Academic literature on the topic 'Riot, April 9, 1969'

The Faculty of Engineering, Mie University was established in April 1969. Therefore, it has a rather short history. The Department of Electrical and Electronic Engineering with full enrollment of 110 students was initiated in April 1991 by the merger and reorganization of the Department of Electrical Engineering, established in 1969, and the Department of Electronic Engineering, established in 1975. Over 30% of the graduate students continue on to the masters course each year. In the 1995 academic year, the doctoral course was established in the Faculty of Engineering. With this reorganization, the conventional minor professorial chair system (9 minor chairs) was changed to 3 major professorial chair system. The major chairs are: the Laboratories of Electrical Systems Engineering, the Information and Communication Systems, and the Electronic Material Science and Technology. Hori Research Laboratory is part of the Laboratories of Electrical System Engineering. The Laboratory consists of Professor Takamasa Hori, Associate Professor Muneaki Ishida, Assistant Professor Satoshi Komada, Engineer Masaru Nakamura, 2 doctoral students, 9 masters course students, 12 undergraduates, and one researcher. T. Hori joined the lab from Hitachi Research Lab. of Hitachi, Ltd. in January 1987, M. Ishida from Nagoya University in June 1987, and S. Komada from Keio University in April 1989. Major research themes of the lab are as follows:

Bogotá suffered its most severe outbreak of public violence of the nineteenth century on 15 and 16 January 1893. Indeed apart from the bogotazo of 9 April 1948, it was perhaps the worst violence that the Colombian capital has ever experienced.1 For twenty-four hours the city experienced serious social disorder, which was brought under control only by the use of regular army troops at a cost of an unknown number of casualties. Surprisingly, the January 1893 bogotazo has not been subjected to serious historical examination. The role of craftsmen in the outbreak of violence offers a window in the largely unknown course of artisan political activity in Bogotá after the decline of the Democratic Society of Artisans in the mid-century reform period. More broadly, whereas the relationship between wage labourers and violence has attracted many scholars, the propensity of the artisan class to engage in violent activities in nineteenth-century Colombia (and in Latin America as a whole) deserves more scholarly investigation. What were the causes and the nature of the 1893 riot? Were they typical of nineteenth-century urban violence? Finally, how does the 1893 riot fit within the broad sweep of Colombian collective violence?2 Before attempting to answer these questions it is necessary to look briefly, by way of background, at Bogotá in the late nineteenth century, its economy and society, at the nature of Colombian politics and, in particular, at the role of artisans in bogotano politics and in earlier episodes of urban disorder.

The “Partial Amendment to the Criminal Procedure Act” and the “Partial Amendment to the Prosecutor’s Office Act”, which were proposed in the name of all members of the majority party on April 15, 2022, were revised twice for 12 days, but they did not go through the actual deliberation process. It could be called a legislative riot, because the amentment bills passed the National Assembly 18 days later without any substantive deliveration oder material discussion. The amended laws were promulgated on May 9, 2022, and will come into effect on September 10, four months after the promulgation. Although the amendments to the alternatives to the first amendment bills were significantly reduced in content, the content contained in the first two partially amended bills was still not politically abolished. And the author thought, it should be recorded what laws were enacted in the National Assembly on the 3rd of the month. Therefore, this article examines the problems seen in the two revised bills submitted by the majority party, and discusses the contents and problems of the revised laws finally promulgated through twists and turns. After reviewing, the author described his belief in which is a more fundamental method of prosecutorial reform, and what is a desirable method of prosecutorial reform for the people.

This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the introduction of Concorde into commercial airline service. The first commercial flights were on 21 January 1976 – British Airways from Heathrow to Bahrain and Air France from Paris to Rio via Dakar. Later in that year commercial flights to Washington/Dulles began on 24 May. Services to New York were delayed until 22 November 1977. The first flight of Concorde was some seven years earlier. The prototype took off out of Toulouse on 2 March 1969 and this was followed by 002 from Filton to Fairford on 9 April. At the time it was anticipated that this was the beginning of an era when supersonic flight would be the normal way to travel long distances. Now, in 1996, Concorde is still the world's only supersonic commercial passenger airliner in airline service. This is an extraordinary achievement. The Boeing SST proved to be too ambitious and the programme was halted in 1971 after the United States Government withdrew support, while the Russian TU 144 was beset with problems. One TU 144 crashed at the Paris Air Show in 1973. The aircraft entered internal airline service in December 1975, flying supersonically between Moscow and Alma-Ata, capital of Kazakhstan, carrying mail and freight, but it did not have the range to operate viable intercontinental passenger serives. Certainly by 1985, if not many years before, the TU 144 was out of service.

