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Journal articles on the topic 'Ritual symbol'
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Manafe, Yermia Djefri. "Komunikasi Ritual pada Budaya Bertani Atoni Pah Meto di Timor-Nusa Tenggara Timur." Jurnal ASPIKOM 1, no. 3 (July 15, 2011): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.24329/aspikom.v1i3.26.
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The ritual is one way of communicating. All forms of ritual is communicative. The ritual is always a symbolic behavior in social situations. Because of this ritual is always a way to communicate something. Communication rituals can be understood as meaning the message of a group of people against religious activity and belief system that was followed. The ritual is performed Atoni Pah Meto not independent of trust they hold, in the process always happen meaning of certain symbols that signify the process of ritual communication. This symbol has a meaning known only to those who perform the ritual.
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Arifin, Awaluddin, Subhani Subhani, and Rabiah Rabiah. "MAKNA SIMBOLIK RITUAL RATIB BERJALAN PADA TRADISI TOLAK BALA: STUDI DESA SUNGAI KURUK III KECAMATAN SERUWAY KABUPATEN ACEH TAMIANG." Aceh Anthropological Journal 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/aaj.v4i1.3151.
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This research is entitled about the Symbolic Meaning of Ritual Ratib Walking in the Tolak Bala Tradition (Study of Sungai Kuruk III Village, Seruway District, Aceh Tamiang Regency). This research focuses on the process of implementing the walking ratib ritual and the symbolic meaning in the equipment as well as the signs and symbols attached to the walking ratib ritual. Symbolic meanings are the meanings contained in symbols where these symbols have been added to the elements of belief which make the sacred value of a symbol higher. The purpose of this research is to describe the process, the meaning of each symbol and the symbols that exist in the running ritual. This study used a qualitative descriptive approach using symbolic interaction theory. To obtain accurate data and informants, the data collection techniques used were observation, interviews and documentation. The results showed that each symbol in the walking ritual equipment had its own meaning which had been mutually agreed upon so that it could be understood by all of the community.
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Bastian, Misty L., and Christopher I. Ejizu. "Ofo: Igbo Ritual Symbol." Journal of Religion in Africa 23, no. 4 (November 1993): 380. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581002.
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Jacopin, Pierre‐Yves. "Symbol, myth, and ritual." Reviews in Anthropology 14, no. 4 (September 1987): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00988157.1987.9977841.
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Hide, Kerrie. "Symbol Ritual and Dementia." Journal of Religious Gerontology 13, no. 3/4 (March 1, 2001): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j078v13n03_06.
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Radenkovic, Ljubinko. "Bread in the folk culture of the Serbs in its pan-Slavic context." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 165–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445165r.
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The Slavs do not consider bread to be a common foodstuff, but a sacred object, a symbol of wealth and happiness. Almost all significant rituals (holidays, rites from the life cycle of a person, occasional magical activities) use bread. In some of them, such as marriages or the Serbian holiday krsna slava, it is the main ritual object, which has great symbolic value. This paper addresses the use of bread in the ritual behavior of the Serbs and related peoples, where bread has the characteristics of a symbol and therefore gains a communicative function (it is used to convey or to receive information). It is also points out that the symbolic function of bread changes depending on the grain used to make it, whether it is leavened or unleavened, and the shape of it.
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van Nieukerken, Arent. "The aesthetics of the religious and the sacralization of “positivist” science – “idealism” (Adam Asnyk) and decadent religious poetry of early modernism (Stanisław Korab-Brzozowski)." Tekstualia 1, no. 5 (December 31, 2019): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.4104.
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Religious images and motives in nineteenth-century poetry (particularly in the period of dominant Positivism) became gradually aestheticized and lost much their original symbolic impact. This was partly due to the consequences of Kantian philosophy that introduce a dichotomy between phenomena and noumena. Positivism was merely interested in the relation between objects belonging to the phenomenal world. Critical theology (D.F. Strauss, Ernest Renan) started to analyze religious symbols and New Testament stories from the point of view of history and (compared) myth, applying positivist methodology to the “humanities”. Poets wishing to recapture the religious potential (the “Holy”) of traditional symbols and ritual had to recontextualize them. The “sacred” does not reside in the symbols themselves, but it is transferred to the relation established by the individual between his position in the world and a symbol or ritual. The religious moment results from experiencing this “unrepeatable” relation (its unrepeatability being the condition of contact with transcendence, relating the symbol as phenomenon with the noumenal sphere that is present as a trace – the individually experienced symbol points to its absence). In Polish late romantic poetry (e.g. Adam Asnyk) the individualization of the experience of transcendence is impeded by the patriotic connotations of religious symbols and rituals that presuppose the experience of belonging to a (“national”) community (a “relic” of Polish romantic messianism, c.f. the aftermath of the January Uprising). The modernist poet Stanisław Korab Brzozowski succeeded in developing a poetic method of recontextualizing traditional religious symbols that allowed to show the incompatibility between the phenomenal and the noumenal sphere as an inner experience of a subject (e.g. a wooden cross stretching its arms to an empty heaven) as a direct reaction to Renan´s relativization of the Christian “Heilsgeschichte”, unmediated by Polish romantic messianism).
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Stern, J. "Modes of Reference in the Rituals of Judaism." Religious Studies 23, no. 1 (March 1987): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412500018576.
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It is through ritual that religions often express their deepest truths, and historians and anthropologists of religion have long recognized the impor-tance of its symbolic dimension. Yet it remains to be explained how religious rituals perform this function. That is, in what ways do ritual gestures (the term of art I will henceforth use to refer to all actions and objects that achieve ritual status) symbolize or refer – reserving these two general terms to cover all ways of bearing semantic-like relations to objects, events, and states of affairs? In this essay I will take some first steps toward answering this question by constructing a taxonomy of symbolic gestures in the rituals of Judaism, drawing for this purpose on various categories of reference, first distinguished by Nelson Goodman in his study of symbol systems, including the arts, and more recently elaborated by Israel Scheffler.
