Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Rituals of Newar Buddhism'

This paper examines the Buddhist ritual Wesak---commemoration of the birth, enlightenment, and death (or parinibbana) of the Buddha---and its social function in creating Buddhist identity. A socio-historical survey of early Wesak rituals and case studies of Sri Lanka and North America provide examples of the development of Wesak as a ritual. This socio-political interpretation of Wesak reflects the consolidating nature of ritual through its interactions with other political and religious systems, and offers a glimpse into the emerging ecumenical form of Buddhism in North America.

Every four years, in the middle of a cold winter night, devotees bearing images of 126 Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and other important deities assemble in the Nepalese city of Patan for an elaborate gift giving festival known as Samyak Mahādāna (“The Perfect Great Gift”). Celebrated by Nepal’s Newar Buddhist community, Samyak honors one of the Buddhas of the historical past called Dīpaṅkara. Dīpaṅkara’s importance in Buddhism is rooted in ancient textual and visual narratives that promote the cultivation of generosity through religious acts of giving (Skt. dāna). During Samyak, large images of Dīpaṅkara Buddha ceremoniously walk in procession to the event site, aided by a man who climbs inside the wooden body to assume the legs of the Buddha. Once arranged at the event, Dīpaṅkara is honored with an array of offerings until dusk the following day. This dissertation investigates how Newar Buddhists utilize art and ritual at Samyak to reenact and reinforce ancient Buddhist narratives in their contemporary lives. The study combines art historical methods of iconographic analysis with a contextual study of the ritual components of the Samyak Mahādāna to analyze the ways religious spectacle embeds core Buddhist values within in the multilayered components of art, ritual, and communal performance. Principally, Samyak reaffirms the foundational Buddhist belief in the cultivation of generosity (Skt. dāna pāramitā) through meritorious acts of giving (Skt. dāna). However, the synergy of image and ritual performance at Samyak provides a critical framework to examine the artistic, religious, and ritual continuities of past and present in the Newar Buddhist community of the Kathmandu Valley. An analysis of the underlying meta-narrative and conceptualization of Samyak suggests the construction of a dynamic visual narrative associated with sacred space, ritual cosmology, and religious authority. Moreover, this dissertation demonstrates the role of Samyak Mahādāna in constructing Buddhist identity in Nepal, as the festival provides an opportunity to examine how Newar Buddhists utilize art, ritual, and performance to reaffirm their ancient Buddhist heritage.

La population autochtone de la vallée de Kathmandu, les Néwar, a vu sa langue, le néwari ou népalbhasa, et l’une de ses religions, le bouddhisme, se trouver minorées par l’annexion militaire de leur territoire au Népal de la dynastie Shah, hindoue et népaliphone, en 1769. Un siècle plus tard, la politique de discrimination de la langue et de la religion bouddhiste lancée par l’Etat à l’encontre des Néwar a provoqué l’émergence d’une conscience identitaire et d’actes de résistance culturelle. Or, depuis ses débuts, la revendication de l’appartenance au groupe linguistique néwar et, souvent, de sa défense, se double chez ses acteurs d’un rattachement personnel à la religion bouddhiste, sans que cette double appartenance soit pour autant mise en avant dans les discours.La mise en regard de la situation actuelle de la vitalité de la langue et de celle du bouddhisme dans cette population vise d’une part à documenter l’étude des relations entre langue et religion, et d’autre part à proposer l’application d’outils d’évaluation de la vitalité linguistique à celle de la vitalité religieuse. C’est également une confirmation de la nécessité qu’il y a à mettre au jour et à conceptualiser les relations entre la langue et les autres dynamismes sociaux dont elle semble être, si souvent, à la fois le vecteur et l’enjeu
In 1769, the Shah dynasty from Western Nepal, promoting Hinduism and speaking Nepali, had conquered the Kathmandu Valley and integrated it into a much wider Nepal. As a consequence, the language, as well as the Buddhist tradition of the local indigenous ethnic group, the Newars, became minority ones. A century later, the State launched a repressive policy towards both Newari language and Buddhism, and the result has been the development of identity awareness, both in the linguistic and in the religious fields, among the Newar intelligentsia, who entered cultural resistance. Therefore, since the beginning, both language and religion have been associated, although activists hardly acknowledge this double-sided feature of their commitments.This study of the current situation of both language and religion vitalities among the Newars of the Kathmandu Valley aims primarily at documenting the research on relations between language and religion, and at testing the application of evaluation tools of language vitality to the evaluation of religious vitality. Furthermore, it confirms the necessity we are facing to explore and conceptualize more the links between language and the social dynamics it often sustains but also depends on

