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Journal articles on the topic 'Riksdag'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Grishin, I. "Prize without Victory, Victory without Prize." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2015): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-68-76.

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Traditional stability of the Swedish legislative and executive authorities functioning, manifested in the almost complete absence of parliamentary and governmental crises, was questioned by results of the general elections in September 2014. The Alliance of four center-right parties who ruled Sweden from 2006 to 2014 suffered a defeat having lost 32 of 173 mandates. Simultaneously, the informal coalition of three center-left parties that opposed to the Alliance in 2006-2014 increased its representation in the Riksdag from 156 to 159 deputies only. Thus, none of the two inter-party blocks has the absolute parliamentary majority (175) needed for the formation of the own government. At the same time, Sweden Democrats who first entered the Riksdag in 2010 have significantly increased their faction (from 20 to 49 deputies) and thereby strengthened their king maker position (holding the balance of power) in the new parliament. Yet this party is isolated and excluded from the cross-party interaction in the Riksdag because of its Islamofobia and anti-immigrant attitudes. The new government of minority (the Social Democrats and the Green Party) was approved by the Riksdag due to the negative parliamentarism principle which means that the government shall be deemed approved if it does not receive the absolute majority of votes against it. However, many subsequent government bills submitted to the Riksdag are likely to be rejected by the opposition parties of the Alliance with assistance of the Sweden Democrats. To avoid such situation, the government parties have to bargain with smaller center-right parties on particular issues and thus to form a required ad hoc parliamentary majority. After the last elections, the political establishment parties became much more dependent in their interaction on the Sweden Democrats' unpredictable behavior than before. All of these factors greatly complicate the Riksdag's and the government's work as well as sharply increase risks of governmental and parliamentary crises even to the extent of the government's resignation and pre-term elections. It is unusual for Sweden where such elections last took place in 1958.

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2

Wörlund, Ingemar. "The Election to the Swedish Riksdag 1988." Scandinavian Political Studies 12, no. 1 (October 1, 2007): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1989.tb00082.x.

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3

Anderson, Albin T., and Michael F. Metcalf. "The Riksdag: A History of the Swedish Parliament." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (June 1990): 845. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164380.

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4

Ferrara, Federico. "The election of the Swedish Riksdag, September 2002." Representation 39, no. 2 (September 2003): 146–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890308523385.

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5

박노호. "The Structure and Functioning Mechanism of the Swedish Riksdag." Journal of European Union Studies ll, no. 23 (August 2008): 137–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18109/jeus.2008..23.137.

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6

Lindh, Magnus, and Lee Miles. "Becoming Electronic Parliamentarians? ICT Usage in the Swedish Riksdag." Journal of Legislative Studies 13, no. 3 (September 2007): 422–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330701500896.

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7

Madeley, John T. S. "The 1998 Riksdag election: Hobson's choice and Sweden's voice." West European Politics 22, no. 1 (January 1999): 187–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389908425294.

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8

Jonsson Cornell, Anna. "The Swedish Riksdag as Scrutiniser of the Principle of Subsidiarity." European Constitutional Law Review 12, no. 2 (August 18, 2016): 294–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s157401961600016x.

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Early Warning Mechanism – Principle of Subsidiarity – Lisbon Treaty – Protocol No. 2 on Proportionality and Subsidiarity – A theoretical definition of the Principle of Subsidiarity – The scope of the Principle of Subsidiarity – Scrutiny of the respect for the principle of subsidiarity – The role of national parliaments in the EU legislative procedure – The Swedish Riksdag – national constitutional law – decentralised scrutiny – no selection mechanism – sectoral committees – reasoned opinions – the role of the Plenary – the Committee on the Constitution – method for scrutiny – the principle of proportionality – principle of conferral – legality – European Public Prosecutor’s Office – broad or narrow scrutiny – impact of the Early Warning Mechanism

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9

Wangnerud, Lena. "Testing the Politics of Presence: Women's Representation in the Swedish Riksdag." Scandinavian Political Studies 23, no. 1 (March 2000): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00031.

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10

Arter, David. "The Swedish Riksdag: The case of a strong policy‐influencing assembly." West European Politics 13, no. 3 (July 1990): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389008424810.

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11

Grishin, I. "Sweden is Increasingly Loosing its Peculiarity (On Elections of 2010)." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2011): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-3-46-56.

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The article analyses results of Swedish parliamentary elections in September 2010. The author regards them as another manifestation of the fact that Sweden is losing peculiarity of its social development model. This is a result of the end of an era of two-block party structure of the Riksdag (left and right centers) and of the domination of Social Democrats in the political life of the country. The new third political force – the party of Swedish Democrats which strongly opposes the other culture immigration – is detail regarded.

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12

Cranmer, Frank. "The Church of Sweden and the Unravelling of Establishment." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 5, no. 27 (July 2000): 417–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00004014.

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The Church of England and the Church of Sweden have been in communion with one another since the early 1920s and have much in common. Both maintain the historic episcopate, both place great emphasis on liturgy, and since the Reformation both have long been ‘by law established’—a process which began in Sweden when Gustavus Vasa took the throne in 1523 after the successful war of liberation against Denmark, was confirmed by the Riksdag of Västerås in 1544 and, after some vicissitudes, was finally settled by the Pact of Succession of 1604.

