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1

Robert Nozick. New York: Continuum International Pub. Group, 2010.

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Robert Nozick. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2001.

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Robert Nozick. Chesham, Bucks: Acumen, 2001.

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Bader, Ralf M. Robert Nozick. New York: Continuum International Pub. Group, 2010.

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5

Robert Nozick: Property, justice, and the minimal state. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1991.

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6

Wolff, Jonathan. Robert Nozick: Property, justice and the minimal state. Oxford: Polity Press in association with Basil Blackwell, 1991.

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Robert Nozick: Property, justice and the minimal state. Oxford: Polity Press in association with Basil Blackwell, 1991.

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8

Scattone, Giovanni. Due filosofie della libertà: Karl Popper e Robert Nozick. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2002.

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9

Castiñeira, Angel. Els límits de l'Estat: El cas de Robert Nozick. Barcelona: Centre d'Estudis de Temes Contemporanis, 1994.

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10

Blomgren, Anna-Maria. Nyliberal politisk filosofi: En kritisk analys av Milton Friedman, Robert Nozick och F.A. Hayek. Nora: Nya doxa, 1997.

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11

Kley, Roland. Vertragstheorien der Gerechtigkeit: Eine philosophische Kritik der Theorien von John Rawls, Robert Nozick und James Buchanan. Bern: P. Haupt, 1989.

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12

Robert Nozick's moral and political theory: A philosophical critique of libertarianism. Lewiston, N.Y: Edwin Mellen Press, 2010.

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13

Lacey, Alan. Robert Nozick. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315710785.

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14

Robert Nozick (Contemporary Philosophy in Focus). Cambridge University Press, 2002.

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15

Schmidtz, David. Robert Nozick (Contemporary Philosophy in Focus). Cambridge University Press, 2002.

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16

Wolff, Jonathan. Robert Nozick: Property, Justice and the Minimal State. Polity Press, 2013.

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17

El individualismo no utilitarista de Robert Nozick - Primera edición. Universidad Externado de Colombia. Centro de Investigación en Filosofía y Derecho, 2006.

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18

Robert, Nozick, Pellegrino G. 1972-, and Salvatore Ingrid, eds. Identità personale, libertà e realismo morale: Studi in onore di Robert Nozick. Roma: LUISS University Press, 2007.

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19

Williams, Andrew. Liberty, Equality, and Property. Edited by John S. Dryzek, Bonnie Honig, and Anne Phillips. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548439.003.0027.

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This article describes the influence of under-acknowledged assumptions about property rights, akin to those more frequently associated with John Rawls' foremost libertarian critic, Robert Nozick, on the debate concerning liberty and equality. It shows that Nozick's challenge to egalitarians has played an important role in Ronald Dworkin's alternative statement of liberal egalitarianism and indirectly influenced later non-Rawlsian egalitarianisms. The article also discusses Rawls's initial formulation of the so-called luck-sharing project.
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20

Höffe, Otfried. L'Etat et la justice. Les Problèmes éthiques et politiques dans la philosophie anglo-saxonne John Rawls et Robert Nozick. Vrin, 1988.

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21

Kymlicka, Will. Contemporary Political Philosophy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198782742.001.0001.

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Contemporary Political Philosophy has been revised to include many of the most significant developments in Anglo-American political philosophy in the last eleven years, particularly the new debates on political liberalism, deliberative democracy, civic republicanism, nationalism, and cultural pluralism. The text now includes two new chapters on citizenship theory and multiculturalism, in addition to updated chapters on utilitarianism, liberal egalitarianism, libertarianism, socialism, communitarianism, and feminism. The many thinkers discussed include G. A. Cohen, Ronald Dworkin, William Galston, Carol Gilligan, R. M. Hare, Catherine Mackinnon, David Miller, Philippe Van Parijs, Susan Okin, Robert Nozick, John Rawls, John Roemer, Michael Sandel, Charles Taylor, Michael Walzer, and Iris Young.
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22

Garner, Robert. 4. Freedom and Justice. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198704386.003.0005.