The fieldwork on which this dissertation is based was done in Sri Lanka from 1984 to 1986 when the critique of the of the anthropologist as 'Knower of the Other' was surfacing in the literature (Fabian, 1983, Clifford and Marcus, 1986, Marcus and Fisher 1986). When I returned from the field most works of this genre were generally unknown in Adelaide. However, I began by writing with the insights of Bakhtin who himself had inspired central dimensions of the burgeoning critique of anthropological practice. Like Bakhtin's work, the debates about ethnographic authority continue to invite us to reflect upon the methods employed in the production of any text which claims to define the world of others. It therefore seems appropriate for me to preface this dissertation by highlighting relevant features of the processes which have culminated in this work, Cosmic Horizons and Social Voices. The nature of my fieldwork was distinctive. I did not work in a spatially constrained community. Rather my work was anchored by the work of specialist ritual practitioners, both deity priests and performers. Because the practitioners themselves not only live in dispersed locations but are also highly mobile in relation to the work that they do, my work entailed extensive travel in and between urban centres and rural areas across several provincial divisions. In the course of eighteen months of this kind of fieldwork, I attended in excess of fifty rituals of different types and scale. Over time, I developed personalized networks with more than fifty ritual practitioners privileging me to a broad span of rituals. I worked regularly, and often intimately, with a core of five priests and ten performers to give depth to my understandings. Many of these practitioners appropriated me to themselves at rituals where they publicly announced the purpose of my presence to ritual audiences as being to document Sinhala culture. I was claimed by them as 'our madam' ('ape noona') and as a university lecturer, which they knew very well I was not. This public acknowledgement legitimated my documentation of performances which were, after all, paid for by others. It also had the effect that the sponsors largely treated me as a member of the performing troupe. My growing familiarity with ritual practitioners had the further ramification that some of them insisted that I discuss the meanings of the rituals I documented with those people whom they considered specialists in their field. Soon, therefore, in addition to attending rituals, I spent a great deal of my time entertaining, and being entertained by, ritual specialists with whom I discussed deeper levels of their knowledge and work. In this way, and through my own unique constellation of relationships, I accumulated ritual knowledge, albeit at the theoretical, not practical, level. Some people shared esoteric and valued information with me that they would not disseminate to others with whom they were in competition. This field exercise provided a singular vantage point from which I have interpreted Sinhalese Buddhist ritual practices. While the final selection of rituals interpreted in the dissertation is mine, and represents only aspects of the larger body of knowledge carried collectively by Sri Lanka's ritual practitioners, the interpretations are based not simply on my observations, but on this body of knowledge which was shared with me even as it was constantly discussed, disputed, disseminated and transformed by ritual practitioners. My understandings of the meanings of ritual were consolidated in both quasi-formal and informal social settings, at my home and theirs, with people renowned as ritual experts by their peers. I collected ritual knowledge like ritual practitioners, in bits and pieces from different people. And, like practitioners who publicly acknowledge only one gurunnanse, I acknowledge mine formally, in the public arena of my own world, in the Introduction. There is another dimension of my field experience that I want to mention before discussing how it was metamorphosed by writing. My three children, Grant, Vanessa and Mark accompanied me to Sri Lanka at the ages of 9, 11 and 12 respectively. Their beautiful, inquisitive and effervescent youth attracted many people to us as a family which meant that they became wonderful sources of new friends and colloquial information. Both of the boys were fascinated with the unique rhythms of Sri Lanka's ritual music and dance and before long, they were keen to learn these for themselves. Grant was deeply disappointed that he could not because, like Vanessa, he was committed to his schooling and, even at 12, he was taller than many of the ritual practitioners. Mark was younger and, in any case, of a much smaller build so he became a pupil of Elaris Weerasingha, a ritual practitioner with international fame, who became my husband. Mark left school to work with Elaris and his sons, often at rituals other than those I attended. With Elaris as his gurunnanse, Mark made his ritual debut just as novice Sinhala performers do. The Sri Lankan press discovered this unique cross-cultural relationship in late December 1986 just as we were preparing to return to Australia. Memorable photographs appeared in both English language and Sinhala papers accompanied by full-page stories praising Elaris for his teaching and acclaiming Mark for proficiency in dance and fluency in Sinhala language and verse. We were delighted. Mark and Elaris continued to perform together in Adelaide at the Festival of Arts, on television and at multicultural art shows before Elaris returned to Sri Lanka to live for family reasons early in 1988. I remember Elaris for both the joy of our union and the pain of our parting. I want to thank him here for sharing his culture with us and especially for the way he supported me to believe in my understandings of the rituals he knew so well. I transcribed my field experience with the help of Bakhtinian insights. The rituals I studied are analysed for their performative value under the heading Cosmic Horizons with faithful reference to what their producers, including Elaris, consider to be one of their most important dimensions if they are to be efficacious; where and when they should occur. I call these facets of ritual their time-space co-ordinates and I employ Bakhtin's conception of the chronotype, in conjunction with practitioner's naming practices, to give them the analytical emphasis they deserve. Using elaborations of ritual meanings articulated to me by ritual specialists and colloquial understandings of words rather than their linguistic etymologies, I variously explore the chronotopic dimensions of the names of supernatural. beings, myths, ritual boundaries and segments to render explicit those unifying symbolic dimensions of a ritual corpus which would otherwise remain implicit to all except ritual practitioners. In particular, the Bakhtinian conceptions I use to analyse ritual serve to reveal and crystallize an integral relationship between the time-space co-ordinates inherent in ritual performance and the oscillations of the sun, moon and earth. Part 1 is my synthesis but it is based on the time-space co-ordinates of ritual; it is deliberately constructionist but it elaborates what I learned from ritual practitioners in the ways I have described. Part 2 is deconstructionist, it is an attempt to represent rituals as events with complex and indirect discursive reference to the elegant symbolic dimensions of the ritual performances themselves. As its title, Social Voices, suggests, Part 2 of the thesis privileges discourse about ritual - by ritual practitioners, ritual sponsors, Buddhist monks, the media and scholars - above the structural symmetry or chronotopic logic of the ritual corpus. It is in this domain, just to offer one example, that religion (agama) is distinguished from culture (sanskruthaiya) and exploited to make value judgements about people's participation in orthodox or unorthodox ritual practices, a judgement which is a possibility of the comic horizons constituted in ritual but which is not, as I argue, determined by them. This dissertation is ultimately an attempt to represent, in written form, fragments of an-Other world through a prosaic Bakhtinian focus on the way particular people named and talked about that world to me. Although I chose not to identify individuals in the text for personal reasons, my methodology is purposeful, giving value to Sinhalese performative ritual as the product of specialist knowledge. And, in keeping with the new imperatives for writing ethnography, this preface describing my field experience is intended to make explicit the way the dissertation explores its foundation in relationships between Self and Other, Observer and Observed, without abrogating the responsibility of authorship. Not pretending to be the voice of the Other, Cosmic Horizons and Social Voices is my voice, echoing the voice of Sri Lanka as it spoke to me.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--School of Social Sciences, 1990.

From the establishment of the Ming to the fall of the Qing (1368--1911), the social and cultural scene of the Chinese countryside was greatly transformed. Lineages became the dominant social organization in many areas. Local temples became a familiar part of the rural landscape. Local culture was increasingly exposed to the influence of regional culture and gentry culture with the proliferation of market towns, the development of the printing industry and the rise of literacy. By investigating the history of ritual specialists and their rituals in a sub-county area in southeast China, this thesis shows how these social and cultural transformations took place and how the local population experienced them. Lisheng or masters of ceremonies, the focus of this thesis, played and still play an important role in the local social and symbolic life. Either along with or in the absence of other ritual specialists, they guided the laity through ritual procedures to communicate with ancestors, gods, and the dead. These rituals, and also the related liturgical texts, were the outcome of social and cultural transformations in the late imperial period. Through a detailed discussion of the history of the three important local institutions that were closely related to lisheng and their rituals, namely, lineages, community compacts, and temple networks, the thesis shows the limitations of the elitist interpretation of late imperial cultural transformations. Cultural integration and gentrification were without doubt important aspects of these processes. However, both may have oversimplified the complexity of the processes and exaggerate the influence of high culture. Cultural hybridization, the process in which elements from different cultural traditions were synthesized into a new, constantly changing cultural mosaic, provides a multipolar, interactional, and thus more complex approach to our understanding of cultural processes in late imperial China.