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13

UPTON, A. F. "The Riksdag of 1680 and the Establishment of Royal Absolutism in Sweden." English Historical Review CII, no. 403 (1987): 281–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cii.403.281.

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14

Brundin, Margareta. "Democracy Building Activities in the Swedish Riksdag: the role of a parliamentary library." IFLA Journal 31, no. 1 (March 2005): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0340035205052641.

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15

ПЕТРОСЯН, Ф. А. "POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF SUPPORTERS AND OPPONENTS OF NATO ACCESSION IN THE SWEDISH RIKSDAG." Political Science Issues, no. 11(75) (November 25, 2021): 3341–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35775/psi.2021.75.11.043.

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В статье рассматривается расклад сил в шведском Риксдаге по вопросу вступления Королевства в Организацию Североатлантического договора (НАТО), выявляется наиболее активная группа депутатского корпуса – сторонников или противников НАТО. Этот вопрос весьма актуален для российского внешнеполитического курса и российских национальных интересов. Для получения более точного ответа на него в работе используется смешанная методология, с применением качественных и количественных методов при анализе медийной активности политических партий, представленных в Риксдаге Швеции, а также изменение электоральных предпочтений в 2015-2020 гг. Была выявлена более высокая активность парламентских партий, выражающих готовность вступления страны в НАТО, в сравнении с партиями – противниками членства Швеции в альянсе, что свидетельствует в пользу больших медийных возможностей у сторонников вступления Швеции в НАТО для изменения существующего статуса государства.

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16

Pulma, Panu. "The Riksdag, the state bureaucracy and the administration of hospitals in eighteenth‐century Sweden." Scandinavian Journal of History 10, no. 2 (June 1985): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759508579059.

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17

Madeley, John T. S. "‘The Swedish model is dead! Long live the Swedish model!’ The 2002 Riksdag election." West European Politics 26, no. 2 (April 2003): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380512331341161.

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18

Arter, David. "Change in the Swedish Riksdag: From a ‘part‐time parliament’ to a professionalized assembly?" Journal of Legislative Studies 6, no. 3 (September 2000): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330008420633.

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19

Domeradzka, Magdalena. "Politisering av feminism. Jämställdhetsfrågor i Aftonbladets partiledardebatt inför riksdagsvalet 2014." Folia Scandinavica Posnaniensia 21, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 4–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fsp-2016-0045.

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Abstract This paper investigates a part of the party leaders’ webb-tv debate staged by the Swedish tabloid Aftonbladet on the 1st of September as a part of the election campaign before the elections to the Riksdag, county councils and municipal assemblies that took place on the 14 September 2014. The debate investigated in this paper deals with gender equality questions. The overall aim of this study is to examine what topics the politicians choose to discuss during the debate and what line of argumentation they use. The method used was ideological discourse analysis coupled with classical rhetoric and eristic. The results of the argumentation analysis are set in a broader framework of gender studies and the Swedish political landscape

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20

Tung, Ko-Chih R. "Voting Rights for Alien Residents — Who Wants It?" International Migration Review 19, no. 3 (September 1985): 451–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838501900304.

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Foreign nationals permanently domiciled in Sweden have been entitled since 1975 to vote and to be elected to municipal and county council elections. The question now is whether Sweden should go one step further by enabling foreign nationals to vote and stand for election in Riksdag (Parliamentary) elections as well. This article examines some of the major issues associated with international migration and disenfranchisement of migrants created by a contradiction between economic and political rationale. It presents the actual trends in the exercise of the voting rights by the franchised immigrants since 1976. It examines the attitude of the host population toward this unusual reform, entailing sharing of political power with aliens and the position of the immigrants and the natives toward an even more radical proposal to extend political rights to include even the national parliamentary election.

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21

Arter, D. "From 'Parliamentary Control' to 'Accountable Government'? The Role of Public Committee Hearings in the Swedish Riksdag." Parliamentary Affairs 61, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsm058.

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22

Loxbo, Karl, and Mats Sjölin. "Parliamentary Opposition on the Wane? The Case of Sweden, 1970–2014." Government and Opposition 52, no. 4 (February 4, 2016): 587–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.39.

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While it is commonly assumed that parliamentary opposition is on the wane in Western democracies, we argue that evidence supporting this established proposition is lacking. Therefore, drawing on unique data from the Swedish parliament (the Riksdag), between 1970 and 2014, this article breaks new ground by systematically testing the ‘waning-of-opposition thesis’. First, we explore patterns of cross-partisan cooperation by gauging the extent to which governments seek to accommodate the position of the opposition. Second, we study the degree of partisan conflict over time by mapping the degree to which the opposition politicizes and rejects government policies. Our findings directly contradict the waning-of-opposition thesis. In contrast to theoretical expectations, including the influential ‘cartel-party thesis’, the article finds that partisan struggles in general have intensified significantly over time. Therefore, the article casts significant doubt over the influential idea that parliamentary opposition is waning.

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23

Ilie, Cornelia. "Strategic uses of parliamentary forms of address: The case of the U.K. Parliament and the Swedish Riksdag." Journal of Pragmatics 42, no. 4 (April 2010): 885–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2009.08.017.

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24

Öhberg, Patrik, and Lena Wängnerud. "Testing the Impact of Political Generations: The Class of 94 and Pro-feminist Ideas in the Swedish Riksdag." Scandinavian Political Studies 37, no. 1 (November 11, 2013): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12014.