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Atabik, Ahmad. "Interaksionisme Simbolik Ritual Meron di Indonesia dan Relevansinya dalam al Quran." FIKRAH 8, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/fikrah.v8i1.7216.
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This paper examines the cultural traditions of meron in Pati Indonesia. A tradition that is interpreted with respect to the prophet by bringing a cone made from large <em>rengginang</em>. The method used is qualitative research with an ethnographic approach that aims to find out the meaning of each meron symbol. The theory used is Herbert Blumer's symbolic interactionism that narrates three assumptions of symbols, namely meaning as the basis of human action, meaning created from social interaction and meaning modified through reader interpretation. The results of this paper are that the meron tradition has relevance to the teachings of Islam as a form of <em>da'wah</em>. <em>Rengginang</em> as a symbol of gratitude and togetherness, a mosque as a religious symbol and the arrangement of rengginang is a symbol of the levels of <em>Iman</em>, <em>Islam</em> and <em>Ihsan</em>. The relevance of <em>meron</em> to the verses of the Quran, as in the study of QS. al-Baqarah: 260. <em>Rengginang</em> made from rice is hinted at in QS. al-Baqarah: 261 and QS. Al-Fath: 29. While the mosque symbol is strengthened in the QS. At-Taubah: 18-19.
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Semenova, Oksana. "Leather and Sheepskin Clothes in the Wedding Ceremonies of the Middle Dnieper Ukrainians in the Late 19th — First Half of the 20th Century." Ukrainian Studies, no. 1(78) (May 20, 2021): 199–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.1(78).2021.228310.
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The article considers the use of handicraft sheepskin and leather clothes in the wedding ceremonies of the Middle Dnieper Ukrainians in the late 19th – early 20th century. It is established that they have performed important ritual and protective functions. In particular, the ritual function means that clothes served as ritual attributes. In gifting ceremonies, the sheepskin and leather clothes had both practical and special semantic meanings (for example, by giving boots to the bride’s mother, the groom showed his respect and appreciation). The protective function is connected with ancient beliefs about the power of ritual attributes and magic acts. In particular, the leather in the culture of East Slavic people is associated with birth and renewal, while the sheepskin was the symbol of wealth and fertility. In wedding ceremonies, the sheepskin was associated with a cloud, while the wheat grains were thrown over the bridal couple as a symbol of rain and fertility. We may define pre-wedding, wedding, and post-wedding rituals with sheepskin and leather clothes. The most widespread pre-wedding ritual was gifting leather boots to the fiancée and sewing a flower into the fiancé’s sheepskin hat on the engagement day. A sheepskin coat turned inside out played an essential role in the Ukrainian traditional wedding. The highest level of concentration of various magical symbols is retraced in the ceremony of send-off and reception of a newly married couple. In post-wedding rituals, the sheepskin coat was used for costume games to introduce such characters as a bride and a groom, animals, gypsies, etc.
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Draper, Jonathan A. "Ritual Process and Ritual Symbol in "Didache" 7-10." Vigiliae Christianae 54, no. 2 (2000): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1584865.
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Draper, Jonathan A. "Ritual Process and Ritual Symbol in Didache 7-10." Vigiliae Christianae 54, no. 2 (2000): 121–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007200x00017.
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Rehak, Paul, and Nanno Marinatos. "Minoan Religion: Ritual, Image, and Symbol." Classical World 88, no. 2 (1994): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351656.
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Raodah, Raodah. "MAKNA SIMBOLIS TRADISI MAPPAOLI BANUA PADA MASYARAKAT BANUA KAIYANG MOSSO PROVINSI SULAWESI BARAT." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 7, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v7i3.106.
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AbstrakMappaoli banua merupakan tradisi ritual pada masyarakat Banua Kaiyang Mosso di Kabupaten Polman, Provinsi Sulawesi Barat. Mappaoli banua bertujuan untuk mengobati dan menyucikan kampung, agar terhindar dari bencana alam dan wabah penyakit. Sampai sekarang tradisi ritual itu tetap bertahan dan menjadi agenda tahunan masyarakat Banua Kaiyang Mosso. Penelitian ini difokuskan untuk mengetahui dan mendiskripsikan prosesi pelaksanaan tradisi ritual mappaoli banua dan makna simbolis yang terkandung dalam tradisi ritual tersebut. Tradisi ritual mappaoli banua, mencerminkan karakter dan jati diri masyarakat Banua Kaiyang Mosso sehingga perlu dikaji dalam upaya melestarikan budaya lokal, sebagai bagian dari kekayaan budaya bangsa. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif. Teknik pengumpulan data melalui pengamatan, wawancara dan dokumentasi. Dari hasil penelitian diketahui bahwa, pelaksanaan tradisi ritual mappaoli banua terdiri atas beberapa tahap, yaitu: tahap persiapan, mapparawung sossorang (penurunan benda pusaka), mamminnai tedzong (pengolesan minyak pada kerbau), pangngereang tedzong (penyembelihan kerbau), massamaya (ziarah ke makam leluhur), dan mattanang uwae (memasang air untuk pengobatan). Setiap tahapan dalam ritual tersebut melambangkan simbol yang mengandung makna. Simbol mapparawung sossorang bermakna penghormatan kepada benda pusaka peninggalan leluhur, simbol mamminnai tedzong bermakna pembersihan pada hewan persembahan, simbol pangngereang tedzong bermakna hewan persembahan yang tertinggi kepada leluhur, simbol massamaya dimaknai sebagai wujud cinta dan bakti kepada leluhur dan ajang silaturrahmi masyarakat Banua Kaiyang Mosso. Simbol mattanang uwae bermakna sebagai pengobatan, keselamatan dan keberkahan manusia dan alam negeri Banua Kaiyang Mosso. Abstract Mappaoli Banua is a ritual tradition in the community of Banua Kaiyang Mosso in Polman regency, West Sulawesi. Mappaoli Banua aims to treat and purify the village, in order to avoid natural disasters and disease outbreaks. Until now this ritual traditions survive and become an annual event of Banua Kaiyang Mosso community. This research is focused to identify and describe the ritual procession implementation of Mappaoli Banua tradition and the symbolic meaning contained in the ritual tradition. Mappaoli Banua ritual tradition reflects the character and identity of the Kaiyang Mosso people that need to be examined in an effort to preserve local culture, as part of the cultural wealth of the nation. This study used a qualitative method with descriptive approach. The technique of collecting data were through observation, interviews and documentation. The results revealed that the implementation of the tradition of ritual Mappaoli Banua consists of several stages: preparation, mapparawung sossorang (decrease heirlooms), mamminnaitedzong, (anointing on buffalo), pangngereang tedzong (slaughtering buffalo), massamaya (pilgrimage to ancestral graves) and mattanang uwae (install water treatment). Each stage in the ritual symbolizes the meaning implies. Symbol of mapparawung sossorang is meaningful homage to the ancestral heirlooms, symbols of tedzongmamminnai means cleaning animal offerings, tedzong pangngereang is a symbol of the highest animal sacrifice to the ancestors, massamaya symbols as a manifestation of love and devotion to the ancestors and the public arena of Banua Kaiyang Mosso. Mattanang Uwae symbol for the treatment, safety and human and natural land blessing of Banua Kaiyang Mosso.