Dans l’école des Tenants des anciennes traductions, les rNying ma pa-s, on trouve, en plus de la lignée de transmission orale dite longue (ring brgyud bka’ ma), une lignée de transmission courte des trésors (nye brgud gter ma). Par « trésors », on entend des textes qui auraient été cachés par Padmasambhava et ses disciples et qui, au moment où les circonstances l’exigent, sont redécouverts par des religieux prédestinés : les gter ston-s. Ceux-ci sont des milliers mais seuls certains d’entre eux, les cinq rois gter ston-s, font autorité pour authentifier un trésor et son découvreur. Le quatrième d’entre eux, Padma gling pa (1450-1521), naquit au Bhoutan où il œuvra et établit des centres religieux. Il étendit également sa sphère d’influence au Sud du Tibet où il fonda l’un de ses monastères principaux : Lha lung. Après sa mort, sa tradition spirituelle continua de se développer grâce à trois lignées d’incarnations. Bien loin de là, dans l’Ouest de l’Himalaya, la tradition rituelle de ce gter ston est encore aujourd’hui pratiquée dans la Vallée des nuages au Spiti. Jusqu’à présent, l’introduction de cette tradition, si éloignée de son lieu d’origine, reste mystérieuse. La présente étude vise, après avoir évoqué le cadre historique de la Vallée, à reconstituer dans un deuxième temps, grâce à des manuscrits que l’on croyait un temps perdus ainsi qu’à la tradition orale, l’histoire de cette tradition religieuse depuis son introduction jusqu’à nos jours. Dans un troisième temps, ce travail expose les pratiques et le calendrier rituel de la Vallée. Enfin, la dernière partie est consacrée au Rituel des vivants (gSon chog), rituel incontournable des habitants de la Vallée
In the school of the Followers of the old translations, the rNying ma pa-s, there is not only the Long lineage of the oral transmission (ring brgyud bka’ ma) but also the Short lineage of the treasures (nye brgyud gter ma). “Tresaures” are texts that were hidden by Padmasambhava and his disciples and discovered by predestined religious figures : the gter ston-s, when the circumstances so require. Those gter ston-s are thousands but only few of them, the five gter ston-s kings are recognized authority who can authentify a treasure and its discoverer. The fourth of them Padma gling pa (1450-1521), was born in Bhutan where he built several important religious complexes. During his life time, he extended his influence to the South of Tibet where he founded one of his main monasteries : Lha lung. After his death, his tradition continued to develop thanks to three incarnation lineages. On the western part of the Himalaya, in the Clouds Valley, in Spiti, the ritual tradition of this gter ston is nowadays still practiced. Until recently, the introduction of this ritual tradition far from its place of origin, remained quite a mystery. After an evocation of the historic context, the present study attempt, secondly, thanks to old manuscripts that were supposed to be lost and thanks to the oral tradition, to redraw the history of this religious tradition from its origin until now. Thirdly, this work exposes the practices and the religous agenda of the Valley. Finally, its last part focus on the Ritual of the living beings (gSon chog) which is a key ritual in the life of the inhabitants of the Valley

L'œuvre principalement photographique de Kimiko Yoshida (née le 23 juin 1963 au Japon et installée en France depuis 1995) se fonde sur la création de « mythes» à travers ses autoportraits. Les « mythes du Photographe» à l'origine des « fonctions» de son œuvre - visant entre autres à « informer, représenter, surprendre, faire signifier, donner envie» selon Roland Barthes dans La chambre claire - trouvent leurs sources dans la société, la culture, l'époque auxquelles l'artiste appartient et par conséquent également dans ce qui touche à la singularité de la personnalité, du vécu, de l'histoire à l'échelle intime de celui-ci. De fait, le titre général de cette étude énonce une quête des « mythes personnels et pluriels dans l'œuvre de Kimiko Yoshida », dont le thème de « rentre-deux» constitue la posture esthétique majeure, l'artiste et son œuvre se trouvant entre Japon et Occident, entre figuration et abstraction, entre réalité et fiction, entre citation et transgression. Ce discours fictionnel par l'image et dans l'image subit différentes métamorphoses qui forment les quatre axes fondateurs de la thèse, à savoir l'entre-deux particulier du « personnage conceptuel» défini par Gilles Deleuze et Félix Guattari dans Qu'est-ce que la philosophie / appliqué à la « signature» Kimiko Yoshida : l'étude d'un entre-deux géographique et culturel définissant un « syncrétisme» artistique singulier: les illustrations des différentes dimensions spatio-temporelles perceptibles dans l ' œuvre de Kimiko Yoshida, notamment à travers les (enjeux des couleurs des images : et l'interrogation concernant la place du sujet à l'image, entre trace et absence
The work of Kimiko Yoshida (born on June 23rd, 1963, in Japan and living in France since 1995), mainly based on photography, is founded on the creation of « myths ». This study is about searching, defining and analysing the « functions » of Kimiko Yoshida's self-portraits. The « myths of the Photographer », at the origins of her work's functions - aiming. amongst others, to « inform, represent, surprise, signify, create desire» according to Roland Barthes' Camera Lucida - are rooted in the society, the culture and the time the artist belongs to, and as a consequence also in the singularity of his/her personality, experience, and intimate story. Thus, the general title of this study brings forwards a research of « personal and plural myths in Kimiko Yoshida's work of art», whose topic of the « in-between » is the main aesthetic position, the artist and her work situated between Japan and the West between representation and abstraction, between reality and fiction, between quotation and transgression. The fictional speech through and in the image undergoes several transformations which make up the four founding lines of this thesis, that is to say the distinctive in-between of the « conceptual character » defined by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in Whut is Philosophy ) applied to Kirniko Yoshida's name : the study of a geographical and cultural in-between defining a singular artistic « syncretism » : the illustrations of the several perceptible space-time dimensions in Kimiko Yoshida's work, notably through the games/aims of the images' colours : and the questioning about the subject in the image, between trace and absence