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25

Plevako, Natalia. "ELECTION OF THE NEW PRIME MINISTER OF SWEDEN." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 132–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62021132138.

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The article examines the situation in Sweden around the election of a new Prime minister of the country. Describing it as a political crisis, the author points to the causes that gave rise to it, the course of the crisis itself and the interim results. The reasons are seen in the self-destruction of the former two-block party-political mechanism, which turned out to be unable to find adequate answers to new challenges, the appearance of which is predetermined by both internal political processes and global events and phenomena. The restructuring of this mechanism proceeds in complex contradictory forms, which was shown by the election of the chief executive. The weakening of the old traditional rivals in the struggle for power, which also affects their internal unity, is accompanied by the activation of forces on the extreme flanks, especially the right part of it, where nationalists are strengthening from year to year. The election of a new leader of the SAP as the new prime minister with the changed, and probably not for the last time, configuration of political forces has become a fragile compromise, for which the Social Democrats will have to pay dearly – they will have to fulfill the budget of the right-wing parties. There was a temporary reconnaissance before the new battles, the main of which will be the election of a new composition of the Riksdag in 2022.

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26

Grishin, I. "Sweden’s Parliamentary Deadlock: a Solution is Found?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-65-70.

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This publication is a kind of afterword to the previous article by the same author, printed in MEMO Journal, 2015, no. 2. The article was received by the editorial board in October 2014.The afterword was caused by extraordinary events in the Swedish politics in December 2014. In the Riksdag in early December, the government lost a vote on the budget, due to the Swedish Democrats voting in favour of the centre-right opposition proposal. In return, the government announced snap elections for March 22nd, 2015, which officially were supposed to be confirmed on 29th December. The most likely outcome of these elections would have been a recurrence of the main result of the September elections, that is, the position of the Swedish Democrats as kingmaker. To avoid dependence on the Swedish Democrats, on December 27th, the government parties and the centre-right opposition signed an agreement that made it possible for a minority government to get its own budget approved. Thus, the agreement brought the country out of parliamentary deadlock and enabled her to regain control, but deprived the Swedish Democrats of the effectiveness of voting and by that ignored the will of their electorate. In Sweden, the agreement was given the opposite evaluations. Despite being tactically effective, the agreement has not solved the problem of the Swedish Democrats and especially anti-immigration sentiments in the society that the party reflects. The deal of the government and the centre-right opposition is a political-technological solution to this problem, whereas there needs to be found a political one. A dialogue between the parties of the establishment with the Swedish Democrats is needed, leading to some compromise. Probably, for the first time since the 1930's, the Swedish establishment has begun to lose its appreciation of the necessity for political compromise. However, some signs of understanding the necessity of reforming immigration policy are already visible; this is evidenced by the statements of a number of establishment politicians.

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27

Шилов, Евгений. "Review of: The Reformation in Sweden: events, figures, documents. Moscow; St. Petersburg: Center for Humanitarian Initiatives, 2017. 384 p. (MEDIAEVALIA). ISBN 978-5-98712-770-4." Библия и христианская древность, no. 2(10) (July 10, 2021): 320–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/bca.2021.10.2.012.

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Андрей Джолинардович Щеглов - ведущий научный сотрудник Института всемирной истории РАН, историк-скандинавист, известный научными работами и переводами со шведского языка. Автор более сотни научных публикаций, иностранный член Шведского королевского общества по изданию рукописей, относящихся к скандинавской истории, переводчик классической шведской и финляндской поэзии (Карин Бойе, Гуннара Экелёфа, Юхана Людвига Рунберга). В 2002 г. им был опубликован в серии «Памятники исторической мысли» комментированный перевод рифмованной «Хроники Энгельбректа»1. В 2007 г. он явился одним из авторов коллективной монографии «Швеция и шведы в средневековых источниках»2, содержащей переводы и исследования памятников шведского средневековья и XVI в. В 2008 г. вышла в свет монография А. Д. Щеглова «Вестеросский риксдаг 1527 года и начало Реформации в Швеции»3. В 2012 г. был опубликован подготовленный А. Д. Щегловым комментированный перевод «Шведской хроники», написанной в XVI в. реформатором и историком Олаусом Петри4, а в 2016 г. вышли в свет переведённые и откомментированные «Шведские средневековые законы»5. В 2015 г. А. Д. Щеглов защитил докторскую диссертацию, на основе которой и была создана монография «Реформация в Швеции: события, деятели, документы». Andrey Jolinardovich Scheglov is a leading researcher at the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, a Scandinavian historian known for his scholarly work and translations from Swedish. He is the author of more than a hundred scientific publications, a foreign member of the Swedish Royal Society for the publication of manuscripts relating to Scandinavian history, translator of classical Swedish and Finnish poetry (Karin Boye, Gunnar Ekelöf, Johan Ludvig Runberg). In 2002 he published a commentary translation of Engelbreckt's 1 Rhyming Chronicle in the 'Monuments of Historical Thought' series. In 2007 he became one of the authors of the collective monograph "Sweden and the Swedes in medieval sources, "2 containing translations and research monuments of the Swedish Middle Ages and the XVI century. In 2008, he published a monograph by AD Scheglov "Riksdag of Västerås in 1527 and the beginning of the Reformation in Sweden "3 . In 2012 A. D. Shcheglov published a commentary translation of the Swedish Chronicle written in the 16th century by the reformer and historian Olaus Petri4, and in 2016 the translated and commented Swedish Medieval Laws5 was published. In 2015. The Reformation in Sweden: Events, Actors, Documents.