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Tary Puspa, Ida Ayu, Ni Putu Sinta Dewi, and Ida Bagus Subrahmaniam Saitya. "Komunikasi Simbolik dalam Penggunaan Upakara Yajña pada Ritual Hindu." Widya Duta: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Agama dan Ilmu Sosial Budaya 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/wd.v14i1.1040.
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<p>Hindus in carrying out rituals by way of karma and devotional service use ceremonial means called upakara or also called banten. Upakara presented to Ida Sang Hyang Widhi Wasa and its manifestations must be based on sincerity which is also adjusted to the level of yajña that can be carried out by Hindus both at the level of Nista, masdya, and the main.</p><p>In the process of making and offering upakara there is symbolic communication, namely the symbol of devotion to God / Ida Sang Hyang Widhi Wasa by sparking gratitude to Him. Symbolic communication is communication that uses symbols that have been agreed upon by the community or a certain group. The message will have the same meaning if it is in accordance with the agreement set by a certain community.</p><p>Every communication process that is interwoven between individuals with one another means becomes the main element. Whereas language has a very strategic position and the mind becomes a very significant thing in identifying and interpreting a symbol</p><p>In the yajña or bebantan upakara there are several principles which are principle, namely the principle of name or designation, it can also be the sound equation in the material of the bull itself. The principle of this name means that the elements of the bull when viewed from the name or sound contain the meaning that is in accordance with the purpose of the upakara.</p>
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Wulandari, Zindi Nadya, and Prihantoro. "Communication Patterns of Sendhang Si Dhukun as a Javanese Symbol to Balance Javanese Ideology and their Social Environment." E3S Web of Conferences 202 (2020): 07018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202020207018.
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The Islamic new year is considered very important for Javanese people, and even the Islamic new year eve, known as Malam Satu Suro, is claimed as a very sacred time. In various areas, Javanese people conduct rituals to welcome this event, such as the one conducted in Sendang Si Dhukun in Parakan subdistrict of Central Java. This paper aims to explain the communication patterns of Sendhang Si Dhukun ritual on Malam Satu Suro ceremony. This research used a descriptive qualitative method. The data used in this research are collected from informants involved in the rituals. The result shows that the ritual cannot be separated from Islamic teaching as it contains a lot of Islamic prayers. In addition, the mixture of Islamic teaching and Javanese culture can be clearly seen in the ritual. The use of Javanese high level (krama) variety and Javanese poetry (kidung) also dominates the communication patterns in the ritual. This indicates that Javanese people adhere to a belief that religion and culture cannot be separated as they can preserve harmonious relation between their ideology and social environment.
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Sultan, Sultan, Tadjuddin Maknun, and M. Ikhwan Said. "TUTURAN TOLEA DALAM RITUAL PESTA ADAT MOSEHE WONUA SUKU TOLAKI MEKONGGA DI KABUPATEN KOLAKA: TINJAUAN SEMIOTIKA." JURNAL ILMU BUDAYA 6, no. 2 (December 13, 2018): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.34050/jib.v6i2.5640.
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This research is a qualitative descriptive study, Research location in Kolaka District, The data source is the meaning of the Kalo Sara symbol obtained from the Mekongga Mosehe Wonua custom ritual in Kolaka District, either words, phrases, or sentences. Duration of study, ie June 2015 to end of April 2016. The results of this study indicate that the first meaning of Tolea speech in every stage of the speech Tolaki Society in Mekongga Southeast Sulawesi make the speech disclosed Tolea at the beginning or opening speech is a symbol. The meaning In the opening speech is a symbol of respect. In the core speech is a symbol of obedience in ritual. In the closing speech of Tolea is a symbol of appreciation. The two functions of Tolea's utterance in the Mosehe Wonua ritual in Kolaka District, which contains a prominent religious significance in the Mosehe Wanua ritual ceremony of the Tolaki community in Mekongga Southeast Sulawesi is a form of public confidence in the influence of ancestors and customs in every procession
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Higgens, Kathleen. "Ritual and Symbol in Baka Life History." Anthropology Humanism Quarterly 10, no. 4 (December 1985): 100–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ahu.1985.10.4.100.
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MOORE, MELINDA A. "symbol and meaning in Nayar marriage ritual." American Ethnologist 15, no. 2 (May 1988): 254–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1988.15.2.02a00040.
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Dombeck, Mary T. "Learning through symbol, myth, model, and ritual." Journal of Religion & Health 28, no. 2 (1989): 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00996072.
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Kielak, Olga. "Symbolika leszczyny w polskiej kulturze ludowej. Fragment definicji kognitywnej." Adeptus, no. 3 (April 4, 2014): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/a.2014.007.