Objective: The aim of this study is to critically analyze the evidence of the efficacy and safety of greater occipital nerve (GON) block for the preventive treatment of chronic migraine (CM). Background: A rigorous scientific assessment of efficacy and safety of the GON block for preventive treatment in CM is not available. This critical review was undertaken for this purpose. Methods: References for this review were identified by searches of articles published in the English language in PubMed between 1969 and April 15, 2020 using “greater occipital nerve block,” “chronic migraine,” “migraine,” “headache,” and “treatment” as keywords. Results: Out of potential 532 articles, 9 open-label and 4 placebo-controlled trials that studied the role of GON block for prevention of CM were identified and reviewed. Open-label trials reported a reduction of headache severity and frequency in 35–68% of patients. The beneficial effect of a single block lasted up to 4 weeks. Randomized controlled trials (RCTs) used varied methodology and techniques of GON block and the outcomes were reported at different time points. A single RCT showed a beneficial effect of the GON block at 1 week. However, the GON block was found to be safe and well tolerated. Conclusion: Long-term efficacy of GON block in CM shall need further well-designed RCTs using standardized methodology. This study, in addition, reviewed the limitations and uncertainties regarding the technique and methods of use of GON block in CM.

In this study, the growth and reproductive characteristics of Capoeta kosswigi Karaman, 1969 and Barbus ercisianus Karaman, 1971, which are endemic to the Lake Van Basin, in Deliçay (Van) were investigated. A total of 309 C. kosswigi and 288 B. ercisianus specimens were caught by electrofishing between April and August 2018. The fork length of C. kosswigi and B. ercisianus ranged from 3.7-26.1 cm and from 4.3-22.7 cm, and the total weights ranged from 0.6-227.4 g and from 1.2-140.0 g, respectively. The most intensive catching was in C. kosswigi population of 5.0-6.9 (27.5%) cm and 0-19.9 (67.0%) g in the groups, and 12.0-13.9 (24.7%) cm and 0-9.9 (23.3%) g groups in B. ercisianus. Condition factor was determined as 1.305±0.008 (0.798-1.886) in C. kosswigi and 1.158±0.006 (0.864-1.559) in B. ercisianus. The length-weight relationships were calculated as W = 0.01435 × L2.952 (r2 = 0.996) for C. kosswigi and W = 0.01276 × L2.959 (r2 = 0.994) for B. ercisianus. The M:F ratio was calculated as 1:0.15 in C. kosswigi and 1:0.64 in B. ercisianus. It was established that C. kosswigi attained sexual maturity when they reached to 11 cm fork length for males, 18 cm fork length for females. Maturation of B.ercisianus individuals occurred at 9 cm fork length in males and 12 cm fork length in females. The spawning in C. kosswigi was observed from 1st week of May to 2nd week of July, and in B. ercisianus from 1st week of May to 1st week of August. It may be suggested that minimum catching size must be 20 cm fork length for C. kosswigi and 15 cm fork length for B. ercisianus.