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28

Tarkiainen, Kari. "Tallinna ja Harju-Viru rüütelkonna alistumine Rootsile 1561: vormid ja põhjused [Abstract: The capitulation of the town of Tallinn and the Harju-Viru knighthood to Sweden in 1561: forms and causes]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 1 (May 3, 2017): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2017.1.02.

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The subjugation of Northern Estonia to Swedish rule in 1561 is described in all general presentations of history, yet by and large, the course of events has not been traced in newer research. This period of history is very remarkable in three aspects. First of all, it was important for Sweden’s political history because over the course of the subsequent hundred years, Sweden became a major power in the Baltic Sea region, in reference to which the expression dominium maris Baltici is used. Secondly, the events of 1561–62 were of local importance because they led to the demise of the State of the Livonian Order in Livonia, which also meant the end of the Middle Ages in that region. The third viewpoint concerning the effect of these events to constitutional law is perhaps even more important. They started the transformation of previously unitary Sweden into a European conglomerate state where in addition to the motherland, there were other distinctive parts with different rights, so called provinces. Only a part of this chain of events will be examined in this study, namely the visit of the Swedish envoys Klas Kristersson Horn, Hans Larsson Björnram and Herman Bruser to Tallinn from March to June of 1561 and the events following this visit after the coronation of the king in Stockholm towards the end of the summer. There is abundant source material related to the deliberations (correspondence, presentations, documents verifying privileges, descriptions of oral conversations) and part of it has been published, but there are many loose ends in this material, first and foremost in regard to questions related to constitutional issues. A completely new picture of the history of the birth of Sweden as a great power emerges as a result of the careful reading of the sources. Unlike later developments, to a great extent the initiative came from Tallinners themselves. Their vision was affected both by the fear of Russia and by the wish to use the opportunities offered by trade with the east. Complete concord prevailed in these matters between the Tallinners and Sweden’s young king Erik XIV. The Harju-Viru knighthood and the nobility of Järvamaa followed the example of Tallinn’s senior magistrates and town council. The vote with acclamation that took place in Tallinn, where the participants chose “with hand and mouth” the king of Sweden as their ruler, was of central importance. This was followed by detailed consultations, where Horn, Björnram and Bruser in accordance with their authorisation agreed to the existing privileges of the corporations. Two separate “acts of recognition” (Huldigung) took place in Tallinn on 4 and 6 June 1951, the content of which was typical in the case of the declaration of the sovereign as ruler. The central elements of these ceremonies were the oath of allegiance and the affirmation of the ruler, ecclesiastical ceremonies and various kinds of expressions of joy. After this, a delegation from the knighthood and the city travelled to Sweden, but they were late (perhaps for diplomatic reasons) for the king’s coronation celebrations held in Uppsala in June of 1561. In this way they did not have to take the oath of allegiance the same way as the Swedes. The final phase of the events took place in audiences with Erik XIV in Stockholm as well as its surrounding area. The promises and the written oaths taken in Tallinn were reviewed on the basis of Sweden’s legal expertise and even though the Swedes were not always satisfied with them, the king affirmed them all the same. He was emphatically benevolent and even approved the privileges presented by the delegations without reading them, asking only whether there was not anything in them contrary to natural law. Thus the privileges of both the knighthood and the city were approved in Norrköping on 2 August 1561. The Riksradet (Council of the Realm) did not participate in making the final decisions and the king also did not request any recommendation from the Riksdag (Sweden’s parliament). Instead, he relied on the permit that Riksdag had already granted to Gustav Vasa in the summer of 1560 “to set foot in Livonia”. The reason as seen from Sweden for incorporating Tallinn and its surrounding region was undoubtedly primarily mercantile. Several features of the policy of Erik XIV, and the selection of envoys (Horn and Björnram) from among persons who knew Russian trade the best, are indicative of this. Yet other reasons also had their effect, for instance state security and the ruler’s ambition and vanity. On the whole, Sweden’s path to becoming a great power can be explained on the basis of the complexity theory and especially the path dependence featured in this theory, where decision-making is limited to the path that has previously been selected. The distinctive feature of the events that took place in Tallinn was the fact that they had the strong support of the city’s inhabitants and that very little military force was used, while on the other hand money was spent liberally to pay for both bribes and awards.

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29

Volkov, A., A. Gutnick, Y. Kvashnin, V. Olenchenko, and A. Shchedrin. "Experience of Overcoming of Crisis Phenomena in Some EU Countries." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2015): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-3-35-47.