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The symbolism of hazel in Polish folk culture. A fragment of cognitive definitionThe article discusses the symbolism of the hazel plant which constitute a segment (one facet) of the cognitive definition of a hazel bush. The symbolism of the hazel is a category which terminate and gather in together other facets constituting the entry ‘Hezel’ in the Lublin ethnolinguistics dictionary (Słownik stereotypów i symboli ludowych, red. J. Bartmiński, S. Niebrzegowska-Bartmińska): i.e. the plants’ provenance, image, time and place of flourishing; its magical, apotropaical, therapeutical, ritual and practical use etc. The symbol is thus – next to the stereotype – the second key concept in this dictionary. The author shows the different symbolic meanings attributed to hazel in Polish folk culture – the symbolism of the space tree, the symbolism of sacredness, a symbol of life, duration, recovery and growth; symbol of power and health, the symbolism of fertility and abundance, and a symbol of girl. Symbolika leszczyny w polskiej kulturze ludowej. Fragment definicji kognitywnejW artykule omówiona została symbolika leszczyny stanowiąca wycinek (jedną fasetę) definicji kognitywnej leszczynowego krzewu. Symbolika leszczyny jest kategorią, która wieńczy hasło, bazując na pozostałych fasetach - dotyczących m. in. pochodzenia, wyglądu, czasu i miejsca kwitnienia, zastosowania apotropeicznego, magicznego, leczniczego, obrzędowego i praktycznego - spina je wspólną klamrą. Symbol jest bowiem, obok stereotypu, drugim kluczowym pojęciem w lubelskim słowniku etnolingwistycznym (Słownik stereotypów i symboli ludowych, red. J. Bartmiński, S. Niebrzegowska-Bartmińska). Autorka prezentuje różne sensy symboliczne przypisywane w polskiej kulturze ludowej leszczynie – symbolikę drzewa kosmicznego; symbolikę świętości; symbol życia, trwania, regeneracji i wzrastania; symbol mocy i zdrowia, symbolikę płodności i obfitości oraz symbol dziewczyny.
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Muhlis, Imam, and Fathorrahman Fathorrahman. "INTERPRETATIVE UNDERSTANDING TERHADAP MAKNA SIMBOL AL-FATIHAH DALAM AMALIAH TASHARRAFUL FATIHAH PADA MASYARAKAT BANTUL, YOGYAKARTA." Dialog 38, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.47655/dialog.v38i1.35.
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Tasharruful Fatihah is one of religious rituals growing in Nahdatul Ulama (NU) surroundings at Bantul regency as a means of devotion, worship, and reverence to Allah the Almighty. This ritual recites al-Fatihah as the primary reading. This ritual procession is barely seen as a symbol of belief that it is a different method to be closer to the Almighty. The series of this ritual becomes one encouraging source for a worship movement towards Allah. This study recommends that Tasharruful Fatihah initiated by some NU leaders is an attempt of dialoguing Islam with the local culture as an inseparable unity. Nevertheless, there are fundamental differences in the source of Islamic teachings versus the source of social traditions.
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Ozola, Silvija. "GENERATIVE CREATING OF SACRAL SPACE: MYTHOLOGY, COSMOLOGY AND PLACES FOR CULT RITUALS." SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 4 (May 28, 2021): 626–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2021vol4.6201.
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Signs are an integral part of the existence of humanity. The Latvians have one of the most complicated symbolic sign system in the world—the Lielvārde belt which includes symbols of strong energy and encodes ancient information that characterizes the special relation to nature and the Universe. God is the basis of moral values and the origin of all events. The understanding of Latvian deities is based on creative thought, and each sign of the deity image is a structural whole with a certain informative value. The Balts’ tribes for cult rituals chose energetically powerful places. Generative creating of sacral space and religious ritual is connected by concepts the Place, the Way and the Symbol. Research object: Latvian wisdom and spiritual traditions, sacral space for the worship of God. Research goal: analysis of the influence of the Latvian wisdom on traditions of the establishment of early places of worship. Research problem: common and different features of the sacral space of the Latvians and other nations have been little studied. Research novelty: detailed studies of generative creating of early places of worship based on Latvian mythology and cult ritual traditions of other nations. Research methods: analysis of archive documents and cartographic materials, study of published literature and inspection of sacral places in nature.
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Schoell-Glass, Charlotte. "Aby Warburg's Late Comments on Symbol and Ritual." Science in Context 12, no. 4 (1999): 621–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026988970000363x.
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The ArgumentThe last two plates (78 and 79) of Aby Warburg's unpublished picture-atlas Mnemosyne, which is thought today to be among Warburg's most innovative contributions to the study of art history, are here analyzed in detail. These plates were assembled in the summer before his death in 1929; they reflect experiences of the time he spent in Rome during 1928 and 1929 and are here understood as Warburg's attempt to visualize his theory of the symbol.The Bilderatlas was to have a two-fold function: Warburg planned it to be a summary of his life's work; he also wanted its plates to reflect his theory of pictures and images. I argue here that particularly plate 79 is indeed an attempt to visualize the theoretical foundation of Warburg's view of the representational function of pictures. It refers to the origin of the power of images in sacrificial rituals and to the limits of this power. Warburg singles out the Eucharist and the doctrine of transsubstantiation (as pictured in Raffael's Mass of Bolsena, 1511) to illustrate the role of the symbol in rituals.With this emphasis on ritual as a necessary complement for the functioning of the symbol, Warburg reaffirms his theory of the image to include the social act. This inclusion can be shown to be motivated by contemporary political concerns.
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Pacher, Andreas. "The ritual creation of political symbols: International exchanges in public diplomacy." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 4 (July 23, 2018): 880–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118786043.
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International exchange programmes have been previously conceptualised based on the ‘opinion leader model’. It expects participants to form positive attitudes towards the host country, and to become influential back home. However, the micro-processes through which this goal can be achieved remain undertheorised. Drawing from Interaction Ritual Theory, this article argues that international exchanges consist of a chain of rituals. They strategically immerse targeted individuals into personal experiences with a shared focus on the host country, transforming the latter into a symbol charged with emotional energy and (strategically devisable) cognitive content. The symbol (now affectively and cognitively laden) is then recurrently invoked to re-circulate through the networks of the participants. A case study of a programme in which the symbol ‘Poland’ became systematically charged with the content of ‘multiculturality’ illustrates this proposition. Practical and theoretical implications (e.g. for the literature on socialisation, norm-diffusion, and face-to-face diplomacy) in international relations are discussed.