楊毅彬.
"2005年8月".
論文([哲學]碩士)--香港中文大學, 2005.
參考文獻(leaves 225-235).
"2005 nian 8 yue".
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Yang Yibin.
Lun wen ([zhe xue] shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 225-235).
緒論 --- p.1
Chapter 第一章 --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式的緣起與演變
Chapter 第一節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式的釋名 --- p.14
Chapter 第二節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式的緣起 --- p.18
Chapter 第三節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式儀軌本之版本 --- p.20
Chapter 第四節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式内容的歷史沿流、演變 --- p.24
小結 --- p.39
Chapter 第二章 --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式舉行的功能及人力空間的配置
Chapter 第一節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式的功能 --- p.41
Chapter 第二節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式的時間、空間佈置 --- p.53
Chapter 第三節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式的法物 --- p.57
Chapter 第四節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式的參與者 --- p.61
小結 --- p.74
《瑜伽焰口施食》儀式的壇場佈置圖 --- p.75
Chapter 第三章 --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式的結構内容
Chapter 第一節： --- 「啟壇」 --- p.76
Chapter 第二節： --- 「敬供」 --- p.78
Chapter 第三節： --- 「悲施」 --- p.131
Chapter 第四節： --- 「結壇送聖」 --- p.165
小结 --- p.167
Chapter 第四章 --- 探討「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式背後的鬼神世界
Chapter 第一節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式中的餓鬼世界 --- p.168
Chapter 第二節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式宗教世界的擴展一六道群靈 --- p.189
Chapter 第三節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式中人、上界神、下界亡魂之關係 --- p.196
Chapter 第四節： --- 「瑜伽焰口施食」儀式中祖先世界及儀式的「地方化」 --- p.203
小结 --- p.209
總結 --- p.211
附錄一 --- p.216
附錄二 --- p.221
參考書目 --- p.225

陳堯鈞.
"2005年6月".
論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2005.
參考文獻(leaves 242-247).
"2005 nian 6 yue".
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Chen Yaojun.
Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 242-247).
目 錄 --- p.1-3
Chapter 第一章： --- 緒論 --- p.4-23
Chapter 第一節： --- 相關研究的回顧及總結
Chapter 第二節： --- 研究目的、方法及成果
Chapter 第三節： --- 水陸法會之釋名及緣起
Chapter 第四節： --- 水陸儀文版本的研究
Chapter 第二章： --- 明末袾宏重訂水陸儀及他之前的水陸會概況 --- p.24-65
Chapter 第一節： --- 明末袾宏之前的水陸會概況
Chapter 第二節： --- 晚明雲棲袾宏法師的生平
Chapter 第二節： --- 袾宏在晚明佛教的地位
Chapter 第三節： --- 袾宏出現的時代背景
Chapter 第四節： --- 袾宏重訂水陸儀文的背景、基礎及理據
Chapter 第三章： --- 水陸法會的教義基礎、流程、祭祀組織、壇場分佈及理論基礎 --- p.66-194
Chapter 第一節： --- 水陸法會的教義基礎
Chapter 第二節： --- 水陸法會流程
Chapter 第三節： --- 水陸法會祭祀組織
Chapter 第四節： --- 水陸法會内壇上堂每席的內容及壇場配置
Chapter 第五節： --- 水陸法會内壇下堂每席的内容及壇場配置
Chapter 第四章： --- 水陸法會外壇的儀式内容及宗教意義 --- p.195-216
Chapter 第五章： --- 水陸法會內壇的儀式內容及宗教意義 --- p.217-229
Chapter 第一節： --- 内壇的儀式内容及宗教意義
Chapter 第二節： --- 一連串內壇儀式反映出水陸法會之永恆主題一普度六道受苦亡靈
Chapter 第六章： --- 總結 --- p.230-241
Chapter 第一節： --- 水陸法會的功能
Chapter 第二節： --- 在整個水陸法會所建構出來的世界觀
Chapter 第三節： --- 前瞻
參考書目 --- p.242-247
附錄一（袾宏大師年表） --- p.248-252

Amituofo recitation is the chanting of the phrase "namo Amituofo , which is a rite commonly used among Buddhists for the attainment of merit. However, the attained merits would be nullified if the initiate gets pregnant after she has done Jiezhu. This has much to do with taboos related to female sexuality. Women always have a marginalized status as the supposedly "weaker" gender having a lower social position. The association of female bodily discharges with defilement further discredits their status. Jiezhu in effect reinforces the idea of "defilement" attributed to the female body. The shame that the women feel with the male-defined negative female bodily image affirms the patriarchal hegemony.
Based on historical, textual and field studies, this thesis examines a women-oriented initiation rite called Jiezhu. Jiezhu, a once-in-a-lifetime rite of passage, is performed by menopausal women in Ninghua, Western Fujian, China.
However, ritualistic acts provide therapeutic healing. The Jiezhu woman has to go through a stage in which she has to handle the change of her role and identity as a life-giver (mothering) with the end of her procreative cycle. The ritual provides both private and public meanings to the woman and helps her relieve the physical and mental difficulties that she faces in her menopausal stage.
It is believed in the villages of Ninghua that when a woman reaches her menopausal age, she has to do Jiezhu, without which, her Amituofo recitation (nianfo) would not be efficacious. In other words, Jiezhu, as a pre-requisite for Amituofo recitation, is at the same time a purification rite.
Jiezhu appropriates the woman into a new phase of being by first providing private meanings to her. Ritualistic acts can bridge memory and imagination. The ritual program allows the woman to go back and forth the past, the present and the future. Jiezhu dramatically juxtaposes girlhood and mature womanhood, reenacts her wedding and rehearses her future funeral. Death and rebirth symbols abound. In Jiezhu, the woman "witnesses" her own funerary rites to ensure abundant personal possessions are burned for her to receive in the underworld after her death. The woman acquires spiritual strength to ease off from her menopausal stress and to allay the fears of the approach of death. Jiezhu and Amituofo recitation make up a twin tool they use to ensure a more fortunate rebirth.
Second, Jiezhu gives social meanings. The woman is given a new identity. She is now eligible for Amituofo recitation and becomes a member of the nianfo community. As social inferiority can be compensated for by a show of lavishness, Jiezhu as an expensive event creates symbolic capital. Jiezhu has become a symbol of prestige and resources that in part enhances the status of the women.
The women are also able to express their power within the limits of their traditional politics. The woman's contributions as a wife and a mother are valued and celebrated in the Jiezhu ceremony. The youthful, bright and colourful gift items given by the married daughter display a defiant tone against the association of Jiezhu with old age. Jiezhu celebrates an oft-neglected life crisis of women.
To conclude, Jiezhu on the one hand "traditionalizes", and on the other hand, as a strategic mode of action, challenges traditions through religious and social empowerment. Jiezhu preserves the established order but it also facilitates transformation in the initiate. The two dynamics of ritual are not antithetical; they produce and contend with each other.
Cheung, Tak Ching Neky.
"September 2007."
Adviser: Chi Tim Lai.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-08, Section: A, page: 3178.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 390-406).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
School code: 1307.

