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Journal articles on the topic 'Roh Moo-hyun'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Kim, Hyung-A. "President Roh Moo-Hyun’s Last Interview and the Roh Moo-Hyun Phenomenon in South Korea." Journal of Contemporary Asia 47, no. 2 (December 16, 2016): 273–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2016.1260754.

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2

Sangjoon Ka. "Characteristics of Approval Ratings of President Roh Moo-hyun." 21st centry Political Science Review 22, no. 2 (September 2012): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.22.2.201209.28.

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3

Byunghyun Park, 최은미, 고재수, and 박상미. "Evaluation of Decentralization Policy of Roh Moo Hyun Administration." Social Welfare Policy 42, no. 3 (September 2015): 347–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15855/swp.2015.42.3.347.

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4

Kim, Natalya N. "Historical Policy of the Roh Moo-hyun’s Government in South Korea: Seeking Reconciliation with the Past." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-2-305-315.

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Historical policy was one of the main directions of the domestic policy of the Roh Moo-hyuns government (2003-2008). The ideological justification of revising the 20th century history of Korea was the idea of building a new Korean society based on the principles of democracy and the rule of civil rights and freedoms. Through the implementation of a new historical policy the Roh Moo-hyuns government tried to prove that the creation of such a society was impossible without revealing the truth about the historical past, in which the state repeatedly neglected civil rights and committed crimes. Increased attention to issues of restoration of the historical justice is typical for the current government of Moon Jae-in, the political successor of Roh Moo-hyun. Based on the analysis of the governmental documents, legislation this paper reveals the main disagreements between political parties of the Republic of Korea around the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, identifies the key results of its activities.

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5

Lee, Hong Yung. "South Korea in 2002: Multiple Political Dramas." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.64.

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This article analyzes how political actors maneuvered and counter-maneuvered in South Korea in 2002, developing political strategy and exploiting national issues in order to position themselves for the presidential election of December 19, which dominated Korean politics throughout the year. Since public opinion polling conducted regularly by major news media had to a great extent shaped important decisions of all aspirants for daekwon (big power), the analysis focuses on explaining how the popularity of Lee Hoi-chang, Roh Moo-hyun, and Chung Mong-jun fluctuated, and how Roh finally won the presidential election.

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6

Ban, Youngkwan. "Talking to the Small Tableau: Touring the Site of Mediatized Memory and Forgiveness in Bongha." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 19, no. 5 (December 22, 2018): 373–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708618819632.

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In this article, I observe the way Bongha, a small town of South Korea, constructs the tourist experience, using continually maintained silence regarding certain aspects of the past. The town became famous after the former president Moo-hyun Roh committed a politically controversial suicide in 2009. Then Bongha serves as memory- dispositif, putting forward memory aids for Roh that are chosen to highlight his life selectively. Visitors participate in this covert silence by coordinating their behavior into unscripted, but noticeable norms. Touring Bongha brings one into an encounter with mediated memory, and the mourners atone and engage in a pilgrimage to this remote site, full of pregiven memories of Roh, which caused them a sense of indebtedness.

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7

Im, K. "Korean exchange rate and FTAs under the Roh Moo-hyun administration." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 15, no. 2 (January 28, 2015): 367–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcu022.

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8

Kwon, O. Yul. "Korea's economic strategy under the Roh Moo‐Hyun government: A proposal." Global Economic Review 32, no. 1 (January 2003): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080308422912.

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9

Rich, Timothy S. "Reinterpreting Split-Ticket Voting in South Korea’s 2004 Legislative Election." Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no. 4-5 (2017): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04504008.

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What explains ticket-splitting in South Korea’s 2004 National Assembly election? While the mixed member systems literature generally focuses on strategic rationales to split ticketing, the role of contextual factors—in this case the impeachment of President Roh Moo-Hyun—remains largely unexplored. An analysis of Korea’s first two-vote mixed system election from 2004 finds that, besides traditional strategic voting, approval of Roh’s impeachment influenced strategic voting, but only among supporters of Roh’s own party, the Uri Party.

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10

Jeon, Jeong-hyun, and Jung-kwan Cho. "Revisiting the Impeachment of President Roh Moo-hyun - From Political Entrepreneurship's Perspective -." East and West Studies 31, no. 1 (March 20, 2019): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2019.31.1.63.

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11

JunYoungChoi. "Two Puzzles in the Presidential Approval Rating of President Roh Moo-hyun." Dispute Resolution Studies Review 12, no. 2 (August 2014): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2014.12.2.137.