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This chapter examines two related, but distinct, political concepts — justice and freedom. It first considers various possible constraints on freedom before discussing the degree to which freedom is desirable. It then explores various alternative values that might conflict with freedom, mainly in the context of John Stuart Mill's political thought; these include equality, paternalism, and happiness. The chapter proceeds by analysing the concept of justice and various criteria for determining its meaning in the context of the major competing theories of justice provided by John Rawls and Robert Nozick. Finally, it evaluates alternative theories of justice which challenge the conventional liberal view that theories of justice should focus only on the nation-state and are applicable only to human beings.
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23

Wedgwood, Ralph. Plato’s Theory of Knowledge. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817277.003.0003.

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Several contemporary epistemologists have been intrigued by the discussion of the distinction between knowledge and correct opinion in Plato’s Meno (97a–98b); a number of them have suggested that Plato is appealing to the idea that to know a proposition one must be ‘safe from error’ regarding that proposition. In fact, although there is evidence that Plato assumes that knowledge requires something like safety, this passage in the Meno imposes a different requirement on knowledge—namely, what Robert Nozick called ‘adherence’, the requirement that knowledge must resiliently ‘adhere’ to the truth. Adherence is much more controversial than safety, but it seems that Plato accepted both, and it is argued that he was right to do so. Both adherence and safety can be understood in a ‘contextualist’ manner, but it seems that Plato rejects contextualism in favor of understanding both conditions in their most demanding form.
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24

Dagger, Richard. Political Obligation as Fair Play. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199388837.003.0005.

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One aim of this chapter is to fill out the account of the fair-play theory of obligation sketched in previous chapters. In particular, I show how respect for the rule of law is an integral feature of fair-play theory. In most of the chapter, however, the elaboration proceeds by defending the theory against six important objections critics have lodged against it. One objection, raised memorably by Robert Nozick, would have us reject the principle of fair play altogether. The others allow that the principle is valuable and unobjectionable when confined to its proper sphere, but they insist that political obligation exceeds the boundaries of that sphere. In addition to defending the fair-play account against these objections, I also argue against those who believe that fair play is a necessary but insufficient element in a theory of political obligation that must be pluralistic if it is to be successful.
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25

Widerquist, Karl, and Grant S. McCall. The Hobbesian Hypothesis in Contemporary Political Theory. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748678662.003.0007.

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This chapter argues that “the Hobbesian hypothesis” (the claim that the Lockean proviso is fulfilled: everyone is better off in a state society with a private property system than they could reasonably expect to be in any society without either of those institutions) plays a large role in contemporary justifications of the state and/or the property rights system. The search turns up few attempts to justify existing states or property rights systems without some version of the hypothesis. Theorists asserting it as an obvious truth in need of little or no supporting evidence include David Gauthier, Jean Hampton, James Buchanan, Gregory S. Kavka, George Klosko, Dudley Knowles, Christopher Heath Wellman, Robert Nozick, Jan Narveson, and many others. Critics include Alan Ryan, Carole Pateman, Charles Mills, Patricia Williams, and others. Yet all this disagreement has produce very little debate or interest in an empirical investigation of the hypothesis.
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26

Klosko, George. Contemporary Anglo-American Political Philosophy. Edited by George Klosko. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199238804.003.0026.