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Sigdel, Surya Bhakta. "Culture and Symbolism Nexus in Anthropology." Janapriya Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 7, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 116–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jjis.v7i1.23061.
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Study of symbols or the theory of symbolism makes micro study of the culture. Symbols are the gestures, objects and language, which form the basis of human communication. Interpretation of symbol may differ according to the culture. At the same time a symbol may have one meaning in one culture another meaning in another culture. Symbols represent signs which are used to signify objects, real or imaginary. Symbols are arbitrary based on convention of culture. Interpretation of symbol depends on culture. Symbols are means of Communication of language, a form of ritual expression, cultural interpretation, expression of art and belief. Symbols should not be looked at in an abstract way and at meaning as constructed apart from human action but rather at the way meaning is constructed and used in the context of this action. Symbolism studies how a culture functions on the basis of its meanings, how a symbol is interpreted and so on. Symbolism studies the interrelationship between culture, language and people. Culture is constructed on the basis of different symbols. There are different meanings of symbols. The same symbol in different contexts may have different kinds of meanings. Symbols are directed by cultural norms. As cultural norms are diverse symbols too are multicoil, multifocal and multivariate and they can represent many things. Symbols do not necessarily have the same meaning in different context. Thick description by Clifford Geertz takes into account the fact that any aspect of human behavior has more than one meaning.
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Sunarto, Sunarto, and Agustinus Renaldus Afoan Elu. "Bentuk dan Makna Gong Timor dalam Upacara Ritual Tfua Ton di Napan." Resital: Jurnal Seni Pertunjukan 19, no. 3 (December 5, 2018): 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24821/resital.v19i3.3511.
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Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk memahami tentang bentuk musik ritmik Gong Timor dalam upacara ritual Tfua Ton berdasarkan elemen-elemen irama yang terkandung didalamnya serta memahami lebih dalam tentang makna simbolik Gong Timor dalam upacara ritual Tfua Ton. Metode penelitian menggunakan kualitatif deskriptif dengan desain penelitian fenomenologi. Data penelitian dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan teknik observasi, wawancara dan studi dokumen. Teknik analisis data dilakukan melalui proses reduksi, penyajian dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa, bentuk musik Gong Timor terdiri dari beberapa elemen irama yaitu ketukan, aksen dan pola irama. Makna simbolik yang terkandung pada Gong Timor dalam upacara ritual Tfua Ton yaitu sebagai simbol komunikasi, keperkasaan, karakter dan identitas masyarakat Desa Napan. Simbol tersebut dimaknai dengan adanya perjuangan masyarakat dalam memperjuangkan kehidupan dan kebutuhan ekonomi masyarakat setempat. Dalam ritual tersebut Gong timor dimaknai sebagai penghubung antara masyarakat dengan para leluhur dan alam yang mendiami tempat tersebut. Gong Timor tersebut mamiliki makna simbolik yang hanya bisa dipahami oleh masyarakat setempat. Gong Timor dalam upacara ritual Tfua Ton telah menjadi satu kesatuan yang tidak dapat dipisahkan. The Form and Meaning of Gong Timor on the Ritual Ceremony of Tfua Ton in Napan.This paper aims to understand the rhythmic musical form of Gong Timor in the Tfua Ton ritual based on the rhythm elements contained in it and to understand more deeply the symbolic meaning of Gong Timor in the Tfua Ton ritual. The research method uses descriptive qualitative research design with phenomenology. Research data were collected using observation, interview and document study techniques. The data analysis technique was done through the process of reduction, presentation, and concluding. The results of this study indicate that the Gong Timor music form consists of several elements of rhythm, namely beats, accents and rhythm patterns. The symbolic meaning contained in the Gong Timor in the Tfua Ton ritual ceremony is as a symbol of communication, strength, character, and identity of the people of Napan Village. The symbol is interpreted by the struggle of the community in fighting for lives and economic needs. In the ritual, Gong Timor is interpreted as a liaison among the community and the ancestors, and nature that inhabit the place. The Gong Timor has a symbolic meaning that can only be understood by the local community. Gong Timor in the Tfua Ton ritual ceremony has become an inseparable unit.Keywords: timor gong; tfua ton; symbolic meaning
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Kashina, E., and A. Zhulnikov. "RODS WITH ELK HEADS: SYMBOL IN RITUAL CONTEXT." Estonian Journal of Archaeology 15, no. 1 (2011): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/arch.2011.1.02.
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Hougham, Richard. "Numinosity, Symbol and Ritual in the Sesame Approach." Dramatherapy 28, no. 2 (October 2006): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02630672.2006.9689690.
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Long, Michael. "Symbol and Ritual in Josquin's "Missa Di Dadi"." Journal of the American Musicological Society 42, no. 1 (April 1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.1989.42.1.03a00010.
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Alles, Gregory D. "Minoan Religion: Ritual, Image, and Symbol. Nanno Marinatos." Journal of Religion 74, no. 3 (July 1994): 435–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/489443.
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Minkler, Janine. "Ritual and Symbol in Peacebuilding (review)." Genocide Studies and Prevention 2, no. 2 (2007): 195–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsp.2011.0092.
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Juneja, Renu. "The Trinidad Carnival: Ritual, Performance, Spectacle, and Symbol." Journal of Popular Culture 21, no. 4 (March 1988): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-3840.1988.00087.x.
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Long, Michael. "Symbol and Ritual in Josquin's Missa Di Dadi." Journal of the American Musicological Society 42, no. 1 (1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831416.
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The author examines one of Josquin's earliest cantus firmus Masses, the Missa Di dadi, composed on a tenor drawn from Robert Morton's rondeau, N'aray je jamais mieulx que j'ay. Surviving only in Petrucci's third book of Josquin Masses, the work is distinguished by its use of pictures of dice as proportional canons in the Tenor voice. This study demonstrates that the dice images and the original chanson text associated with the cantus firmus melody form a metaphorical ground plan for the composition, and are linked to contemporary liturgical ritual and to fifteenth-century readings of the Mass text. Musical relationships between Di dadi and the later Missa Pange lingua establish the authenticity of the early work, and illuminate the evolution of Josquin's musical personality and style over some thirty to forty years.