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The article analyses the most recent experience of anti-recessionary policies in several EU member nations, such as UK, Nordic countries (especially Sweden), Ireland, Baltic countries and Greece. As for Great Britain, its government implemented traditional package of anti-crisis measures aimed at support of national financial system and stimulation of economic growth. By 2010 the nation reached relative economic stability and then proceeded into a slow recovery. Still, the crisis highlighted serious risks of ongoing financialization and de-industrialization in the UK. So, the government began to develop a long-term program of modernization and structural reshaping of national economy. Nordic countries also actively used Keynesian-type anti-crisis measures. The most interesting is Swedish case. The nation passed the global financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009 smoother than other EU members due to deep institutional reforms undertaken after the acute crisis of 1991-1993. Then Sweden experienced a deep fall of GDP combined with a crisis of local banks, surge of interest rates and unemployment level, weakening of national currency. This pushed Riksbank to introduce strict measures for limiting the inflation rate, Riksdag – caps for state budget expenditure. State sector of national economy was substantially decreased. These measures proved to have long-term positive implications. In contrast, Ireland that enjoyed an impressive economic growth before 2008 was badly prepared to external shocks. The Irish government’s reactions to financial and economic turmoil were rather spontaneous. The main task was to stabilize the local financial system that suffered from excessive dependency on foreign markets. Only by 2014 Ireland showed signs of economic recovery. Similarly, Baltic countries found themselves to be ill prepared for functioning under economic crisis conditions. Neither national governments nor EU Commission succeeded to propose efficient anti-crisis actions. As a result, population of Baltic nations most heavily suffered from the crisis. In Greece crisis made inevitable substantial revision of national social and economic model, as well as the political parties’ system. Under strong pressures from the EU Greece at last started to implement long-needed reforms in such spheres as budget planning, labor legislation, social insurance, healthcare and education. Acknowledgments. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Humanitarian Scientific Foundation. Project № 14-07-00047a “European Union as a Testing Site of New Anti-Crisis Technologies under Conditions of Globalization”.

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30

Frumuselu, Mihai Daniel, and Cornelia Ilie. "Erratum to “Strategic uses of parliamentary forms of address: The case of the U.K. Parliament and the Swedish Riksdag” [J. Pragmatics 42 (2010) 885–911] and “Pseudo-parliamentary discourse in a Communist dictatorship: Dissenter Parvulescu vs. dictator Ceausescu” [J. Pragmatics 42 (2010) 924–942]." Journal of Pragmatics 42, no. 8 (August 2010): 2347. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2010.03.004.

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31

Kanckos, Lise. "Surrogatarrangemang, moderskap och nationalitet. Finlands riksdags debatter om legaliseringen av surrogatarrangemang." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 40, no. 113 (June 20, 2012): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v40i113.15718.

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Surrogacy, motherhood and nationality | Surrogacy arrangements were allowed in Finland, and were practiced to a small extent at four clinics, before the Act on Assisted Reproduction took effect on 1 September 2007. The political debate on surrogacy was at times lively during the preparations of the law. This article is based on a rhetoric and discourse analysis of discussions on surrogacy, maternity and nationality in the Finnish parliamentary debates concerning the legalisation of surrogacy. The material consists of three debates in 2002, 2006 and 2007, newspaper articles, a medical article and the website of a discussion forum. Surrogacy arrangements in Finland were often constructed in these debates as safe and controlled, and the Finnish surrogate was described as altruistic, while surrogates in other countries were constructed as rented wombs. These political discourses on surrogacy are also discussed in relation to a wider context of cross-border reproductive care and consumption.

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Damgaard, Erik. "Anders Sannerstedt, Förhandlingar i riksdagen. Lund: Lund University Press, 1992, 277 s.; Mats Sjölin, Coalition Politics and Parliamentary Power> Lund: Lund University Press, 1993, 230 s." Politica 25, no. 4 (January 1, 1993): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v25i4.67770.

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Damgaard, Erik. "Anders Sannerstedt, Riksdagen och lagstiftningen, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 1989, 79 s." Politica 22, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v22i1.69293.

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Gupta, Animesh, and Shubhankar Adhikari. "Cardiovascular disease risk factors among auto rickshaw drivers of Mangaluru." International Journal Of Community Medicine And Public Health 5, no. 11 (October 25, 2018): 4937. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2394-6040.ijcmph20184600.

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Background: Cardiovascular diseases are considered as one of the leading causes of death in developed countries as well as in developing country. Auto rikshaw drivers are at more risk of developing cardiovascular disease because of harmful lifestyle like irregular eating habits, addictions, insufficient sleep, stressful occupational conditions and sedentary lifestyle.Methods: Cross sectional descriptive study was conducted among auto rickshaw drivers working in Mangaluru. Data was collected regarding risk factors and general physical examination, anthropometric examination, systemic examination was done. Laboratory investigation was done for diabetes and dyslipidemia.Results: The mean age of study participants was 42.75±10.26. The prevalence of physical inactivity, hypertension and diabetes were 70%, 29.6% and 14.2% respectively.Conclusions: Physical inactivity, obesity, tobacco consumption and dyslipidemia were the major risk factors for cardiovascular disease.

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Damgaard, Erik. "Ingvar Mattson, Forhandlingsparlamentarism. En jämförande studie av riksdagen och folketinget, Lund: Lund University Press, 1996, 266 s." Politica 28, no. 4 (January 1, 1996): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v28i4.68092.

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Bersbo, Zara. "Kvinnors deltidsarbete – en fråga om rättighet eller tvång? Debatten om gifta kvinnors deltidsarbete i den svenska riksdagen 1942." HumaNetten, no. 18 (November 27, 2015): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15626/hn.20061802.

