Relevant bibliographies by topics / Roh Moo-hyun

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Roh Moo-hyun'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Roh Moo-hyun"

1

Kim, Hyung-A. "President Roh Moo-Hyun’s Last Interview and the Roh Moo-Hyun Phenomenon in South Korea." Journal of Contemporary Asia 47, no. 2 (December 16, 2016): 273–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2016.1260754.

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Sangjoon Ka. "Characteristics of Approval Ratings of President Roh Moo-hyun." 21st centry Political Science Review 22, no. 2 (September 2012): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.22.2.201209.28.

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Byunghyun Park, 최은미, 고재수, and 박상미. "Evaluation of Decentralization Policy of Roh Moo Hyun Administration." Social Welfare Policy 42, no. 3 (September 2015): 347–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15855/swp.2015.42.3.347.

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4

Kim, Natalya N. "Historical Policy of the Roh Moo-hyun’s Government in South Korea: Seeking Reconciliation with the Past." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-2-305-315.

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Historical policy was one of the main directions of the domestic policy of the Roh Moo-hyuns government (2003-2008). The ideological justification of revising the 20th century history of Korea was the idea of building a new Korean society based on the principles of democracy and the rule of civil rights and freedoms. Through the implementation of a new historical policy the Roh Moo-hyuns government tried to prove that the creation of such a society was impossible without revealing the truth about the historical past, in which the state repeatedly neglected civil rights and committed crimes. Increased attention to issues of restoration of the historical justice is typical for the current government of Moon Jae-in, the political successor of Roh Moo-hyun. Based on the analysis of the governmental documents, legislation this paper reveals the main disagreements between political parties of the Republic of Korea around the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, identifies the key results of its activities.
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Lee, Hong Yung. "South Korea in 2002: Multiple Political Dramas." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.64.

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This article analyzes how political actors maneuvered and counter-maneuvered in South Korea in 2002, developing political strategy and exploiting national issues in order to position themselves for the presidential election of December 19, which dominated Korean politics throughout the year. Since public opinion polling conducted regularly by major news media had to a great extent shaped important decisions of all aspirants for daekwon (big power), the analysis focuses on explaining how the popularity of Lee Hoi-chang, Roh Moo-hyun, and Chung Mong-jun fluctuated, and how Roh finally won the presidential election.
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Ban, Youngkwan. "Talking to the Small Tableau: Touring the Site of Mediatized Memory and Forgiveness in Bongha." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 19, no. 5 (December 22, 2018): 373–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708618819632.

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In this article, I observe the way Bongha, a small town of South Korea, constructs the tourist experience, using continually maintained silence regarding certain aspects of the past. The town became famous after the former president Moo-hyun Roh committed a politically controversial suicide in 2009. Then Bongha serves as memory- dispositif, putting forward memory aids for Roh that are chosen to highlight his life selectively. Visitors participate in this covert silence by coordinating their behavior into unscripted, but noticeable norms. Touring Bongha brings one into an encounter with mediated memory, and the mourners atone and engage in a pilgrimage to this remote site, full of pregiven memories of Roh, which caused them a sense of indebtedness.
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Im, K. "Korean exchange rate and FTAs under the Roh Moo-hyun administration." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 15, no. 2 (January 28, 2015): 367–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcu022.

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8

Kwon, O. Yul. "Korea's economic strategy under the Roh Moo‐Hyun government: A proposal." Global Economic Review 32, no. 1 (January 2003): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080308422912.

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Rich, Timothy S. "Reinterpreting Split-Ticket Voting in South Korea’s 2004 Legislative Election." Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no. 4-5 (2017): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04504008.

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What explains ticket-splitting in South Korea’s 2004 National Assembly election? While the mixed member systems literature generally focuses on strategic rationales to split ticketing, the role of contextual factors—in this case the impeachment of President Roh Moo-Hyun—remains largely unexplored. An analysis of Korea’s first two-vote mixed system election from 2004 finds that, besides traditional strategic voting, approval of Roh’s impeachment influenced strategic voting, but only among supporters of Roh’s own party, the Uri Party.
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Jeon, Jeong-hyun, and Jung-kwan Cho. "Revisiting the Impeachment of President Roh Moo-hyun - From Political Entrepreneurship's Perspective -." East and West Studies 31, no. 1 (March 20, 2019): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2019.31.1.63.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Roh Moo-hyun"

1

Bass, Monica Kari. "The Responses of South Korean Presidents Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun toward North Korean Threats (1998-2006): A Comparative Case Study Analysis." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42580.