碩士
南華大學
宗教學研究所
107
The study is concerned with death and funeral rituals that reveal the Ladakhi Buddhist beliefs and attitudes toward death. It focuses on Buddhist religious beliefs and socio-cultural practices regarding death. Buddhists believe in the cyclical reincarnation of the soul. So, funeral rites are performed not only for the disposal of the body, but also to assist the deceased soul to the next destination. The paper discusses how the responsibility of the family members and relatives to perform the funeral rites and the rights way to assist the deceased soul in the intermediate state after death. This thesis also discusses the different forms of oracles in Buddhist Ladakh who present rituals service to peoples when they are possessed by gods. It also explores the roles and importance of Buddhist oracles in rites.

博士
國立臺灣大學
歷史學研究所
107
Japanese Buddhism was introduced from Korean Peninsula and China at the beginning, so the history of Japanese Buddhism can also be represented as a history of Cultural Interactions. One of the most significant examples is the establishment of Tendai school in the ninth century. Tendai school became one the most powerful schools in Japanese Buddhist history, and highly influenced the development of Japanese Buddhism. Tendai was named after the Tiantai school in China, and it revealed their tight connections within the East Asian Buddhism. My dissertation takes sangha, ritual, and power as different perspectives to inspect Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism, in order to consider the characteristics of Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism within East Asian cultural interactions. First, take sangha for example, Tiantai community were active around Taizhou, where Temple Guoqing located, Mingzhou area, and Temple Yuquan in Jingzhou. In Tang dynasty, Tiantai Buddhism had no clear connection with capital city or central government and kept its locality. At the same time, Tiantai Buddhism was highly international for its location. Tiantai texts have been introduced to Korea and Japan, and sometimes imported back to China as well. That is, this kind of interaction has made Tiantai Buddhism important resources in East Asian cultural interactions. Buddhist culture as resources can be related to different meanings, and ritual is one of them. Sangha defines their own rituals, and rituals reflect values they share. Inspecting ritual texts of Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism can help us understand how they regard the ruling class headed by emperor. With the transmission of Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism, rituals as part of the discourse resources were also comprehended. Thereafter, how would Japanese Tendai school utilize these ritual resources from Chinese Tiantai Buddhism? How did these resources transform? Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism in East Asian cultural interactions refers to a process that Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism as resources that gradually founded within cultural interactions in this dissertation. Zhiyi (538-597) was regarded the founder of Tiantai Buddhism. He led his followers to Mount Tiantai and establish the place as important Buddhist site in China ever since. Guoqing bailu provides clues to explore the rituals Zhiyi made for his followers, and in these rituals, ruling class that headed by emperor was highly respected and further systematized. Personally, Zhiyi had a close association with ruling class even while staying at a rather rural area, and his idea of state-protection never changed. But this state-protection idea was not noticed by the ruling class of Tang, because the center of politics had moved to Guanzhong area instead of the south. Via contemporary ritual texts, state-protection idea that related to Tiantai Buddhism can be observed among different areas in Tang. Meanwhile, Tiantai Buddhism in Tang never had the chance to reach out to the central ruling class because of its location. Although Tiantai Buddhism in Tang was limited to the Taizhou and Mingzhou area, with Japanese monk Saichō (767-822) as an agent, it transformed to Tendai Buddhism in Heian Japan. In the beginning of the ninth century, Saichō, who just finished his journey to Mount Tiantai, established Tendai school at Mount Hiei with the support of Emperor Kanmu (737-706). The establishment of temple at Mount Hiei, was a representation of Chinese Tiantai Buddhism in Japan by Saichō and his followers. Canons and other Buddhist items brought from China became the provenance of legitimacy for Japanese Tendai school. At the same time, Saichō''s Sanbu chōkō eshiki, a Japanese Tendai ritual text, demonstrated local development of Tendai Buddhism. Japanese deities along with other elements that were absent in Tiantai ritual texts reflect the originality of Japanese Tendai school. Also, emphasizing Akṣobhya in ritual texts instead of chanting Buddhas of the ten directions, reflects the consciousness of Japan as an eastern country. Though this creative interpretation kept strengthening the distinctness of Japanese Tendai school, they till firmly believed in the straight connection with Chinese Tiantai. Keiran shuyoushu, an encyclopedia of Tendai in medieval Japan, was an excellent example, for it claims that the connection between Saichō and Tiantai/Tendai idea of state-protection was the very beginning to construct the lineage of state-protection idea. In fact, as for the production of Buddhist ritual texts, Japanese Tendai school indeed had many creations in Heian period. Especially in the latter half of Heian period, Genshin (942-1017) had a reputation for his innovative works, for he was the pioneer to inaugurate Japanese Buddhism. However, through investigating Genshin''s ritual works, the tradition of both Tiantai and Tendai Buddhism still played an important role in his works but did not exactly conform to canons or previous ritual texts. His comprehension and digestion of Tiantai/Tendai Buddhist discourse had made him the best creator of ritual texts at the time. Meanwhile, Zunshi (?-1015) in Song China, who is also famous for ritual works, showed a different attitude toward ritual works. That is, Zunshi followed canons rather strictly, and represented the idea of textual authority. Finally, by observing the historical development of Tendai school in Heian Japan, the connection with Emperor and Saichō''s statement of state-protection at the beginning of Tendai''s foundation had deeply affected the characteristic of the sangha. The administration system of Tendai that headed by Tendai zasu was independent and directly related to Emperor. The court that led by Sessho and Kanpaku, along with Emperor, were regarded the top of national political structures, and they kept interaction with Tendai school which claimed to be state-protected. The latter part of Heian period was an important turning point of Japanese political powers. According to Tendai zasuki, Tendai monks did not follow the orders of sekkan regency, and they boycott what they claimed to be state-protected. The engagement and conflicts between sangha and sekkan regency encourage the antagonism toward different sects under Tendai. At last, with the establishment of Kamakura shogunate, Tendai''s state-protection discourse clearly disobey what shogunate needed, so that Tendai school was in the doldrums until Tokugawa shogunate, that Tendai once again created a discourse that fulfill the demand of ruling class.

