence and whether or not the individualization of the parliament could affect the character of legislation. To do so, the study asks two primary research questions; - "Are the communicated party policies representative of the opinions of the members of parliament?" - "Is the discrepancy between party policies and the opinions of the members of parliament sufficient for the individualization of parliament to substantially affect the parliament's decisions?" The study answers these questions by comparing the average of self-described left-right stances of members of parliament with the average of voter-described left-right stances of party policies, using existing survey data and a constructed left-right dimension. The lower average is then subtracted from the higher average, creating a value of congruence that is then inserted into a constructed congruence dimension. The primary findings of the study suggest that there is substantial congruence between party policies and the opinions of the members of parliament, and that the discrepancy between them is unlikely to substantially affect the parliament's decisions.
Rösterna i Riksdagen Samstämmighet mellan parti och person Syftet med denna studie är att avgöra vilken grad av samstämmighet som kan återfinnas mellan åsikterna hos riksdagsledamöterna och deras respektive partilinjer, för att vidare avgöra orsaken till undermålig åsiktsrepresentativitet och huruvida riksdagens individualisering kan komma att påverka lagstiftningens utformning. För att göra detta ställs två primära forskningsfrågor; - "Är de kommunicerade partilinjerna representativa för vad partiernas respektive riksdagsledamöter tycker?" - "Är diskrepansen mellan partilinjernas och deras respektive riksdagsledamöters åsikter tillräcklig för att riksdagspolitikens individualisering skall kunna göra ett substantiellt avtryck på riksdagens beslut?" Studien besvarar dessa frågor genom att jämföra medelvärdet av riksdagsledamöternas självbeskrivna vänster-högerpositioner med medelvärdet av partilinjernas väljarbeskrivna vänster-högerpositioner, användande existerande enkätdata och en konstruerad vänster-högerdimension. Det lägre medelvärdet subtraheras sedan från det högre medelvärdet, vilket skapar ett samstämmighetsvärde som sedan inlemmas i en konstruerad samstämmighetsdimension. Studiens primära resultat antyder att samstämmigheten mellan riksdagsledamöterna och deras partilinjer är omfattande, och att det förefaller osannolikt att diskrepansen mellan dem skulle kunna substantiellt påverka riksdagens beslut.

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Eriksson, Ylwa, and Kristina Östlund. "Riksdagen och frågan om personlig integritet : en diskursanalys." Thesis, University of Gävle, Department of Caring Sciences and Sociology, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-607.

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Sammanfattning

Syftet med föreliggande uppsats var att ta reda på hur allians respektive opposition konstruerar och framställer resonemang om den personliga integriteten. I dessa resonemang gick det även att urskilja några övergripande perspektiv utifrån riksdagens protokoll. Protokollen som valdes ut begränsades till tidsperioden 1 januari, 2007- 31 januari, 2008. En diskursanalys har använts som metod för undersökningen där några av Jonathan Potters begrepp tillämpades för att se hur alliansen och oppositionen framförde sina argumentationer. Resultatet visade med hjälp av analysverktyget en likhet i sättet att argumentera om personlig integritet trots det faktum att de innehar olika ståndpunkter. De använde sig således av samma sorts tekniker. Vissa begrepp tenderade emellertid alliansen att använda mer än oppositionen och vice versa. De olika perspektiv som kunde urskiljas var yttre hot, trygghet för medborgarna och synen på människan. I resonemangen kunde även vaga, vida och rena omdefinitioner av ord och begrepp identifieras där avsikten var att mildra allvaret i dess betydelse för att vinna gillande för sina yrkanden.

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Heidari, Maneli. "Att kvotera eller inte kvotera : Debatten i riksdagen." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-120588.

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Abstract This study investigates how the eight swedish parliamentary parties arguments regarding gender quotas. The timeboundary is set between the years 2010-2014. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the swedish parliamentary parties argument for and against a legislation of gender quotas on corporate boards. Since women are underrepresented in corporate boards, a theory of feminism was appopirate. In order to perform this study the teory is based on the three main perspectives of feminism, liberal, radical and socialist feminism. This is presented through a analysis based on feminist ideas in the political parties argumentation within the labor force committee in the swedish parliament. The results presented a huge divide within the question of equality and how the political parties presented solutions in order to resolve the issue of underrepresentation of women in corporate boards. The political parties to the left point out that the main problem lies within patriarchy which correspond to more radical feminist thoughts. The political parties to the left pointed out liberal feminist ways resolving the issue of equality and legislation in corporate boards. Conclusions made from this study is that the majority of the swedish parliamentary parties mix arguments and ideas from all of the three feminist perspectives. All of the parties standpoints can be related to how they are placed in a right-left scale. Keywords: gender quota, corporate boards, sweden, feminism, liberal feminism, radical feminism, socialist feminism, parliamentary parties, political parties

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Willert, Fredrik. "Utbildningsnivå i riksdagen : utbildningsnivå hos riksdagens ledamöter 1971-2006." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1108.