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There has been a long history of violence between North and South Korea since the end of the Korean War in 1953 and North Korea is still a current threat to the South due to their missile launches and naval clashes. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the interactions between North and South Korea from 1998 to 2006 and answer the question: What accounts for the difference in responses to North Korean threats by South Korean presidents from the same party with similar stands toward North Korea? Although South Korean Presidents Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun shared similar approaches to North Korea, why did they not always respond in the same way? To answer this question, I examine a case in which North Korea test-launched a rocket and a case in which North Korean vessels cross the Northern Limit Line during each administration. By comparing these cases, I explain why the presidents continued their engagement policy and refrained from condemning the North in all but the case of the 2006 missile test. I test a set of explanations made by experts for South Korean approaches to North Korea to see which explanation best fits each case. I argue that each response was due to a combination of explanations rather than one single explanation. Even though each explanation had some merit, some explanations were more applicable than the others. Both Kim and Roh expressed concern over North Korea due to security and economic concerns. However, as the years and threatening behavior went on the public and international community started to take a greater notice to North Koreaâ s activity and wanted the South Korean government to take action. As a result, public opinion and international pressure partially influenced Roh to shift his responses towards North Korea and halt aid after the 2006 missile launch.
Master of Arts
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2

Yoon, Seongwon. "Distorted security discourses : the ROK's securitisation of the Korean nuclear crisis, 2003-2013." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15865.

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South Korea’s security discourse on the nuclear threat posed by North Korea has been dichotomised by its position within the political spectrum between the progressives and conservatives. By drawing upon Securitisation Theory (ST), this study challenges the current security discourse in South Korea, which has divided and misled the public as well as securitising actors. This study examines the security discourses of the Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008) and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) administrations, since they represent the archetypes of the progressives and conservatives respectively. The results of the analysis suggest that the current security discourses that have been prevalent in South Korea do not correspond with reality and, subsequently, the discourses were not able to deal with real challenges that the nuclear threat posed. This research also explains the root cause of the distorted security discourses by applying a ‘discursive chasm’ as a preliminary concept, which indicates a discursive structure that fundamentally impedes the performance of securitising actors’ articulation, and that distorts the discursive formation (securitisation processes). The chasms consist of three elusive discourses: first, a discourse on threats that cannot simply be said to be either imminent or not imminent (nuclear weapons as materiality and discourse); second, a discourse on the other that cannot easily be defined (the difficulty of representation of North Korea); and third, a discourse on measures that cannot easily be realised (intangible extraordinary measures).
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Yoon, Seongwon. "Distorted Security Discourses. The ROK’s Securitisation of the Korean Nuclear Crisis, 2003–2013." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15865.

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South Korea’s security discourse on the nuclear threat posed by North Korea has been dichotomised by its position within the political spectrum between the progressives and conservatives. By drawing upon Securitisation Theory (ST), this study challenges the current security discourse in South Korea, which has divided and misled the public as well as securitising actors. This study examines the security discourses of the Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008) and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) administrations, since they represent the archetypes of the progressives and conservatives respectively. The results of the analysis suggest that the current security discourses that have been prevalent in South Korea do not correspond with reality and, subsequently, the discourses were not able to deal with real challenges that the nuclear threat posed. This research also explains the root cause of the distorted security discourses by applying a ‘discursive chasm’ as a preliminary concept, which indicates a discursive structure that fundamentally impedes the performance of securitising actors’ articulation, and that distorts the discursive formation (securitisation processes). The chasms consist of three elusive discourses: first, a discourse on threats that cannot simply be said to be either imminent or not imminent (nuclear weapons as materiality and discourse); second, a discourse on the other that cannot easily be defined (the difficulty of representation of North Korea); and third, a discourse on measures that cannot easily be realised (intangible extraordinary measures).
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4

Krejčová, Dita. "Zhodnocení Sluneční politiky Korejské republiky vůči KLDR." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-11050.

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The thesis describes Korean Peninsula political development from 1998 to 2008, in the frame of historical context from 1948 when two independent states were oficially founded. Discussed decade was characterized by the policy of engagement or the sunshine policy of the Republic of Korea, respectively. This represented a concept of friendly relationship towards the DPRK, aiming at final unification. Detailed description of the political development year by year and its evaluation is the subject of this thesis.
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5

Huang, Yueh-Chen, and 黃悅貞. "The Research on South Korea’s Independent Diplomacy during the Period of the Roh Moo-hyun." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/57849873167668126910.