碩士
南華大學
宗教學研究所
101
Master Zhih-yi, the Patriarch of Tian-Tai School, formulated the ritual of invoking Kwan-shi-yin for repentance (Qing Kwan-Shi-Yin Ch’an Fa) based on Qing Kwan-Shi-Yin Jing. In Master Zhih-yi’s old age, he incorporated this ritual into the practice of neither walking nor sitting of four Samādhi in Mo-he zhih-Kwan. 　 　　This thesis is composed of five chapters. Chapter One, Introduction, describes the motives and purposes, methods, and potential of this research. Chapter Two illustrates the Mahayāna practice of repentance and meditation in Qing Kwan-Shi-Yin Jing. In Chapter Three, through Master Zhih-yi’s commentary on Qing Kwan-Shi-Yin Jing, I examine how the Tian-Tai doctrine interpreted by the ritual of invoking Kwan-shi-yin for repentance, and the Tian Tai ideology of the middle way of reality. In Chapter Four, I analyze Zun-shi’s faith in Kwan-shi-yin, and this repentance ritual’s structure, practice and the way of Li-Kwan by studying his Samādhi Ritual of invoking Kwan-shi-yin. The final chapter is the conclusion.

This dissertation explores ritual healing and the issue of efficacy in early medieval Japanese Buddhism through a study of The Ritual of Shōmen Kongō for Expelling Demons and Māras. Designed by monks of the Jimon branch of the Tendai school in the 1170’s and transmitted over the thirteenth century, this ritual stood out in the field of esoteric ritual healing at the time for two significant reasons. First, its therapeutic program was centered on moxibustion (kyū), a Chinese medical modality in which the healer burns dried mugwort on multiple locations on the patient’s body. Second, it was the earliest esoteric rite created in Japan to target a single, named affliction. That affliction was “corpse-vector disease” (denshibyō), a contagious wasting disorder known to Japan through transmitted classical Chinese medical texts as well as Buddhist scriptures. Until this time, esoteric ritual healing in Japan had never before featured direct engagement with the patient’s body so prominently. What was it about corpse-vector disease, an affliction that only became known in the late twelfth century, that spurred monks to reorient esoteric ritual healing around a technology for burning the body of the sick? Why, moreover, had Jimon monks made the unprecedented move of looking beyond the tried-and-true techniques of the esoteric ritual repertoire to instead adopt a non-Buddhist medical modality? Through an examination of the extant textual sources for the rite as well as medical texts, courtier diaries, tale literature, and other ritual sources, this dissertation investigates these questions in order to reconsider the issue of efficacy in the context of Buddhist ritual healing. Challenging the longstanding notion that esoteric ritual efficacy was the object of unquestioning belief throughout the early medieval period, I define efficacy as a site of uncertainty for both healers and patients, a nexus for the convergence of vexing questions and anxieties pertaining to disease, technology, and the body. Responding to new problems posed by the emergence of corpse-vector disease, Jimon monks—the most prominent therapeutic exorcists at court in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries—offered an unheard of solution that would thereafter transform healing culture in Japan for centuries. I examine how Jimon monks drew upon liturgical, doctrinal, and medical texts to reimagine the disease as well as moxibustion and the patient’s body, and consider the transformations the enactment of the rite’s prescriptions would have brought to performances of ritual healing. In so doing, I argue that efficacy cannot be understood solely through universal ascriptions of ritual power, common as those ascriptions may be throughout esoteric liturgical literature. Rather, the Jimon ritual demonstrates above all that esoteric healers had to negotiate efficacy through a specific constellation of images and material practices that engaged issues of affliction, technology, and body in compelling ways.

碩士
國立高雄師範大學
諮商心理與復健諮商研究所
107
The funeral rituals can help the bereaved overcome the sadness and can alleviate their suffering when they face separation. Most of the grief healing theories are proposed by Western scholars. In Taiwan, most of the domestic grief healing theories were discussing the influential factors of grief, the task adjustments of grief, and the analysis of grief experiences. However, little of research focuses on how the bereaved achieve peace through the funeral rituals. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to propose” The Grief Healing Model of the Funeral Rituals of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism (GHMFRCTB)”. In this model, the fundamental issue is to put Confucian ethical healing into practice in our daily life, including the psychological reaction to grief in the culture of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, the coping skills of the funeral rituals, the tasks of grieving, and the sign of recovery from grief. Also, we test this model via the scale that was developed in this study because there would not be a suitable scale to test GHMFRCTB. There are two parts in the study. The first part is to construct the framework, named GHMFRCTB. The second one includes two empirical studies. The first research in the second part is to develop the scale of the harmonious ethical relationship with the ancestors. We recruited 374 adults who have experience in parental loss. Their ages are from 20 to 64 (M=29.20，SD=10.41) in average. The data was analyzed with item-analysis, factor analysis, and Cronbach’s coefficient alpha for the scale. The result showed a good model fitness, good reliability, and construct validity. Moreover, the other research is to assume significant correlations among the harmonious ethical relationship with the ancestors, the behavior of filial piety, and the impact of event. The behavior of filial piety might partially mediate the connection between the harmonious ethical relationship with the ancestors and the impact of event. Also, the sample of research two consisted of 126 adults who have experience in parental loss from 20 to 75 years old in average (M=44.20，SD=15.23). The research instruments includes Harmonious Ethical Relationship with the Ancestors Scale, Behavior of Filial Piety Scale and Impact of Event Scale. As predicted, the harmonious ethical relationship with the ancestors and the behavior of filial piety both had significant negative correlations with the impact of event. The harmonious ethical relationship with the ancestors and the behavior of filial piety had significantly positive correlations with each other. The behavior of filial piety was found to partially mediate the relationship between the harmonious ethical relationship with the ancestors and the impact of event. Accordingly, these results suggest that the effects of the harmonious ethical relationship with the ancestors on the impact of event can be at least partially accounted for by the behavior of filial piety. Through empirical studies, the model is tested to indicate that the behaviors of filial piety behind many funeral rituals could buffer the impact of bereavement and then achieve peace. Lastly, the research limits, suggestion for the future research and the applications on the guidance and counseling implications were addressed.