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Yuliyatni, Putu Cintya Denny, and Komang Ayu Kartika Sari. "Pendukung Waktu Kunjungan Dini Wanita Pekerja Seks ke Klinik Infeksi Menular Seksual di Denpasar." Media Kesehatan Masyarakat Indonesia 16, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 400–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.30597/mkmi.v16i3.9591.

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Wanita Pekerja Seks (WPS) direkomendasikan untuk melakukan peme-riksaan Infeksi Menular Seksual (IMS) secara rutin karena merupakan kelompok berisiko. Survei Terpadu Biologis dan Perilaku Indonesia menunjukkan masih rendahnya kunjungan kembali WPS ke layanan IMS dalam 3 bulan terakhir. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui deter-minan waktu kunjungan WPS untuk datang lebih awal ke klinik IMS. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian cross sectional analitik pada 102 sampel WPS yang diambil secara konsekutif. Analisis data menggunakan uji chi square dan multipel regresi logistik. Hasil yang diperoleh bahwa dari keseluruhan sampel, sebagian besar (69,6%) merupakan WPS langsung, pendidikan menengah (56,9%) dan tidak memiliki asuransi kesehatan (72,5%). WPS yang memeriksakan diri kembali dalam 3 bulan hanya 23,5%. Hasil analisis multivariat menunjukkan WPS langsung (aOR=9,11; IK95%=1,835-45,283), yang jarang/tidak pernah menggunakan kondom dengan pelanggan (aOR=4,69; IK95%=1,631-13,535) dan yang memiliki asuransi (aOR=3,18; IK95%=1,017-9,940) datang ke layanan IMS lebih awal dibanding kelompok lainnya. Masih rendahnya kedatangan kembali WPS dan faktor determinannya perlu menjadi perhatian. Strategi penjang-kauan oleh petugas lapangan berdasarkan jenis WPS dan materi penjang-kauan perlu disesuaikan guna meningkatkan kedatangan kembali WPS ke layanan IMS.

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Utami, Lita. "Kemampuan Menulis Aksara Sunda Siswa SMA/SMK se-Jawa Barat dalam Lomba Riksa Budaya Sunda 2018." LOKABASA 10, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/jlb.v10i1.16940.

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This research was aimed at describing students’ ability in writing Sundanese script i.e. consonant, conjunction, vocal, or numbers. This research employed a descriptive method, by using tests and documentation as its technique. The source of this research was 68 Sundanese script texts taken from the result of writing Sundanese script competition for vocational and senior high school students of west java. The result of this research revealed that: first, 99.31%. of the students are able to write consonants. Though, there are 165 mistakes done by students in writing Ja consonant letters. Second, 98.36% of the students are able to write ‘rarangken’, but still, there are 246 mistakes done by students in writing pamaéh ‘rarangken’ letters. Third, 98.08% of the students are able to write vocal. However, there are 39 mistakes done by students in writing “é” vocal letters. Fourth, 91.1%. of the students are able to write numbers, while 127 mistakes of writing the absolute symbol (| |) were still found. The research result revealed that the students of west java vocational and senior high school who are able in writing Sundanese script in Riksa Budaya Sunda 2018 were 63.22% or 43 students out of 68 contestant students.AbstrakTujuan penelitian ini yaitu untuk mendeskripsikan kemampuan menulis aksara Sunda siswa baik dalam huruf konsonan, ‘rarangken’, vokal, atau angka. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu metode deskriptif, dengan menggunakan tekhnik tes dan dokumentasi. Sumber data penelitian ini yaitu teks hasil lomba menulis aksara Sunda siswa SMA/SMK setara se-Jawa Barat, dengan jumlah 68 teks aksara Sunda. Hasil penelitian ini yaitu pertama, kemampuan siswa dalam menulis huruf konsonan dapat dikatakan mampu, dengan persentase 99.31%. Terdapat 165 kesalahan yang dilakukan oleh siswa. Dengan kesalahan konsonan terdapat dalam huruf ja. Kedua, kemampuan siswa dalam menulis ‘rarangken’ dapat dikatakan mampu, dengan persentase 98.36%. Terdapat 246 kesalahan yang dilakukan siswa. Dengan kesalahan terdapat dalam pamaéh. Ketiga, kemampuan siswa dalam menulis vokal dapat dikatakan mampu, dengan persentase 98.08%, dengan jumlah kesalahan 39. Dengan kesalahan vokal terdapat dalam vokal “é”. Keempat, kemampuan siswa dalam menulis angka dapat dikatakan mampu, dengan persentase 91.1%. Jumlah kesalahan 127. Dengan kesalahan angka dalam tanda mutlak (| |). Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, disimpulkan bahwa kemampuan menulis aksara Sunda siswa dapat dikatakan mampu menulis aksara Sunda dengan benar, dengan persentase 63.22%, atau 43 siswa dari 68 siswa yang mengikuti lomba.

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Frilund, Gunn E., Jarl Koksvik, Anton Rikstad, and Hans M. Berger. "Cottus gobio (Linnaeus, 1758), a new fish-species in Nord-Trøndelag County, Norway." Fauna norvegica 29 (January 26, 2010): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/fn.v29i0.612.