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In the past decades the level of education of the Swedish population has steadily risen. This paper asks questions about the level of education level among members of the Swedish parliament, Riksdagen. The answers are found by studying biographic data over members of parliament between 1971 and 2006. In 1971 a new riksdag, enkammarriksdagen which consists of one “House”, was founded. Earlier, the Riksdag consisted of two “Houses”. Biographical data over all members of parliament from 1971 to 2006 are available the public and represents the source material to this study. This study shows that there is a significant change in the overall education level among members of parliament during this period. During this period the education system as well as the political system, especially the election system, has undergone significant changes. This study also shows that the education level in members of parliament differ from the education level of the rest of the population. It also reveals a possible tendency towards not finishing or graduating from higher education among members of parliament. However, this study can only present possible explanations to this fact and does not draw any general conclusions about the future of this tendency. One possible explanation suggests that the changes in the election system are linked to the education level development of the members of parliament.

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Thorell, Richard. "Sverigedemokraterna i riksdagen : Vilka konsekvenser får det för undervisningen?" Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-9275.

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The purpose of this study is to survey how the Sweden Democrats’ success in the latest election to the Swedish parliament has changed teaching in social science. The main question is: in what way has the success of the Sweden Democrats influenced social science teaching? This leads to following sub-questions: 1) how do the social science teachers define the Sweden Democrats, 2) how do teachers relate to the Sweden Democrats in the classroom, 3) has there been a change in students’ political opinions and 4) were there any discussions or proposals from the school administration which followed the parliamentary election of 2010? To answer these questions, interviews were made with four teachers. The main conclusion of this study is that the Sweden Democrats’ success led to a simplification of teaching because phenomena and opinions that were previously taboo nowadays are normalized and thus have its place in the classroom. This means that you can review and challenge the issues that were previously not discussed. Furthermore, teachers are allowed to define the Sweden Democrats, describe how they should relate to the party in their teaching and discuss the possible changes in students’ political views, all this in relation to the parliamentary election in 2010. Keywords: Sweden Democrats, didactic consequences, change, democracy, attitudes, social studies, students' political views.

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Laine, Anna. "Sexualbrottens kontext : Om sexualbrottens skapande och konstruering i riksdagen." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9471.

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När det sker förändringar på det samhälleliga planet, vad gäller normer och värderingar, måste även de lagar samhället följer utvecklas för att på så sätt bli tillämpbara i den nya samhällsordningen. Den svenska sexualbrottslagen är en lag som tydligt visar den utveckling som såväl det svenska samhället som rättsväsendet genomgått under de senaste seklerna. Lagen i sig påvisar hur normer och värderingar vad gäller kvinnans och mannens sexualitet över tid förändrats, samt hur det kvinnliga könet successivt integrerats i det svenska rättsväsendet som rättsligt subjekt. Då det är i den politiska arenan de svenska lagarna förnyas och omarbetas bygger således denna uppsats på de debatter vilka uppstår i riksdagen under en lagändringsprocess. Syftet med uppsatsen är att belysa hur sexualbrott konstrueras och rekonstrueras i riksdagsdebatter. Uppsatsen vilar på en syn om könets betydelse i samhället, då det är svårt när det talas om sexualbrott att inte ta hänsyn till dess påverkan och betydelse.

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50

Bengtsson, Anders, and Kalle Kronberg. "Att supa eller inte supa : Förbudsdebatten i riksdagen och dagspressen." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper, KV, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-15487.

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Denna studie jämför debatterna om ett svenskt rusdrycksförbud inför folkomröstningen 1922 mellan riksdagens båda kamrar och tre dagstidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet och Social-Demokraten. Valet av tidningar har gjorts med målet att få en ideologisk spridning, för en bättre jämförelse. Resultatet visar på flera olika typer av argument, och en viss skillnad, både mellan riksdagen och tidningarna, mellan riksdagens första och andra kammare, och mellan de olika tidningarna.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Riksdag'

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