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碩士
中興大學
國際政治研究所
95
Abstract In the aftermath of the Cold War, the Korean Peninsula is still under conflict due to the division of Republic of Korea and the Democratic People''s Republic of Korea. However, along with transformation being happened in north Asia, Republic of Korea is aggressive to transform the past approach affiliated with US into an autonomous strategy in diplomacy, pursuing the extreme interest of the country. The keynote of this thesis is to study the causes which dominate the direction and content in diplomacy during the era of Roh Moo-hyun and the effects produced by Roh’s polices. The thesis mainly employs the theory, the political system of David Easton, to analyze the autonomous diplomacy adopted by Roh Moo-hyun. Firstly, the factors, influencing diplomatic polices, include domestic and foreign aspects. At domestic aspect, Korean are much more confident because of their political and economic achievement. Furthermore, along with the Korean social transformation, the south-north Korean conciliation and anti-US trend arisen in this country, those factors prompt Korean to change the unfair affiliation with the America. As to foreign aspect, along with the transformation in Northeast Asia, strengthening relationship with China and different attitude toward North Korea with the America, South Korea intends to turn pro-American policies into a flexible strategy which may create the optimum interest of this country. Secondly, the independent diplomacy President Roh Moo-hyun proposed illustrates several extensive goals and policies. Peace and Prosperity Policy for north Korea and defense capacity reinforcement for South Korea. He also intends to construct the South Korea as the Northeast hub and the "balancer" in Northeast Asia. Finally, this study analyzes domestic and regional effects which the independent diplomacy has generated. This study discovers that the independent diplomacy presents a pendular situation between idealism and realism, because it is affected by domestic and international environment. Also its range is influenced by relevant issues around those surroundings. At present, the optimal strategy for South Korea is to maintain Korea-U.S. Alliance, to keep good relations with china, and to maintain balancing diplomacy with surrounding countries.
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Hsiao-Husan, Huang, and 黃筱萱. "The Comparison of North Korea Policy between Administrations of Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myung-bak –from Leadership Cognitive Approach Perspective." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/11925547312853276152.

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Abstract:
碩士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
97
Abstract In Northeast Asia and Asian Pacific region, the Korean Peninsula possesses the crucial strategic position. Especially during recent six months, the tension, igitated by Pyongyang’s possession of nuclear weapon and the aggressive demonstration of force, has pervaded the Peninsula, and imposed the security pressure on the neighboring nations as well. According to the vast differences in North Korea policy between South Korea’s previous and current administrations, the orientation of the policy varies. This thesis, therefore, assumes the differences in policy made by two administrations would be related to the style of the leadership. First, the three variables, which are the Reaction to Political constraints, the Openness to Information, and the Motivation for Action, would be taken from leadership cognitive approach perspective provided by Margaret G. Hermann to analyze and generalize the leadership style of Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myung-bak. Second, the analysis would be focused on the influences of the leadership style of two leaders on the formulation and the implementation of the North Korea policy, and compare the content of the policy. Finally, the thesis concludes with the finding that the North Korea policy and the degree of the implementation of two leaders would affect the relation between South Korea and Pyongyang, the U.S.A., Japan, China, and Russia as well as the impact on the security of the region. The decisively influence on the formulation of the policy by the cognition of the leadership is found by fllowing the approach; therefore, the analysis acquires the highly explanation on the research of the North Korea policy affected by the individual cognition of Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myung-bak.
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Books on the topic "Roh Moo-hyun"

1

Sheafer, Silvia Anne. Roh Moo Hyun. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 2009.

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2

Tatk'ŏm, Cho Kap-che, ed. Angma ŭi pyŏnhoin: Devil's advocate. Sŏul: Cho Kap-che Tatk'ŏm, 2014.

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Ch'amyŏ chŏngbu wa kamyŏn mudohoe chŏngch'i: Roh Moo-hyun administration and masquerade politics. Kyŏnggi-do Sŏngnam-si: Yunidŏsŭ Chŏngbo Kaebarwŏn, 2012.

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4

Kim, Choong Nam. Leadership for nation building: Korean presidents from Syngman Rhee to Roh Moo Hyun. Norwalk, Conn: EastBridge, 2007.