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Sunarto, Sunarto, and Agustinus Renaldus Afoan Elu. "Bentuk dan Makna Gong Timor dalam Upacara Ritual Tfua Ton Di Desa Napan, Kabupaten Timor Tengah Utara." Resital: Jurnal Seni Pertunjukan 19, no. 3 (October 11, 2019): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24821/resital.v19i3.3373.
Full textAbstract:
Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk memahami tentang bentuk musik ritmik Gong Timor dalam upacara ritual Tfua Ton berdasarkan elemen-elemen irama yang terkandung didalamnya serta memahami lebih dalam tentang makna simbolik Gong Timor dalam upacara ritual Tfua Ton. Metode penelitian menggunakan kualitatif deskriptif dengan desain penelitian fenomenologi. Data penelitian dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan teknik observasi, wawancara dan studi dokumen. Teknik analisis data dilakukan melalui proses reduksi, penyajian dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa, bentuk musik Gong Timor terdiri dari beberapa elemen irama yaitu ketukan, aksen dan pola irama. Makna simbolik yang terkandung pada Gong Timor dalam upacara ritual Tfua Ton yaitu sebagai simbol komunikasi, keperkasaan, karakter dan identitas masyarakat Desa Napan. Simbol tersebut dimaknai dengan adanya perjuangan masyarakat dalam memperjuangkan kehidupan dan kebutuhan ekonomi masyarakat setempat. Dalam ritual tersebut Gong timor dimaknai sebagai penghubung antara masyarakat dengan para leluhur dan alam yang mendiami tempat tersebut. Gong Timor tersebut mamiliki makna simbolik yang hanya bisa dipahami oleh masyarakat setempat. Gong Timor dalam upacara ritual Tfua Ton telah menjadi satu kesatuan yang tidak dapat dipisahkan. The purpose of this research is to understand the rhythmic musical form of Timor Gong in the Tfua Ton ritual based on the rhythm elements contained therein and to understand more deeply the symbolic meaning of Gong Timor in the Tfua Ton ritual. The research method uses descriptive qualitative research design with phenomenology. Research data were collected using observation, interview and document study techniques. Data analysis technique is done through the process of reduction, presentation and drawing conclusions. The results of this study indicate that, the Timor Gong music form consists of several elements of rhythm namely beats, accents and rhythm patterns. The symbolic meaning contained in the Gong Timor in the Tfua Ton ritual ceremony is as a symbol of communication, might, character and identity of the people of Napan Village. The symbol is interpreted by the struggle of the community in fighting for the lives and economic needs of the local community. In the ritual Gong timor is interpreted as a liaison between the community and the ancestors and nature who inhabit the place. The Timor Gong has a symbolic meaning that can only be understood by the local community. Gong Timor in the Tfua Ton ritual ceremony has become an inseparable unit.Keywords: Form and Meaning; Timor Gong; Tfua Ton; Symbolic Meaning
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Syahputra, Iswandi. "AGAMA DI ERA MEDIA: Kode Religius dalam Industri Televisi Indonesia." ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/esensia.v17i1.1283.
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This article will examine the relation between religion and religious symbol in television media industry era in Indonesia. In order to understand religion thought which is transcendental, community needs religious symbol. Religious symbol contains several codes that can be interpreted socially and culturally. Television as an industry produces religious code as a comodity. Religious comodity then being used as a strategy to widen its viewer. Relation between those conditions can lead to a new mass culture and symbolic religiosity. In mass society, religion turns into an entertainment instead of guidance. In the end, religion in social life will be practiced by consuming religious symbol only. This condition shows the lack of religious spirituality. Where, religion without spirituality only leaves ritual.
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Hasanah, Ulfatun. "Arak-Arakan Simbol Warak Ngendog Sebagai Media Dakwah." Al-I'lam: Jurnal Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam 3, no. 1 (September 25, 2019): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31764/jail.v3i1.1367.
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Abstrak:Simbol Warak Ngendog merupakan kreativitas budaya Lokal yang menjadi maskot dalam arak-arakan tradisi ritual Dugderan masyarakat Kota Semarang. Warak Ngndog memiliki makna konotasi dan denotasi, yang sangat tinggi nilai-nilai filosofis yang dikandungnya. Warak Ngendog secara simbolik mencerminkan akulturasi budaya Jawa, Arab, dan Cina yang merefleksikan pesan-pesan edukatif ajaran moral Islami serta nilai harmoni kehidupan masyarakat multikultural. Interaksi sistemik ulama, pemerintah, masyarakat, ritual Dugderan, dan maskot Warak Ngendog sebagai simbol budaya berperan secara sinergis sebagai media dakwah. Hasil penelitian ini bahwa Warak Ngendog digunakan sebagai media/alat dalam berdakwah. Abstract:The symbol of Warak Ngendog is capturing the local cultural creativity that has become the mascot in the Dugderan ritual tradition procession of the people of Semarang City. Warak Ngndog has connotation and denotation meaning, which are very high philosophical values they contain. Warak Ngendog symbolically reflects the acculturation of Javanese, Arabic and Chinese culture that reflects the educative messages of Islamic moral teachings and the harmony of life in multicultural societies. The systemic interaction of ulama, government, society, Dugderan rituals, and the mascot of Warak Ngendog as a cultural symbol play a synergistic role as propaganda media. The results of this study that Ngarakog Warak is used as a medium / tool for da'wah
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Sande, Allan. "Intoxication and Rite of Passage to Adulthood in Norway." Contemporary Drug Problems 29, no. 2 (June 2002): 277–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090202900204.