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12

CHO,KISUK and 남지현. "Presidential Leadership and Government Trust: The Case of President Roh Moo-hyun." Korea and World Politics 23, no. 2 (June 2007): 61–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2007.23.2.003.

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13

Dong-chun Park. "An Evaluation of President Roh Moo Hyun: Focusing on his Manner of Speech." 사회과학연구 16, no. 1 (February 2008): 114–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17787/jsgiss.2008.16.1.114.

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14

Kim, In-Kyun. "Political Reform and Party Reform of President Roh Moo-hyun and Uri Party." Journal of Parliamentary Research 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18808/jopr.2020.2.5.

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15

Kim, Dongwook. "Organizational Designing for National Informatization." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 18, no. 1 (August 31, 2003): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps18102.

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As Korean society has progressed into information society, the organizational innovation factor becomes more crucial to successful informatization projects than technical factor. This paper explores alternative organizational structure for informatization policy for roh Moo-hyun administration. Current Information promotion Committee headed by prime minister doesn't work well. National informatization and e-government should consider the president's national innovation vision and agenda. Organizational structure for national Informatization is composed of national CIO and president's council, a ministry managing informatization, and ministerial CIO organizations. This paper suggests an organizational structure for informatization policy. President presided over Council for National Informatization. The chief secretary of innovation who is national CIO, coordinates the Council. The Ministry of Reform, Planning and Budget handles government innovation, planning, informatization, budget, and evaluation and implements the president's innovation agendas. A ministerial CIO handles sectorial informatization and e-government projects. Next government-wide ministerial reorganization under President Roh should create a national CIO, president's council of informatization, and ministry of reform, planning and budget.

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16

심세현. "Study on The Self-Reliant National Defense Discourses and Policies of Roh Moo-Hyun administration." Korean Journal of Military Art and Science 73, no. 2 (June 2017): 75–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31066/kjmas.2017.73.2.004.

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17

LeeChaiOn. "Current and Prospective Political Situation after the Death of the Late President Roh Moo-Hyun." MARXISM 21 6, no. 3 (August 2009): 253–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26587/marx.6.3.200908.008.

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18

정익중. "Evaluation of Roh Moo-hyun government's child policy and future tasks of the next government." Korea Social Policy Review 14, no. 2 (January 2008): 280–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.17000/kspr.14.2.200801.280.

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19

Yeonsoo Shim. "The Relations between Two Koreas under Roh Moo-hyun Administration: Matter-Energy and Information Flow." Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences ll, no. 43 (May 2014): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17939/hushss.2014..43.002.

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20

Lee, Youngjae. "Law, Politics, and Impeachment: The Impeachment of Roh Moo-hyun from a Comparative Constitutional Perspective." American Journal of Comparative Law 53, no. 2 (2005): 403–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajcl/53.2.403.

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21

Moon, Chung-in. "Diplomacy of Defiance and Facilitation: The Six Party Talks and the Roh Moo Hyun Government." Asian Perspective 32, no. 4 (2008): 71–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2008.0005.

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22

Zhu, Zhiqun. "Small Power, Big Ambition: South Korea's Role in Northeast Asian Security under President Roh Moo-hyun." Asian Affairs: An American Review 34, no. 2 (July 2007): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/aafs.34.2.67-86.

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23

Byunghyun Park. "Analysis of Local Government Welfare Finance Caused by Welfare Finance Decentralization of Roh Moo-Hyun Government." Korean Journal of Social Welfare 60, no. 1 (February 2008): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20970/kasw.2008.60.1.007.

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24

Moon, Seungsook. "Living memory of Roh Moo Hyun: Group cohesion, cultural politics, and the process of symbolic interaction." Memory Studies 6, no. 2 (March 15, 2013): 174–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698012473692.

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25

Han, Hongkoo. "President Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun in the Development of Democracy in Modern Korea." Historical Journal 71 (January 31, 2020): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.20457/sha.71.10.

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26

김상철 and Daechul Kim. "A Study on the Structural Change of Local Government Welfare Finance after Roh Moo-Hyun Government." Social Welfare Policy 37, no. 2 (June 2010): 123–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15855/swp.2010.37.2.123.

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27

Lee, Wondong. "The Shifting Moral Authority of the Conservative Evangelicals’ Anti-LGBT Movement in South Korea." International Journal of Korean History 26, no. 2 (August 31, 2021): 83–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2021.26.2.83.