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5

Saram sanŭn sesang: Che 16-tae No Mu-hyŏn Taet'ongnyŏng sajinjip = President Roh Moo-Hyun memorial photo album. Sŏul-si: Hakkojae, 2009.

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No Mu-hyŏn ŭi sŏjae: No Mu-hyŏn ch'aek sok esŏ saeroun sesang ŭroŭi kil ŭl ch'atta = Roh Moo-Hyun library. Kyŏnggi-do Koyang-si: P'urŭn Yŏngt'o, 2012.

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Kongbogwan, Korea (South) Haeoe, ed. Two years of Roh Moo-hyun administration: Achievements and challenges. [Seoul, Korea]: Korean Overseas Information Service, 2005.

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Roh Moo-hyun: President of South Korea (Modern World Leaders). Chelsea House Pub (L), 2008.

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Kongbogwan, Korea (South) Haeoe, ed. Two years of Roh Moo-hyun administration: Achievements and challenges. [Seoul]: Korean Overseas Informaton Service, 2005.

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Open letters to President Roh Moo-hyun from prominent figures. (Seoul): (Korean Overseas Information Service), 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Roh Moo-hyun"

1

Sheen, Seong-Ho. "Strategic Thought toward Asia in the Roh Moo-hyun Era." In South Korean Strategic Thought toward Asia, 101–26. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611917_5.

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"Roh Moo-hyun (South Korea)." In The Statesman’s Yearbook Companion, 331–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95839-9_665.

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Kwon, Hyeong-ki. "Continuation of Developmentalism across Administrations." In Changes by Competition, 147–65. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198866060.003.0008.

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In the 2010s, Korea continued its state-led developmentalism, including the Special Law for Parts and Materials and the New Growth Engine Promotion policy, across ideologically different governments. Korea’s state-led developmentalism was mainly realized through competitive politics within as well as outside the state, rather than by simple repetition of a developmental mindset or old institutional legacy. By exploring the industrial politics of three administrations—Roh Moo-hyun (2003–07), Lee Myung-bak (2008–12), and Park Geun-hye (2013–17), as well as the Moon administration (2017–present)—this chapter examines how the Korean state continued its developmentalism across ideologically different administrations. This chapter first studies why the Roh Moo-hyun administration continued with state-led developmentalism, rather than pursue the economic democratization proposed by the original supporters of Roh Moo-hyun. Then, it examines how Korean state-led developmentalism continues across ideologically different governments by focusing on competition and conflicts within the state.
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"The Politics of Economic Policy under Roh Moo Hyun, 2003–2008." In Korean Political and Economic Development, 171–90. BRILL, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9781684175376_009.

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Moon, Chung-In. "China’s Rise and Security Dynamics on the Korean Peninsula." In Strategic Adjustment and the Rise of China. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501709180.003.0008.

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This chapter looks at South Korea's response to the rise of China. It establishes South Korea's growing dependence on the Chinese economy and its growing cooperation with China to manage North Korean belligerence. The rise of China creates strategic pressure on South Korea both to accommodate Chinese interests and to maintain defense cooperation with the United States, and that this policy challenge is exacerbated by politically significant anti-Japanese nationalism in South Korea. The result has been significant South Korean policy instability. The policy swings in South Korea's maneuvering between the United States and China from the government of Roh Moo-hyun to that of Lee Myung-bak and then to Park Geun-hye reveal the difficulty that great power competition during a power transition imposes on a small country.
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Seo, Hyunjin. "Candlelight Vigils and Citizen Activism." In Networked Collective Actions, 45–58. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197538883.003.0004.

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This chapter focuses on modern political and social collective actions in South Korea to illustrate how changing information ecosystems have influenced the ways protests and candlelight vigils have been organized over the past several decades. In particular, the chapter explains how Internet and digital communication technologies began to be used to facilitate collective actions in South Korea in a series of candlelight vigils beginning in 2002, when two South Korean teenage girls were killed by a U.S. armored vehicle. It also covers other major candlelight vigils, including 2004 vigils against the impeachment of President Roh Moo-hyun and 2008 vigils against U.S. beef importation. In examining candlelight vigils at different time points and stages of technological development, it considers both what changed and what has remained largely the same, while highlighting key agents and affordances and their interactions at each time period analyzed.
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