Air Product, 2014, Cellulosic Biofuels (Pembakaran/Gasifikasi Lignin Hidrolisis). Air Products and Chemicals, Inc. http://www.airpro-ducts.co.id/industries/Energy/Bioenergy/Cellulosic-Biofuels/product-list/ com-bustiongasification-of-hydrolyis-lignin-cellulosic-biofuels.aspx?itemId =8F39-9214FA4A462FA14588FE4F 86D3C2, Diakses tanggal 27 Oktober 2014Alejandro R., L. Serranoa, A. Morala, A. Pereza dan L. Jimeneza, 2007, Bioresource Tehnology, 98 (3): 554-559.Andaka Ganjar, 2011, Hidrolisis Ampas Tebu Menjadi Furfural Dengan Katalisator Asam Sulfat, Jurnal Teknologi, Volume 4 Nomor 2, Desember 2011, 180-188Anindyawati, Trisanti, 2009, Prospek Enzim dan Limbah Lignoselulosa Untuk Produksi Bioetanol, Pusat Penelitian Bioteknologi-LIPI, CibinongAnnisa, Gina, 2012, Hidrodeoksigenasi Bio-Oil menggunakan katalis CoMo/C untuk Optimalisasi Produksi Alkana dan Alkohol, Skripsi Universitas Indonesia, Depok.Artati, K., Enny, E., Novia Margareta, H. 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The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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On April 13, 2019, Professor Gérard Seguin passed away at the age of 82. Professor Seguin was a creative and enlightened researcher and a much respected professor in soil and terroir sciences at Bordeaux University. Encouraged by his mentor, the late Emile Peynaud, he developed a whole new field of research on the influence of soil and climate on vine development, grape composition and wine quality, referred to as “terroir”. As early as 1969 he published a paper in which restricted but regular water supply to the vines was shown to be a key factor in wine quality, a result which has been confirmed by many researchers ever since (Seguin, 1969). In this study, the water uptake of the vines was quantified with a neutron moisture probe, a highly innovative technique for that time. Unfortunately, this ground-breaking paper came out in a period when most European researchers published in their own language. Only in 1986 Seguin published a review paper about the effect of terroir in viticulture in English (Seguin, 1986). Seguin was also convinced that high terroir expression is only possible when grapes ripen at the end of the growing season, in relatively cool conditions (van Leeuwen and Seguin, 2006). This concept is gaining importance as the climate warms up. Seguin was one of the first researchers to study terroir on a scientific basis and certainly the very first to understand that its effect can only be understood by a multi-disciplinary approach, considering interactions between the climate and the vine and the soil and the vine. After his retirement in 1998, he was happy to see that terroir is gaining international recognition as an important aspect in winegrowing, as shown by terroir conferences organized all around the world, in Davis California in 2006, in Oregon in 2016 and one scheduled in Adelaide in 2020.Gérard Seguin was also a highly respected professor, unanimously appreciated by his students. He took his teaching mission very seriously, spending hours on fine tuning his lectures. He was able to explain complex issues in soil science in a perfectly clear way. He was close to his students and always ready to take their defense. In the management of his lab, he left as much freedom as necessary to his staff and doctoral students to develop innovative research, but he imposed everyone to be present at the coffee break of 9 am. This was not only a moment to discuss private matters and share impressions about last night’s good bottles, but also a place where many good research ideas emerged. This is certainly a point to consider in our ever busier schedules, where time for social interactions is more and more limited. We are sad to say farewell to Professor Seguin but we are grateful for his tremendous legacy.

This paper seeks to explore environmental, social and governance issues arising from investment in special economic zones (SEZs) in the mainland Southeast Asian region through a mixture of thick analytical description and multiple case study approach. All the states studied here have embraced the SEZ approach as it offers rapid economic development without any implications for the political settlement, which is considered beneficial by current administrations. Particular emphasis is placed on environmental, social and governance issues in the region covered and some complex issues that have emerged. It is shown that the situation is complex and continually evolving and that there are limited constraints on the actions of corporations. Consequently, there is an opportunity for investors to set precedents and protocols on a progressive basis. 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Abstract The new year 1966 got off to a productive start. While reports of his ostensible progress on the opera The Quiet Don continued to appear in the press, Shostakovich quietly finished a new quartet—his Eleventh—in F Minor, op. 122, on 30 January. It was dedicated to the memory of Vasiliy Shirinsky, founding second violinist of the Beethoven Quartet, who had died the previous summer. On 16 February, Shostakovich wrote Glikman that he had begun work on his Fourteenth Symphony; it gave him an excuse to skip the upcoming Composers’ Union Plenum in Moscow to go to the retreat at Repino to work on it. A month later, on 20 March, he told Glikman that he was currently writing his Second Cello Concerto and was in the process of finishing up its first movement. That this was one and the same work was clarified in a letter the composer wrote shortly before the concerto’s premiere: “It seems to me that the Second Concerto could have been called the Fourteenth Symphony with a solo cello part.” By 9 April, Shostakovich had written three movements but claimed that the third was “very bad” and he had decided therefore to rewrite it from scratch. Ten days later, he went to the Crimea for treatment at a sanatorium near Yalta, and it was there that he completed his new cello concerto on 27 April.