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This paper reports on content analysis of the Korean Christian newspaper Kidok Sinmun (1998-2020) with regard to how conservative evangelical elites (CEs) change their discursive resources to construct persuasive appeals against the global LGBT movement. Our findings demonstrate that the CEs focus on different sources of moral authority in response to changing political ideologies of the Korean government or regardless of such ideologies (scientific research, family value). During the progressive Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in administrations, discursive tactics linked LGBT rights with the existential threat to liberal democracy or constitutional value, while the key words such as national security or military discipline were more frequently employed under the conservative Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye governments. Moreover, experiences shared by the transnational network of Christian activists appear to influence the construction of local perceptions on homosexuality.

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28

Bocharnikova, Marta M. "Roh Moo-Hyun administration: a new look at the development of the ROK - U.S. alliance in 2003-2008." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 61 (October 1, 2019): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/61/10.

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29

박민형. "The Self-Relient Defense and Security Economy: Focusing on the Park Chung-hee and Roh Moo-hyun Administrations." Journal of Korean Political and Diplomatic History 38, no. 2 (March 2017): 141–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18206/kapdh.38.2.201703.141.

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30

EeHwan Jung. "Characteristics of Labor Market Policies in Korea: A Comparison of Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myoung-bak Administrations." Economy and Society ll, no. 116 (December 2017): 136–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18207/criso.2017..116.136.

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31

김병문. "A Comparison of Reform Policies of the Kim Young-sam, Kim Dae-jung, and Roh Moo-hyun Government." Comparative Democratic Studies 8, no. 1 (June 2012): 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.34164/injede.2012.8.1.005.

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32

Kwang-Il Lee. "South Korea's Populism in the Neoliberal Era : Focusing on the Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun Governments." Korean Cultural Studies ll, no. 68 (August 2015): 507–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17948/kcs.2015..68.507.

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33

Kang, Won-Taek. "How Ideology Divides Generations: The 2002 and 2004 South Korean Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 2 (June 2008): 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080438.

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Abstract. An interesting phenomenon in recent South Korean electoral politics is the generation gap. In the 2002 presidential and the 2004 National Assembly elections, voting behaviour was sharply split between different age groups. A main question of this article is to figure out the underlying characteristics of the generational differences in the two elections and of the ideological division in the South Korean context. Findings show that the generation gap reflects different assessments of the authoritarian period and its inheritance. Young voters took a libertarian view and a negative assessment of the authoritarian era, while older voters, especially in their fifties and older, had a positive attitude toward the authoritarian legacies. Roh Moo-hyun's victory was largely attributed to his successful mobilization of young voters' generational rebellion.Résumé. Un des phénomènes intéressants dans la vie politique électorale sud-coréenne concerne les différences de générations. Les groupes d'âge différents ont montré un comportement électoral différencié dans les élections présidentielles de 2002 et les législatives de 2004. L'interrogation majeure de cet article est de trouver les principales caractéristiques des différences générationnelles dans les deux élections, ainsi que les clivages idéologiques dans le contexte sud-coréen. Les résultats de cette étude montrent que les différences générationnelles reflètent celles du jugement sur la période du régime autoritaire et de ses héritages. Les jeunes électeurs possèdent une vision libertaire et un jugement négatif sur la période du régime autoritaire, tandis que les électeurs plus âgés, notamment ceux qui ont plus de 50 ans, font preuve d'une attitude positive sur les héritages de la période autoritaire. La victoire de Roh Moo-hyun s'explique en grande partie par la mobilisation réussie de la révolte générationnelle de jeunes électeurs.

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34

Hyun-Back Chung. "State and Woman’s Peace Movement - focused on the Peace Politics of Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun Administrations." Women and History ll, no. 20 (June 2014): 214–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22511/women..20.201406.214.

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35

Seung-Eun Oh and RhoSeungYong. "Retrospect and Prospect of the Regional Development Policies: Comparative Analysis between Roh Moo-Hyun and Lee Myung-Bak Government." Korean Journal of Local Government & Administration Studies 28, no. 2 (June 2014): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18398/kjlgas.2014.28.2.63.

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36

Cho, Hye-Jin. "Policy Value in University Admissions Policy: Focused on Roh Moo-Hyun, Lee Myung-Bak and Park Geun-Hye Administration." Korean Educational Research Association 56, no. 2 (June 7, 2018): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.30916/kera.56.2.59.

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37

Park, Chun-Oh, and Jaehyun Joo. "Control Over the Korean Bureaucracy: A Review of the NPM Civil Service Reforms Under the Roh Moo-Hyun Government." Review of Public Personnel Administration 30, no. 2 (May 17, 2010): 189–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734371x09360183.