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The author describes young Norwegians' use of alcohol in “russefeiring,” a special rite of passage to adulthood in the form of prolonged graduation parties. In this ritual, the young people wear special clothes, celebrate, and drink beer and spirits from the 1st through the 17th of May. The article argues that young people have invented rites of passage in which expressive individualism is stressed as a value. The article discusses the use of symbolic anthropology and sociology and field methods in research relating to this kind of ritual alcohol use and intoxication. Theoretically, the focus is on studying alcohol use as a ritual practice. Use of alcohol can be defined as a key symbol in these ritual processes, offering an opportunity to communicate meaning between members of the society and culture concerned.
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Sinulingga, Jekmen, and Flansius Tampubolon. "The Meaning and Symbols of the Batak Karo Ethnic Ritual Ceremony: Study of Semiotics." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 3 (August 13, 2020): 2343–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v3i3.1182.
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This study aims to describe the meaning and symbol of the Cawir metua ritual ceremony, namely the death ceremony for the Karo community in Seberaya village, Karo district, North Sumatra Province. The method used in this research is a qualitative descriptive method which is done by collecting data by observation and interviews; descriptions that are bold and deep in nature, working with key informants. The theoretical framework used is the Social Semiotics approach, which is to interpret language in the sociocultural context in which culture is interpreted in semiotic terms as an information system. Based on the research that has been done, the authors obtained the results of the research, namely the symbolic meaning of the Cawir metua ceremony is the existence of symbols that have philosophical meanings in the Cawir metua ceremony.are still poor and need to be improved.
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Kirmayer, Laurence J. "Abstracts and Reviews : Symbol, Ritual and Healing in India." Transcultural Psychiatric Research Review 28, no. 4 (December 1991): 312–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/136346159102800403.
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Kaiser, Daniel H. "Symbol and Ritual in the Marriages of Ivan IV." Russian History 14, no. 1 (1987): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633187x00123.
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Spickard, James V. "Ritual, Symbol, and Experience: Understanding Catholic Worker House Masses." Sociology of Religion 66, no. 4 (2005): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712385.
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Mardotillah, Mila, and Rini S. Soemarwotob. "NGARUAT CAI : SEBUAH PENGIKAT KEBERSAMAAN DI CIRATEUN." HUMANIKA 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/humanika.v24i1.16062.
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Cultural society lasted for revival by community. The symbolic meaning of a behavior that is reflected in a culture understood for generations. Water is one of the essential human needs for survival. Society used a symbol of water maintained as an effort conservation with the knowledge limitation of society itself. Ngaruat cai is a Sundanese traditional ceremony with the intention of thanksgiving and reinforcement refused for its society. This activity was conducted in order to maintain and grateful for the water received by Cirateun’s community as a cultural heritage. There is symbolic meaning from that’s activity with expectation that the same water need can bind society to participate actively. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the meaning of ritual symbols and social changes in Sundanese. Methode of this paper is qualitative ethnography to describe the activity of Cirateun community to maintain Coblong’s river through Ngaruat Cai’s symbolic. Conclusion that the common perception in the symbolic ritual Ngaruat Cai can be a way to improve people's knowledge, people's needs not only maintain a water cleans but also how to keep clean water used and waste water must still be maintained and managed so as not to pollute other environment.
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Sahertian, Claudya Ingrid. "Sakralitas Burung Enggang dalam Teologi Lokal Masyarakat Dayak Kanayatn." EPIGRAPHE: Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan Kristiani 5, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33991/epigraphe.v5i1.202.
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This article aims to explore the culture of the Dayak Kanayatn people regarding the rituals and sacredness of hornbills. Retrieval of data using qualitative research with the ethnography method, through interview techniques, observation, documentary studies, and literature studies. The community makes hornbills a sacred symbol. This attitude can be seen when the community carries out Karana traditional rituals as an implementation of local theology and narrates them in dances, carvings, carvings, and traditional clothing attributes. Through rituals, the community believes that the hornbill is a link between heaven (subayatn) and the world that brings people to death (pidara) into eternity. Hornbills have a significant influence on the Kanayatn Dayak indigenous people because they contain noble values. Everything related to hornbills, including their lifestyle, natural seed dispersers, forest guards, physical beauty, has become sacred to the Kanayatn Dayak community. This study concludes that the hornbill is a sacred symbol in local theology and capital of social integration for the Kanayatn Dayak community.AbstrakArtikel ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi budaya masyarakat Dayak Kanayatn tentang ritual dan sakralitas burung Enggang. Pengambilan data menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan metode ethnografi dan nethnografi, melalui teknik wawancara, observasi, studi dokumenter dan studi pustaka. Masyarakat menjadikan burung Enggang sebagai simbol sakral. Sikap tersebut terlihat ketika masyarakat melaksanakan ritual adat Karana sebagai implementasi teologi lokal, serta menarasikannya dalam tarian, ukiran, pahatan dan atribut pakaian adat. Melalui ritual masyarakat meyakini bahwa burung Enggang sebagai penghubung surga (subayatn) dan dunia. Burung Enggang yang membawa orang meninggal (pidara) masuk kekekalan. Burung Enggang memberi pengaruh yang signifikan bagi masyarakat adat Dayak Kanayatn karena mengandung nilai-nilai yang luhur. Segala sesuatu yang berhubungan dengan burung Enggang baik pola hidup, pemencar biji alami, penjaga hutan, keindahan fisik, menjadi sakral bagi masyarkat Dayak Kanayatn. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa Burung Enggang adalah simbol sakral dalam teologi lokal dan modal integrasi sosial bagi masyarakat Dayak Kanayatn.
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Janah, Ulum, Rosdiana Rosdiana, and Nina Indriastuty. "MAKNA SIMBOL NILAI KEBANGSAAN DALAM PERAYAAN ERAU." CaLLs (Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics) 4, no. 2 (November 28, 2018): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v4i2.1692.