"Antep, which had both economic and strategic importance during the War of Independence, was occupied by the British on 17 December 1918 after the Armistice of Mudros. The British also brought the Armenians, who had previously been displaced to Syria, to Antep. During the British occupation that lasted for approximately ten months, there were no armed conflicts despite some unfortunate situations. The British occupation of Antep was replaced by the French occupation on 25 October 1919. The French also took advantage of the Armenians during the occupation of Antep. Therefore, Armenian riots in the city started to increase. On 12 January 1920, due to the incidents caused by the French and Armenians in Araptar Village, the Antep resistance first started outside the city. In these clashes on the Antep-Maras road, the Karayılan and Memik Agha son of Boyno gangs proved to be very useful. Şahin Bey also left the French in a very difficult situation with his activities on the Kilis-Antep road in February and March 1920. After the martyrdom of Şahin Bey, the resistance in Antep moved inside the city as of 1 April 1920. In this period, the resistance in the city was organised by commanders such as Kılıç Ali and Özdemir Bey. The French, who were defeated in Maraş and Urfa, besieged Antep for weeks. The city, which resisted with its own means for about eleven months, fell on 9 February 1921 due to starvation. On 20 October 1921, when the Türkiye-Syria border was drawn with the Ankara Treaty, French soldiers left Antep on 25 December. Thus, the occupation period in Antep, which started with the British in December 1918 and continued with the French, ended on 25 December 1921. In this study, the occupation and resistance movement in Antep after the Armistice of Mudros will be discussed."

This chapter describes how, as the American Civil War dragged on, the death toll rose, and the cost of basic necessities increased. Then, in July of 1863, arrived the National Enrollment Act. This military conscription law made all men aged 20 to 45 eligible for the draft if they were physically and mentally healthy, and were not the child of infirm parents, the only son of a widow, or a widower with dependent children. The act angered many whites who resented being forced to fight a war to free African Americans. A mass of people poured out onto the streets to protest the draft. The Metropolitan Police could not control what became known as the Draft Riot. As citizens rampaged, many focused their wrath on African Americans. While some New Yorkers committed murder, many others abhorred what had happened and some tried to stop it. And as a sign of their changed stance toward African Americans, many New Yorkers following the riot favored the idea of arming Black troops fighting for the Union. The chapter then looks at the Confederates’ attempts to torch New York City. The war finally ended on April 9, 1865, when Robert E. Lee surrendered to Ulysses S. Grant at Virginia's Appomattox Court House.

Even in the age of the imperial faculty and powerful professional schools, the College was at the center of Harvard’s sense of itself. This was evident in the two most significant events of the Pusey years: the great fund-raising effort of the late 1950s, pointedly called the Program for Harvard College; and the upheaval of 1969, in which the largest source of attention (and concern) was the degree to which Harvard undergraduates were involved. After the postwar rush of veterans, Harvard College during the 1950s appeared in many ways to return to its prewar state. Only about a quarter of the students in 1958 were on financial aid. The typical graduate five years out in the mid-fifties lived in a large northeastern city, was married with one child, was a Republican who went to church once a month. Most undergraduates sought to live up to their national billing as the elite of the elite. The dress-down clothing style of the postwar vets gave way to resurgent preppy attire: casually (that is, purposefully) dirtied white buckskin shoes, tweed jackets, green book bags, alpine parkas. “At a distance and even from quite close up,” said one observer, “everyone looks alike.” The prevailing social style was “polite arrogance—spare, dry, cautious, and angular.” Too cool by half, thought a critic: “Even in the unregimented student life of the Yard, there has been a certain failure of nerve, a hint of the youthful generation’s prudence.” The psychological downer of the Depression and the more mature post–World War II veterans temporarily squelched the venerable Harvard tradition of spring student riots. When there was talk of resurrecting that custom, a Radcliffe girl “sniffed scornfully: ‘What sort of riot is it when it has to be planned?’ ” Springtime hijinks returned in the 1950s with a younger, more affluent student body. These had a satirical, selfconscious edge, appropriate to a more intellectual student generation. The first rumpus came in May 1952 when students gathered to welcome cartoonist Walt Kelley, creator of the popular cartoon strip “Pogo.” Confusion and delay turned to streetcar disabling and fights with the police. In April 1961, protests raged through two unruly nights against the administration’s decision to switch to less costly printed diplomas—most inexcusably in English, not Latin.

Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.