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38

Gong, Qian, and Gary Rawnsley. "Media freedom and responsibility in South Korea: The perceptions of journalists and politicians during the Roh Moo-hyun presidency." Journalism 19, no. 9-10 (January 22, 2017): 1257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884916688287.

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This article analyses the perceptions of media freedom and responsibility by journalists and politicians in South Korea during the Presidency of Roh Moo-huyn (2003–2008). It draws on in-depth interviews with 10 journalists and 10 politicians with different political affiliations and interests. Findings suggest that both groups had positive appraisals of the country’s media democratisation. For them, the media could function as a watchdog on political power without having to fear direct political reprisals for doing so. However, the political press remained partially shackled to specific legacies and economic conditions. The most pressing example is the way the paternal power of conservative media owners challenged the editorial independence of journalists. While the Internet media offered some hope to rebalance the power relationship between the conservative and progressive forces, the sensational and hyper-adversarial media motivated by market and political competition emerged as more worrying concerns for the consolidation of democratic political communication in post-transition South Korea. Setbacks in press freedom since 2008 have undermined some of the positive evaluations of the political communication in South Korea, suggesting that the democratic transition in this country resembles ‘a circle rather a straight line’.

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39

Kim, Bumsoo, and Sunhyuk Kim. "Does Culture Determine Democratic Leadership in East Asia? The Case of South Korea During the Roh Moo-hyun Presidency." Asian Perspective 37, no. 3 (2013): 387–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2013.0015.

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40

Nam Koong, Keun. "Civil Service Reform in Participatory Government: Civil Service System in Transition." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 22, no. 1 (August 31, 2007): 19–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps22102.

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This paper analyzes the recent reform initiatives of the civil service system in Korea. The modern civil service system was founded during the Park Jung-Hee Administration. The major characteristics of the system can be summarized as a merit-based, rank-oriented, closed career, and centralized managemetn system. The Korean civil service system was instrumental during the period of government-led growth. However, the 1997 financial crisis and the ensuring economic recession instigated the Korean government reform program, including civil service reform. As the package of civil service reform policies has been formulated and implemented during the Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun administrations, the Korean civil service system is experiencing a paradigm shift from a rank-oriented, closed career, seniority-based, and centralized management system to a job-oriented, open-career, performance-based, and decentralized system. This article outlines three factors explaining the transformation. For Korean civil service reform to be successful, implementation is required for a certain period of time. The article discusses several tasks that are necessary for fully achieving the reform goals of the participatory government.

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41

김덕근. "An Analysis on The Private School Law Amendment Process of Roh Moo-hyun government: Focused on Application of Allison's Model." SECONDARY EDUCATION RESEARCH 59, no. 1 (March 2011): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25152/ser.2011.59.1.145.

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42

Kim, Yoo. "Crossing Borders: Korean Nationalism and Contemporary Theatre." New Theatre Quarterly 25, no. 4 (November 2009): 363–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x09000657.

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In October 2007 South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun walked across the inter-Korean border for a summit with the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-il. Although adhering to the primordialist view of nationhood, this state-led border-crossing also indicates the effects of globalization. As the heavily militarized inter-Korean border is permeated by interaction between ethnic nationalism, the nation's anti-colonialist history, and the transnational forces, the image of border-crossing becomes a metaphor for a contested space of national unification. This article examines a selection of works by three contemporary South Korean playwrights who, from a post-nationalist perspective, have emerged to contest the contradictory aspects and trajectories of the past ten years of populist nationalism. Yoo Kim focuses on the ways these post-nationalist plays employ the motifs of border-crossing and borderland encounter to challenge the romantic and exclusionary narratives of the conventional nationalist theatre. Yoo Kim is an Associate Professor in English at Sungkyunkwan University, Seoul, Korea. His recent article, ‘Mapping Utopia in the Post-Ideological Era: Lee Yun-taek's The Dummy Bride’, was published in Theatre Research International in 2007.

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43

이정환 and Sun Jin Yun. "A Comparative Study of Governance in State Management: Focusing on the Roh Moo-hyun Government and the Lee Myung-bak Government." Development and Society 40, no. 2 (December 2011): 289–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.21588/dns.2011.40.2.006.

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44

Kim, Eun Sun, Kuk Jin Bae, and Jeongeun Byun. "The History and Evolution: A Big Data Analysis of the National Innovation Systems in South Korea." Sustainability 12, no. 3 (February 10, 2020): 1266. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12031266.