陳韋燕.
"2007年12月".
論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2007.
參考文獻(leaves 266-272).
"2007 nian 12 yue".
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Chen Weiyan.
Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 266-272).
Chapter 第一章： --- 緒論 --- p.1
Chapter 第二章： --- 佛樂在中國的變遷 --- p.10
Chapter 第一節： --- 佛教音樂 --- p.11
Chapter 第二節： --- 佛教音樂在中國 --- p.12
Chapter 第三節： --- 香港佛教 --- p.16
Chapter 第三章： --- 瑜伽燄口佛事 --- p.20
Chapter 第一節： --- 「燄口佛事」 --- p.20
Chapter 第二節： --- 「廣東燄口」 --- p.24
Chapter 第四章： --- 寶蓮禪寺廣東燄口佛事個案記錄 --- p.48
Chapter 第一節： --- 寶蓮禪寺 --- p.48
Chapter 第二節： --- 儀式的空間 --- p.54
Chapter 第三節： --- 儀式參與者 --- p.57
Chapter 第四節： --- 儀軌、音聲與動作 --- p.61
Chapter 第五節： --- 儀式的全程 --- p.63
Chapter 第六節： --- 儀式的紀錄 --- p.74
Chapter 第五章： --- 寶蓮禪寺廣東燄口佛事個案音樂分析 --- p.191
Chapter 第一節： --- 器樂方面 --- p.191
Chapter 第二節： --- 聲樂方面 --- p.196
Chapter 第三節： --- 唱曲運用特點 --- p.230
Chapter 第四節： --- 法器及樂器的運用 --- p.237
Chapter 第六章： --- 儀式音樂的神性與世俗 --- p.239
Chapter 第一節： --- 儀式音樂的硏究 --- p.239
Chapter 第二節： --- 燄口佛事中音樂的運用 --- p.241
Chapter 第三節： --- 廣東燄口佛事音樂的地域性和跨地域性特點 --- p.244
Chapter 第四節： --- 儀式音聲的神性與世俗：音樂的多層次核心與非核心關係 --- p.256
Chapter 第七章： --- 總結 --- p.263
參考書目 --- p.266

論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2002.
參考文獻 (p. 341-355).
中英文摘要.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002.
Can kao wen xian (p. 341-355).

本文的主旨在於探討儀式傳統向戲劇轉化的問題。本文以岑溪市南渡鎮地方儀式傳統為基礎，從社會綜合市鎮格局形成、儀式傳統中的基本儀式形態、作為戲劇化載體的儀式劇形態，以及儀式劇在整個儀式傳統中的定位與脈絡等方面，對「儀」與「戲」在特定社會轉變背景下的關係作出深入的探究。
本文分七章就上述論題展開論述。第一章為緒論部分，主要涉及研究緣起、地方儀式傳統與儀式劇研究回顧、問題意識形成以及研究資料方法等內容。
第二章集中論述自清乾隆年間起，南渡鎮因鹽課政策的改變逐漸形成了綜合性市鎮，為南渡儀式傳統的形成打下了物質基礎。
第三章主要論述南渡儀式傳統的基本形態，包括相關家族移民史、道法源及當地紅事、白事、神事的表演形態。南渡道館存有兩部主要儀式劇：《枉府西遊》與《八仙下凡》，均形成於清中晚期，且衍生於當地道館中的民間佛教信仰。
第四章論及南渡道館中的「喃嘸」傳統。南渡「喃嘸」傳統具有廣府與客家融合，茅山、玄科、儀式佛教合而為一的地方「喃嘸」特色。
第五章探究南渡「喃嘸」傳統的戲劇化現象。
第六章探討南渡「喃嘸」傳統中「儀」與「戲」的互動。
第七章為本文結論。
This dissertation focuses on the question of the theatricalization of local ritual tradition. Our study concentrates on the local ritual tradition in a community town of Nandu, Cenxi. We study the process of theatricalization of local ritual tradition and the relationship between "ritual" and "drama".
This dissertation consists of seven chapters. Chapter one is an introduction which defines the research question and methodology. It also includes a literature review on local ritual tradition and ritual drama.
Chapter two discusses the historical process of urbanization of Nandu Town since Qianlong in relation to the change of tax policy on salt and the emerging need for entertainment of the newly formed town.
Chapter three investigates the forms of ritual in Nadu. There are two main ritual dramas: the Western Travel drama (枉府西遊) and the Eight-Immortals (八仙下凡), both of which formed in late Qing and developed from ritual Buddhism.
Chapter four studies the ritual tradition of Nandu. The ritual is fundmentally made up of three religious sects: Maoshan teachingm , Xuan teaching, as well as ritual Buddhism .
Chapter five focuses on the dramatization of the ritual tradition of Nandu.
Chapter six disscuses the interaction between ritual and drama in Nandu tradition.
Chapter seven is the conclusion of this dissertation.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
謝健.
Parallel title from added title page.
Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-197).
Abstracts also in English.
Xie Jian.