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According to a now familiar narrative, in the middle of the twentieth century, political philosophy was “dead,” but it has since been resurrected in a new form. Credit for the death certificate is given to Peter Laslett, who bemoaned the absence of major philosophers writing in English, like the tradition of thinkers from Thomas Hobbes to Bernard Bosanquet. According to many theorists, responsibility for the revival of political philosophy belongs to John Rawls. One of Rawls's most important contributions is the method of “reflective equilibrium.” In A Theory of Justice (1971), Rawls attempts to reconcile freedom and equality in a principled way, offering an account of “justice as fairness.” Three years after publication of Theory, Rawls's Harvard colleague Robert Nozick published Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), which is, after Theory, probably the most celebrated and widely discussed work in political philosophy in recent decades. This article explores contemporary Anglo-American political philosophy, the evolution of Rawls's thought, communitarianism, feminism and liberalism, multiculturalism, and global justice.
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27

Mack, Eric. Libertarianism. Edited by George Klosko. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199238804.003.0041.

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The core prescriptive postulate of libertarianism is that individuals have strong moral claims to the peaceful enjoyment of their own persons and their own legitimate extra-personal possessions along with similarly strong claims to the fulfillment of their voluntary agreements with others. All (non-pacifist) libertarians take these moral claims to be so strong and salient that force and the threat of force may permissibly be employed to defend against and to rectify their infringement. On the other hand, only infringements of these core claims trigger the permissible use or threat of force. Other deployments of force or the threat of force are taken themselves to be violations of the moral claims asserted by the prescriptive postulate. This article presents a brief history of libertarian political philosophy, focusing on six hard-core libertarian theorists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: Herbert Spencer, Lysander Spooner, Gustav de Molinari, Ayn Rand, Murray Rothbard, and Robert Nozick.
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28

Sommerville, Johann. The Social Contract (Contract of Government). Edited by George Klosko. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199238804.003.0033.

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Social-contract theories flourished in Europe in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, had roots extending far further back, and continue to be influential today. John Rawls revived one type of contract theory in the mid-twentieth century, while another featured in the work of Robert Nozick. One kind of theory centers on a real or hypothetical contract between individuals to establish a political society—a contract of society. Another focuses on a contract between the society or people, on the one hand, and the ruler or government, on the other—a contract of government. In the heyday of theorizing about the social contract, it was the contract of government that received most attention. When people joined together to form political societies, they proceeded, authority must at first have been in the hands of the whole community, since no one had any greater right to exercise it than anyone else. Some contractualists have used the social contract to cast light on what must always and everywhere be true about states. They include Thomas Hobbes, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant, and Rawls.
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29

Mao, Douglas. Inventions of Nemesis. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691199252.001.0001.

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Examining literary and philosophical writing about ideal societies from Greek antiquity to the present, this book offers a striking new take on utopia's fundamental project. Noting that utopian imagining has often been propelled by an angry conviction that society is badly arranged, the book argues that utopia's essential aim has not been to secure happiness, order, or material goods, but rather to establish a condition of justice in which all have what they ought to have. The book also makes the case that hostility to utopias has frequently been associated with a fear that they will transform humanity beyond recognition, doing away with the very subjects who should receive justice in a transformed world. Further, the book shows how utopian writing speaks to contemporary debates about immigration, labor, and other global justice issues. Along the way, the book connects utopia to the Greek concept of nemesis, or indignation at a wrong ordering of things, and advances fresh readings of dozens of writers and thinkers — from Plato, Thomas More, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Edward Bellamy, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and H. G. Wells to John Rawls, Robert Nozick, Fredric Jameson, Ursula Le Guin, Octavia Butler, and Chang-Rae Lee. The book offers a vital reconsideration of what it really means to imagine an ideal society.
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30

Kraut, Richard. The Quality of Life. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198828846.001.0001.