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<p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Frilund GE, Koksvik J, Rikstad A and Berger HM. 20092009. Cottus gobio (Linnaeus, 1758), a new fish-species in Nord-Trøndelag County, Norway. Fauna Norvegica 29: 55-60.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: small; font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: small; font-family: Times New Roman;">Cottus gobio, a freshwater sculpin, was discovered by electrical fishing in rivers draining to Murusjøen in Lierne, Nord-Trøndelag County in the middle of Norway. Until now, this sculpin has only been found in a few river systems in the south-eastern and north-eastern parts of Norway. Species specific characters (glands and fins) were used to distinguish C. gobio from the close relative C. poecilopus. The sculpin dominated the catches in all the investigated rivers. In August 2008 in the River Fiskløysa, a total of 194 specimens were collected. Their length varied from 37 mm to 105 mm, indicating the presence of both juvenile (age 0) and adult individuals. In September 2008, qualitative sampling was conducted in another part of Fiskløysa and in the rivers Kveelva and Murubekken. In River Fiskløysa, the species was not registered above a presumably impassable waterfall about 1.6 km from Lake Murusjøen. In River Kveelva sculpins were caught below a nine meters moderate waterfall, close to the outlet of Lake Kvesjøen, but no sculpins were registered above the waterfall. This indicates that the waterfall is a possible barrier for further upstream dispersal into Lake Kvesjøen. Sculpins were also registered in River Murubekken.The paper discusses possibilities for C. gobio being spread naturally or artificially into the river systems in Lierne. It is predicted that the dispersal most likely has been natural from populations in Sweden, as there are no distinct barriers preventing the sculpin from spreading westwards. The time-period of the dispersal, however, is still unknown, and the sculpin may still be expanding its home range in these water systems.</span></p><p> </p>

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Afsar, Atahan, and Jorgen W. Weibull. "Political Power in the Swedish Riksdag." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3972085.

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Collinge, James. "Education in Sweden: Some Recent Developments in Comparison with New Zealand Education in 1992." New Zealand Annual Review of Education, no. 2 (October 25, 1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/nzaroe.v0i2.863.

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In December 1990 the Swedish Riksdag (parliament) made a number of extremely significant policy decisions for the reallocation of responsibilities within the school system. These decisions, in the form of amendments to the Education Act, came into force on 1 January, 1991. This paper examines many of these changes as they affect the compulsory education sector, the upper secondary school and municipal adult education, placing them in the context of the aims and characteristics of Swedish education and making some comparisons with the situation in New Zealand.

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"michael f. metcalf, editor. The Riksdag: A History of the Swedish Parliament. New York: St. Martin's. 1987. Pp. xii, 347. $39.95." American Historical Review, June 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/95.3.845.

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Winton, Patrik. "Riksdag, kaffehus och predikstol. Frihetstidens politiska kultur 1766-1772. Redaktörer Marie-Christine Skuncke & Henrika Tandefelt. Atlantis, Stockholm och Svenska Litteratursällskapet i Finland, Helsingfors, 2003 (432 s.)." 1700-tal: Nordic Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies, February 24, 2014, 156–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/4.2936.

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"Prevalence of Occupational Health Disorders in Auto Rikshaw Drivers -Meerut City - A Cross Sectional Study." Indian Journal of Physiotherapy and Occupational Therapy - An International Journal, January 26, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37506/ijpot.v15i1.13349.

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Erikson, Josefina, and Lenita Freidenvall. "A legislative gender-equality norm as a catalyst for change? Discursive convergence in the case of the Swedish Parliament." European Journal of Politics and Gender, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510820x16007079771821.

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This article addresses the establishment of gender-equality norms in a case often presented as one of the most gender-equal legislatures in the world, namely, the Swedish Parliament (Riksdagen). Based on a series of in-depth interviews between 2005 and 2016 with 90 legislators in the Swedish Parliament, we ask whether there is agreement over gender-equality problems in Parliament that cut across gender and party affiliation, and whether there is convergence over time in this regard. Our findings show that there is a trend of convergence of the gender-inequality framings over time, which indicates the establishment of a shared legislative gender-equality norm. We suggest that a legislative gender-equality norm might work as a catalyst for progressive and continuous work in this area.<br /><br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>The article suggests that gender-equality norms should be studied as part of parliaments’ gender sensitivity.</li><br /><li>The article finds support for the emergence of a gender-equality norm in the Swedish Parliament.</li><br /><li>We pinpoint interviews as a method to study norms.</li></ul>

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Khan, HS, KM Chaudhry, I. Ashraf, M. Usman, R. Ejaz, and MM Khadim. "AN INVESTIGATION OF THE PROBLEMS FACED BY VEGETABLE GROWERS REGARDING POST-HARVEST PRACTICES IN DISTRICT FAISALABAD." Biological and Clinical Sciences Research Journal 2020, no. 1 (December 12, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.54112/bcsrj.v2020i1.15.