蔡懿嫻.
論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999.
參考文獻 (leaves 246-256).
附中英文摘要.
Cai Yixian.
Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi) -- Xianggang zhong wen da xue, 1999.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 246-256).
Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
緒論 --- p.1
Chapter (一) --- 硏究源起 --- p.1
Chapter (二) --- 中國佛教音樂的硏究現況 --- p.1
Chapter (三) --- 本選題的意義及硏究目的 --- p.5
Chapter (四) --- 本論文採用之硏究方法 --- p.6
Chapter 第一章 --- 佛教及其音樂在中國之發展槪況 --- p.8
Chapter 第一節 --- 佛教之傳入 --- p.8
Chapter 第二節 --- 佛教音樂在中國的發展槪況 --- p.10
Chapter (一) --- 漢代至東晉的初弘階段 --- p.10
Chapter (二) --- 南北朝的建立階段 --- p.12
Chapter (三) --- 唐代的繁盛及定型化階段 --- p.13
Chapter (四) --- 宋元至近代的衰微階段 --- p.15
Chapter 第二章 --- 佛教在香港的發展槪況 --- p.18
Chapter 第一節 --- 香港的三大古刹與佛教在香港的歷史槪況 --- p.18
Chapter 第二節 --- 1900年至1940年佛教在香港的發展槪況 --- p.20
Chapter 第三節 --- 戰後佛教在香港的發展 --- p.22
Chapter 第三章 --- 香港的佛教儀式及法事音樂 --- p.24
Chapter 第一節 --- 香港的佛教儀式 --- p.24
Chapter (一) --- 《朝暮課誦》及《二時臨齋儀》 --- p.24
Chapter (二) --- 佛教定期舉行的法事 --- p.25
Chapter (三) --- 佛教不定期舉行的重要法事 --- p.26
Chapter 第二節 --- 香港佛教法事音樂 --- p.28
Chapter 第三節 --- 香港佛教法事音樂的傳授 --- p.29
Chapter 第四章 --- 《焰口》佛事及其音樂 --- p.34
Chapter 第一節 --- 《焰口》佛事簡介 --- p.34
Chapter (一) --- 《焰口》佛事之起源 --- p.34
Chapter (二) --- 《焰口》佛事之經文版本 --- p.34
Chapter (三) --- 《焰口》佛事之舉行時間及地點 --- p.36
Chapter (四) --- 《焰口》佛事之目的 --- p.36
Chapter 第二節 --- 佛教天童精舍之法會 --- p.37
Chapter (一) --- 佛教天童精舍之簡介 --- p.37
Chapter (二) --- 天童精舍之《焰口》佛事 --- p.39
Chapter (三) --- 《焰口》佛事之參與人員 --- p.41
Chapter (四) --- 實地考查佛教天童精舍之《焰口》佛事 --- p.41
Chapter (五) --- 《焰口》佛事之程序 --- p.42
Chapter (六) --- 《焰口》佛事之音樂記譜 --- p.73
Chapter 第五章 --- 《焰口》佛事音樂之形態分析 --- p.185
Chapter 第一節 --- 《焰口》佛事的唱誦形式及經文分類 --- p.185
Chapter (一) --- 《焰口》佛事的唱誦形式 --- p.185
Chapter (二) --- 《焰口》佛事的經文分類 --- p.187
Chapter 第二節 --- 《焰口》佛事梵唄的調式與音階 --- p.193
Chapter (一) --- 調式 --- p.193
Chapter (二) --- 調性的轉移 --- p.193
Chapter (三) --- 音階與音域 --- p.194
Chapter 第三節 --- 梵唄速度特點 --- p.198
Chapter (一) --- 散一緊一快一慢 --- p.198
Chapter (二) --- 散板 --- p.199
Chapter (三) --- 固定節拍 --- p.199
Chapter 第四節 --- 旋律的發展手法 --- p.199
Chapter (一) --- 典型旋律型的運用 --- p.199
Chapter (二) --- 典型旋律型的變化 --- p.203
Chapter 第五節 --- 梵唄的結構型態 --- p.205
Chapter (一) --- 單句反覆變奏體 --- p.205
Chapter (二) --- 上下句反覆變奏體 --- p.205
Chapter 第六節 --- 曲調運用手法 --- p.211
Chapter (一) --- 一曲一詞 --- p.211
Chapter (二) --- 一曲多用 --- p.211
Chapter (三) --- 一詞多調 --- p.216
Chapter (四) --- 套曲 --- p.227
Chapter 第七節 --- 《焰口》佛事打擊法器的運用 --- p.229
Chapter (一) --- 《焰口》佛事的打擊法器 --- p.229
Chapter (二) --- 《焰口》佛事打擊法器的伴奏方式 --- p.232
Chapter 第八節 --- 儀式音樂在佛教儀式中的意義 --- p.234
Chapter 第九節 --- 《焰口》佛事與外圍文化的關係 --- p.235
總結 --- p.243
參考書目 --- p.246

The subject of this dissertation is culturally diversified nursing care provided to adherents of the selected religious minorities. The theoretical part of the dissertation is concerned with transcultural nursing care and also with the characteristics of the selected religions. The practical part of this dissertation includes processing and evaluation of the data acquired during the conducted research. There were three objectives set at the beginning. The first objective was to explore the particularities of nursing care provided to adherents of the selected religious minorities. In order to achieve the set objective, a method of half-structured interview with representatives of different minorities (Centre of Muslim Communities, Diamond Way Buddhism and Czech Orthodox Church) living in the Czech Republic was utilized. Seven representatives of each minority took part in the interview. The results of the research related to the first objective showed that there is a range of defects when it comes to providing nursing care to adherents of different religion. Hospitalization in particular was one of the main subjects of the whole interview. Most of the respondents had negative experience when it comes to staying in hospital environment. All the negative experience resulted from and was connected to their religion. The interview also disclosed new information needed for providing considerate nursing care. The new information were disclosed as a result of the interview conducted with each minority and relate to catering, hygiene, dying or refusing medical treatment. The second objective was to monitor nurses? experience with multi-cultural nursing care and the last objective was to determine the nurses? awareness of nursing care fields, in which the adherents of the selected religious minorities in the Czech Republic are particular. In order to achieve the objective related to the quantitative part of the research, a method of survey (questionnaire) was utilized. The questionnaire was given to the nurses from all the hospitals in South-Bohemian Region. The results in this part showed experience of nurses with multi-cultural nursing and their knowledge of nursing care fields, in which the adherents of the selected religious minorities are particular. Although the most of the nurses have come across multi-cultural nursing, they still do not know the particularities of the selected religions completely. The analysis of the results shows that providers of nursing care are getting more and more aware of multi-cultural nursing, which will certainly have a positive impact, in the future, on satisfying the needs connected to religion of individual patients. Based on the results of the research, an informational material intended for nurses was prepared, which contains brief descriptions of the selected religious minorities living in the Czech Republic and their particularities in the field of providing culturally considerate nursing care. Furthermore, standards for nursing care were created for each one of the selected religious minorities. Preparation of material for accreditation of educational courses for nurses also took place. The material is focused on multi-cultural nursing and the selected religious minorities. In order to further improve the care provided to the adherents of different religions, a nursing anamnesis draft was created, which also focuses on needs connected to religion.