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This study is a starting point to analyze South Korean national innovation systems (KNIS) using big data and provide insights for policy makers regarding how they implement the dynamic process of innovation systems. It examines KNIS that has developed over the past 14 years from 2003 to 2016 during the governments of Roh Moo-hyun, Lee Myung-bak, and Park Geun-hye. The aim of this study is to evaluate the KNIS in three ways. The first way is to analyze the NIS of the three governments based on data of 470,000 national research and development (R&D) projects, following which the second way is to compare innovative outcomes of the three governments. The last way is to figure out the characteristics of the KNIS in innovative performance. Our analysis reveals that the KNIS was developed and evolved from 2003 to 2008, maintained until 2012, and gradually declined, even though national R&D investment increased for 14 years. Empirical evidence highlights that policies implemented for more than a decade do not effectively link to economic outcomes, resulting in an imbalance between innovation input and innovation output. This study further argues that the use of NIS concept in South Korea seems to be skewed towards measuring national performance from a narrower perspective.

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45

Lim, Kyung-Mook, and Wonhyuk Lim. "Investment Bust in Post-Crisis Korea: Fact or Fiction?" Asian Economic Papers 5, no. 3 (June 2006): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2006.5.3.1.

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In post-crisis Korea, facility (equipment) investment shows the worrisome trends of a slowdown in investment growth and a decline in investment propensity. We marshal micro and macro data to examine four major explanations for these important developments. Our analysis: (a) finds that cyclical factors such as depressed private consumption in 2003 and 2004 did lead to lower investments in automobiles, hence dragging down total investment growth in these years; (b) rejects the claim that investment was lowered by an “anti-chaebol environment” created by the Roh Moo-hyun government (facility investment by large firms actually increased by a great deal in 2003 and 2004, whereas aggregate investment in the national account showed anemic growth); (c) supports the “moral hazard” hypothesis, which states that chaebol investment in the pre-crisis period was abnormally high because of implicit state guarantees (the chaebol dummy in our investment equations was no longer statistically significant in the post-crisis period, in the aftermath of large-scale bankruptcies); and (d) supports the “hollowing-out” hypothesis, which holds that outward foreign direct investment has reduced domestic facility investment because the price competitiveness of final assembly and other labor-intensive sectors in Korea has been eroded by the rise of late-developing countries such as China and Vietnam.

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46

Ji Suk, Woo. "A Comparative Analysis of Korean Administrations` Public Relations Policies and the Implications for Democratic Governance." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 23, no. 1 (August 31, 2008): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps23107.

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This study compares each Korean administration's purposes of public relations, the communication flow of government PR, Press policies, and relationships between the press and the government, in order to examine characteristics and changes in the Korean governments' approaches to government PR. The findings of the analysis show that most of the early administrations purported to provide propaganda against communism and their political rivals. Later administrations conducted PR activities for diverse purposes such as propaganda, the dissemination of public information, persuading the public, and sometimes even promoting mutual understanding. Communication flow of the government PR activities was consistently unilateral across the administrations, from the government toward the public, and mainly through the press. Although President Roh Moo Hyun attempted interactive communication between the government and the public, his idealism did not materialize in reality, and resulted in aggressive and intrusive unilateral PR activities directly toward the public. Based on the findings of the analysis, the study suggests that future government PR activities should focus on two-way communication, especially on listening to the public, probably by organizing local policy meeting and discussion groups, setting up call centers and internet sites that are easy to use and are interactive, and by planning and executing deliberative polling for policy issues.

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47

Ok Geun Lee. "A Study on the Phenomenon of the Lame Duck President, the Highest Decision Maker: Participation by President Roh Moo-hyun Government Center." Journal of Governmental Studies(JGS) 21, no. 3 (December 2015): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.19067/jgs.2015.21.3.95.

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48

Seong, Jieun, and Wichin Song. "Innovation policy and administration system in the era of post catch‐up: The case of the Roh Moo‐hyun administration's innovation policy." Asian Journal of Technology Innovation 16, no. 2 (January 2008): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19761597.2008.9668655.

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49

이신용. "The Development and Limit of Social Welfare in a Delegative Democracy : the case of the Roh Moo Hyun and Lee Myung Bak Administrations." MARXISM 21 13, no. 1 (February 2016): 166–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.26587/marx.13.1.201602.006.

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50

DooJoo Baek. "The Changes and Effects of Social Policy after IMF Economic Crisis in Korea - Fousing on Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun Government." Discourse 201 14, no. 1 (February 2011): 83–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.17789/discou.2011.14.1.004.

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