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In local wisdom that has a fair value, the local community has an identity for the nationality of the country. These national values are the basis for national resilience because in these symbols there are patterns in supporting things and as a form of filtering for globalization and support for national resilience. This research aims to find out the national values through symbolic symbols in Erau traditional celebrations in Tenggarong as supporters of national resilience. Descriptive qualitative analysis with Peirce's semiotic approach to interpreting symbols in Erau celebrations that have national values. Its superiority is able to interpret symbols in the Erau context in various other fields. Erau as one of the cultural forms created by the people of Kutai Kartanegara has a symbol of nationality in every ritual in it. Overall, the indigenous people, in this case, the Kutai Kartanegara Sultanate in carrying out Erau is inseparable from the mythology they use based on the Salasilah of the Kutai Kartanegara Sultanate and also the Panji Selaten and Braja Niti books. Mythology is a cultural root that has been passed down from generation to generation as the identity of the Kutai Kartanegara Sultanate and also the patterns of life of its people. In addition, some of the rituals in Erau were designed by the Kutai Sultanate, as well as those that had rules, as a sultanate, they also had separate rules.
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Korovkin, Michael, and Guy Lanoue. "On the Substantiality of Form: Interpreting Symbolic Expression in the Paradigm of Social Organization." Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, no. 4 (October 1988): 613–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015462.
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The publication of Sir James Frazer's Totemism and Exogamy raised as many problems for anthropologists as it tried to solve: namely, why do symbols that stand for any social group become imbued with religious, ritual, social, and mystical significance, and how do these totemic conceptual systems relate to systems of action? More often than not, symbols of group unity—whatever the group—possess more than one dimension, and these dimensions are often hard to differentiate analytically and ethnographically. In the mainstream of anthropology symbols and their use have been deemed to reflect patterns of social organization. Within this paradigm the majority of authors treat the choice of symbol as either essentially arbitrary or deterministically compelled. We find that the old paradigm of symbol as a reflection of something essentially social—cultural inversion, as some authors would have it, or vaguely and vulgarly determined as others put it—is rather suspect.
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Zavalii, Oleksandr. "FEATURES OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE NEBELIVKA TEMPLE: MONUMENTAL ELEMENTS, STRUCTURE AND THEIR RITUAL AND RELIGIOUS MEANING." Sophia. Human and Religious Studies Bulletin 17, no. 1 (2021): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/sophia.2021.17.1.
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In this article, we will focus on the cult building of the Eneolithic world, which was opened in 2012 near the village Nebelivka, Novoarkhangelsk district, Kirovohrad region. Today it is a recognized Temple of Trypillia civilization. Based on the results of excavations, the main features of the structure and layout of the building were restored. In the course of the study, it was analyzed that the preparation, technology and sequence of the construction of the sacred structure could have a special cosmogonic status. It is also determined that the construction had an archaeoastronomic interpretation. The design features of the Nebelivka Temple revealed its ritual capabilities, and the internal structure of the ritual hall was probably adjusted to the functioning of the main temple symbol. It is noted that the main features of the design of the Nebeliv Temple are repeated in the visual arts of the Cucuteni-Trypillia group. The following main features of construction and planning of the building have been restored: 1. Outdoor yard; 2. Sanctuary before the entrance to the ritual hall; 3. The main ritual hall with a circular balcony around the perimeter of the second floor. It was established that the main ritual hall of the Temple had a structure with a partially open roof or a structure that provided the opening of part of the roof during the rituals. One of the main design features of the Temple was also the "solar corridor" on the east side of the building, which provided the light passage of solar energy on the days of the annual equinoxes. The whole ensemble of the building was complemented by a symbolic image of bull horns, which is a stable element of the structures of the Trypillia Temples. The main purpose of the article is to comprehend the problem of the origin and sacred purpose of the Nebelivka Temple. Factors such as location, position and structure of the structure are investigated. With this, the Trypillia shrine acquires the significance of a monument of national architecture and enters the arena of world culture under the symbol of cosmological religion (for Toporov V. N.). For the first time in religious studies, the features of the construction of the Nebelivka Temple of the Trypillia civilization are highlighted. Also, for the first time, key issues related to the temple ritual practice of the Trypillia ethnic group are revealed.
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Malamoud, Charles. "The Skin and the Self: A Note on the Limits of the Body in Brahmanic India." Paragrana 18, no. 1 (September 2009): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/para.2009.0003.
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AbstractThis paper discusses some aspects and moments of the Vedic ritual in which the skin of an animal, when removed from the body to which it belonged, may either be used as a cloth and/or as a symbol, or transformed into the living skin of a new body it is meant to cover (earth for instance). The formulas one has to recite while performing these rituals operate this shift from nature to artefact and back to nature.
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Hia, Potensi Juniarti, and Firman Yamonaha Zega. "Sumane Bewawo Hasi Ritual: A symbolic act respecting the ancestors in South Nias Regency." Jurnal Sosiologi Dialektika 16, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jsd.v16i1.2021.43-52.
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Sumane bewawӧ hasi is one of the rituals in the funeral ceremony originating from the Nias Tribe that is engaged in by the people in ӧri To’ene, ӧri Mazinӧ, and ӧri Onolalu in South Nias. This study aimed to determine the symbolic meaning of each of the series of rituals to do with the giving of sumane bewawӧ hasi. This study used a qualitative descriptive research method and symbolic interaction theory. The data collection in this study consisted of interviews, observations, and documentation techniques. Furthermore, the data analysis used data reduction, data analysis, and drawing conclusions. The result of this research shows that sumane bewawӧ hasi is a symbolic act that specifically aims to pay homage to the parents or ancestors as a symbol of separation. It can also involve famolakhӧmi ya’ira sofulo (glory/dignity of the community) and appreciation of the people attending the funeral. This ritual also aims to strengthen the kinship in the family (fahasara dӧdӧ si fatifusӧ) as a form of togetherness, celebrating the involvement of the entire extended family in the implementation of the religious and familial events. The implementation process consists of several stages: orahua sifatalifusӧ, fame’e sumane and the implementation of hӧlihӧli Sumane.
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Fishman, Talya. "A Kabbalistic Perspective on Gender-Specific Commandments: on the Interplay of Symbols and Society." AJS Review 17, no. 2 (1992): 199–246. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003676.
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Unlike other symbol systems, whose precise influence on cultural mores is hard to pinpoint, Kabbalah's impact on mainstream Jewish culture can be traced, at least in the realm of practice, for this mystical theology and symbol system is rooted in law and expressed through ritual behavior.