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Vegetables have important role in daily food which have essential nutritionals because they have a significant source of vitamins, sugar and dietary fibre as well as antioxidants. The study was conducted in district Faisalabad. Tehsil Sammundri and Jaranwala were selected purposively, because there are maximum vegetables growers. The population of Jaranwala and Sammundri were 178 and 241 vegetable growers respectively making a total population of 419 according to the list of agricultural extension department. Sample size was 202 by using online software (survey system.com) keeping confidence interval 5% and confidence level 95%. Proportionate sampling was used to select the respondents in these two tehsils. By using proportionate sampling respondents of tehsils named Jaranwala and Sammundri were 86 and 116 respectively. Results show that majority of respondents were falling between 41-60 years age interval, cultivating the vegetables. About one third 31.7% of the respondents were matriculation those farmers having knowledge about education importance and values. Manual washing is method of washing the vegetables by using of clean water this method was ranked 4th, it secured mean value of 3.82. In studied areas mostly farmers were using simple packing including polythene, plastic bags it ranked 6th. About vast majority of 90.1% respondents have been used the simple packing for vegetables it secured mean value of 3.26. In transportation process of vegetables over whelming majority 99% of respondents were using less expensive and easily approach able vehicle that was loader Rikshaw, which ranked 1st as compared to other vehicle which secured a mean value of 4.25. About vast majority 84.2% respondents were facing the problem of middle man involvement in markets. Middle man has most important role between customer and farmers that was observed, it ranked 17th and it secure mean value of 3.25. There was maximum issue of technology was noticed that they had no awareness regarding the machinery. They had faced the issue of markets and middle man commission. Government should pay attention toward infrastructure, markets governance and reduce the commission of middle man by involving the responsible authorities. Government institutes should deliver the proper guideline related to vegetables post-harvest problems to improve the quality and quantity of products.

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Nursalim, Ade J., and Vera Sumual. "Central Serous Chorioretinopathy Induced by Work Stress: A Case Report." e-CliniC 8, no. 2 (July 27, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35790/ecl.v8i2.31107.

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Abstrak: Central serous chorioretinopathy (CSC) adalah terkumpulnya cairan serosa di bawah lapisan epitel pigmen retina yang mengakibatkan terlepasnya retina neurosensorik (detachment). Keadaan ini dapat disebabkan oleh berbagai faktor risiko, termasuk stres psikologik. Jenis kelamin laki-laki merupakan salah satu faktor risiko CSC. Terapi kondisi psikologik merupakan pena-nganan utama CSC yang diinduksi oleh stres kerja. Kami melaporkan seorang laki-laki berusia 27 tahun yang datang ke Poliklinik Mata RSUP Prof. Dr. R. D. Kandou Hospital dengan keluhan kekaburan mata kanan yang mendadak sejak seminggu lalu tanpa didahului oleh nyeri pada mata. Pasien juga mengalami kesulitan dalam membaca teks dan mengenali wajah bila hanya menggunakan mata kanannya. Pasien telah pergi ke optik tetapi tidak mendapatkan ukuran kacamata yang sesuai. Pasien bekerja sebagai tenaga administrasi dan akhir-akhir ini mendapatkan beban kerja berlebihan. Pasien mengakui bahwa ia mengalami kesulitan dalam mengatur aktivitasnya, dan merasakan kelelahan sepanjang hari serta kehilangan minat kerja. Hasil pemeriksaan mata mendapatkan visus 6/15 untuk mata kanan dan visus 6/6 untuk mata kiri, dan metamorphopsia sedangkan hasil pemeriksaan oftalmoskopi memperlihatkan adanya edema dengan lingkaran kekuningan dan berbatas tidak jelas pada mata kanan. Pemeriksaan lanjut dengan OCT menunjukkan adanya cairan subretinal pada mata kanan disertai terlepasnya lapisan epitel pigmen. Saat kontrol setelah 36 hari, visus mata kanan telah membaik 6/6F2 dan peme-riksaan OCT menunjukkan penurunan tebal makula dari 289 μm pada kunjugan pertama men-jadi 190 μm, serta tidak tampak adanya cairan subretinal. Simpulan kasus ini ialah central serous chorioretinopathy yang diinduksi oleh stres kerja, dengan penanganan utama ialah terapi psikologik untuk memperbaiki kualitas hidup.Kata kunci: central serous chorioretinopathy (CSC), stres kerja Abstract: Central serous chorioretinopathy (CSC) is a condition where serous fluid builds up in the retinal pigment epithelium layer which causes neurosensory retinal detachment. This condition is affected by many risk factors, including psychological stress. Male gender is one of the risk factors for CSC. Treatment to the patient's psychological condition can be the main therapy in handling CSC induced by work stress. We reported a 27-year-old male came to the eye clinic at Prof. dr. R. D. Kandou Hospital complaining of sudden blurred vision in his right eye a week ago without initial pain in the eye. The patient also experienced difficulty in reading text and recognizing people’s face using the right eye. The patient went to an optic store but he did not find suitable glasses. The patient works as an administrative employee and is currently getting a heavy workload at his workplace. The patient admitted that he had issues in managing his life in a day. Patients felt tired throughout the day and had no interest in making any activities. The results of the eye examination showed vision 6/15 in the right eye and 6/6 in the left eye, metamorphopsia, edema with a yellowish circle with an unclear border on the right eye using ophthalmoscopy examination, and a subretinal fluid image in the patient's right eye with epithelial detachment pigment acquired through the examination with OCT. After 36 days from the first visit, the right eye vision was improved to 6/6 F2 and OCT examination resulted in a decrease in macula thickness from 289 μm at the first visit to 190 μm, and there was no subretinal fluid. In conclusion, this was a CSC case induced by work stress, and the main treatment was psychological therapy in order to improve the quality of life (QoL).Keywords: central serous chorioretinopathy (CSC), work stress

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