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The Quality of Life: Aristotle Revised presents a philosophical theory about the constituents of human well-being. It begins with Aristotle’s thoughts about this topic, but often modifies and sometimes rejects them. The principal idea is that what Aristotle calls “external goods” (wealth, reputation, power) have at most an indirect bearing on the quality of our lives. A good internal life—the way in which we experience the world—is what well-being consists in. Pleasure is one aspect of this experience, but only a small part of it. Far more valuable is the quality of our emotional, intellectual, social, and perceptual experiences. These aspects of our existence make it potentially richer and deeper than the quality of life available to many other animals. A good human life is immeasurably better than that of a simple creature that feels only the pleasures of nourishment. Even if it felt pleasure for millions of years, human life would be superior. Contemporary discussions of well-being often appeal to a thought experiment devised by Robert Nozick, which holds that we should not attach ourselves to an “experience machine”—a device that manipulates our brains and gives us any illusory experiences of our choosing. This is thought to show that one’s interior life has little or no value on its own; that we must live in “the real world” to live well. In fact, however, this thought experiment supports the opposite conclusion: the quality of our lives consists in the quality of our experiences.
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31

Weinberg, Justin R. Self-ownership and capitalism: An analysis of Robert Nozick's libertarianism. 1995.

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32

Vasilescu, Cristian Ionut. Understanding Utopia And The Natural Rights In Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State and Utopia. BookSurge Publishing, 2006.

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33

Johnsen, Bredo. Mainstream Epistemology. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190662776.003.0006.

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Here the author discusses the relationship between Hume and foundationalism, coherentism, and infinitism, the three responses to Agrippa’s trilemma. What those theories share is the traditional, commonsense and anti-Humean idea that our theories are justified to the extent that they are probable relative to the fact that they (or we) meet various conditions specified by those theories. The author goes on to discuss Ernest Sosa’s version of virtue theory, and Robert Nozick’s distinctive theory of knowledge. Finally, the author argues that the concept of knowledge is of no epistemological interest. The argument is a simplification and generalization of Gettier’s argument against the idea that knowledge is justified true belief.
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34

Nagel, Jennifer. 5. Internalism and externalism. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199661268.003.0005.

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Internalism represents the first-person point of view where knowledge is grounded by your own experience and by your own capacity to reason: if you can't see for yourself why you should believe something, you don't actually know it. Externalists say knowledge is a relationship between a person and a fact, and this relationship can be in place even when the person doesn't meet the internalist's demands for first-person access to supporting grounds. ‘Internalism and externalism’ also explains Robert Nozick's externalist tracking theory of knowledge and its difficulty, the ‘Generality Problem’. Many different solutions have been advanced, drawing on everything from patterns in natural language to the science of belief formation.
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35

Marshall, Colin. The Hardest Cases. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198809685.003.0010.

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This chapter considers three groups of cases that seem to threaten the connection between being in touch and paradigmatic moral goodness. It is argued that, more carefully considered, an appeal to being in touch produces an intuitively acceptable answer in each case. The first group of cases are those in which a compassionate agent encounters a flawed agent such as a sadist, where one might worry that compassion would then amplify or expand those flaws. The second group of cases involve issues where compassion seems insufficient for general moral goodness, or even points in the wrong direction—such as a case in which an agent might compassionately plug other beings into Robert Nozick’s experience machine to make them happy. The third group of cases concerns whether the epistemic importance of compassion is undermined by the possibility of being in touch with other things such as mere objects.
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36

Attanasio, John. The Principle of Distributive Autonomy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190847029.003.0008.

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Modern libertarians regard themselves as ideological opposites to egalitarians. The principle of distributive autonomy is at strong odds with modern conceptions of libertarianism, but perhaps not so much with the original conception of John Stuart Mill. Modern individualistic libertarianism also has strayed from Immanuel Kant's conception of autonomy. This chapter applies Robert Nozick’s widely acclaimed, and richly elaborated, conception of liberty to demonstrate how the new theory of distributive autonomy differs. John Rawls’s principle of equal liberty proceeds from egalitarian starting points. In contrast, the principle of distributive autonomy uses the importance or value of autonomy itself to justify keen attention to its distribution, even in the area of first-order rights. The principle focuses on (but is not limited to) constitutive rights in foundational areas that constitute the government and larger society. The campaign finance cases violate rather than safeguard autonomy by reversing congressional efforts to protect distributive autonomy.
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