Academic literature on the topic 'Rok 1990-1996'

Este atigo analisa, por meio da metodologia de estudo de caso, a evolução da indústria de petróleo argentina no período de 1988 a 1996, resultante da desregulamentação iniciada em 1990, o reposicionamento estratégico da Yacimentos Petrolíferos Fiscales e seu conseqüente desempenho antes e depois da privatização ocorrida em 1993. As cinco forças competitivas (Porter, 1980) evoluíram de baixas para médias, tornando o ambiente competitivo mais hostil. A Yacimentos Petrolíferos Fiscales respondeu mudando de uma condição de baixa importância e/ou incoerência da maioria dos métodos competitivos (estratégia meio-termo), para uma uma nítida tendência à diferenciação (Porter, 1980). O seu desempenho evoluiu coerentemente com a sua mudança estratégica, passando de uma condição de prejuízo, expressa pelo ROA médio de -6,3% (1988-1990), para 11,4% (1994-1996).

Lake sediments often are regarded as accurate records of changes in climatic conditions, rates of atmospheric deposition of substances to the lake, or other processes occurring within lakes. In this study, the sedimentary record of sulfur was examined in Little Rock Lake, Wisconsin. This lake received experimental sulfate additions from 1985 through 1990, and a mass balance showed that 35% (425 kg) of experimental sulfur additions were buried in the sediments. Sediment cores collected before and after sulfur additions confirmed that burial of 180–360 kg of sulfur occurred during the 6 years of experimental sulfur additions. However, cores collected in 1992 and 1996 contained less sulfur than cores taken in 1990 and suggested that sulfur incorporation in sediments is not permanent. To examine seasonal sulfur loss from sediments, sulfur inventories in the top 4 cm of sediments were measured in multiple cores before and after fall overturn. At water depths greater than 5 m, surface sediments retrieved after fall overturn had significantly less sulfur than did those collected before overturn. The small seasonal release from the sediments (25 kg S in 1996) might be caused by organic matter decomposition or sulfide oxidation.

The application of molecular genetic techniques has the potential to greatly increase our knowledge of rock-wallaby (Petrogale) natural history, ecology, behaviour, evolution and conservation. Although several have recommended the use of molecular techniques on Petrogale (Kennedy 1992; Hall and Kinnear 1992; Maxwell, Burbidge and Morris 1996), relatively few studies have been published (e.g., Sharman, Close and Maynes 1990; Bee and Close 1992; Spencer, Odorico, Jones, Marsh, and Miller 1995; Pope, Sharp and Moritz 1996; Eldridge 1997; Eldridge and Close 1997). However many more studies are currently in progress. As the molecular genetic study of Petrogale is still in its infancy most of the examples used in this review concern investigations of other marsupials and eutherians. This however has the advantage of illustrating the universality of these techniques and will also make this review of interest to those working with other mammals.

Neste artigo investigamos a reiteração do samba e de seus emblemas na poética do pop-rock brasileiro durante a década de 1990. Tomando de empréstimo categorias delineadas por Jacques Derrida (1994), identificamos o samba a partir da perspectiva de uma presença fantasmática que deixou heranças no processo de modernização da música brasileira, assombrando a produção de artistas distintos. “Samba do lado” (1996) de Chico Science e Nação Zumbi, “Mistério do samba” (2000) de Mundo Livre S.A. e “Samba da caixa preta” de Lobão (1998) são reveladoras desse quadro.

In the field of scientific research on popular music there are a number of studies of the reception of rock music and various sociological analyses of the music industry, but there are few studies of rock musicians themselves. The empirical musician studies that do exist tend to use qualitative data analysis and to pursue limited research interests. There is thus work on the formation of rock bands (Jones and Harvey 1980; Schäffer 1996), on cover bands (Groce 1989), on group processes and structures (Groce and Dowell 1988; Tennstedt 1979), on female musicians (Groce and Cooper 1990) and on amateur musicians (Clemens 1983). Studies with standardised questionnaire and quantitative data analysis are rarer (but see Wills and Cooper 1988; and in Germany, Dollase, Rüsenberg and Stollenwerk 1974; Ebbecke and Lüschper 1987; Niketta 1986; Niketta, Niepel and Nonninger 1983; Weber 1990). The problem of these studies is their narrow database, and so I want to report here on a research project designed to provide empirically well-founded but broad-based evidence of the situation of rock musicians in West Germany. The research was undertaken in order to inform strategies for promoting rock music making in Germany (see Zickenheiner 1988). It was financed by the Federal Ministry for Education and Science and the Secretariat for Common Cultural Activities, in co-operation with the Centre for Music and Communication Technology, Wuppertal. The original project report was published in 1993 (Niketta and Volke 1993).

Sub-Saharan West Africa has remained largely a blank space on the world rock-art map, in spite of a steady trickle of reports during the past century on pictograph and petroglyph sites in the West African sahel and savanna belts. It seems that the nature of the rock art reported, predominantly ‘geometric’ and saurian motifs, and ‘stick figures’, as well as its apparent recent age, formed little incentive for in-depth studies of rock art in this region. From sub-Saharan Mali, for example, only two sites have been published to a satisfactory standard (Huysecom 1990; Huysecom et al. 1996). The richness of the region in rock art, as indicated by several authors (e.g. Griaule 1938; Huysecom & Mayor 1991/92; Togola et al. 1995), has been confirmed by on-going research on rock art in the Boucle du Baoulé region (map, FIGURE 5) in the southwest of the country (Kleinitz 2000). In three field seasons, 14 known and 38 newly identified rock-shelters and open-air sites with pictographs and peboglyphs have been recorded.

A proposta deste artigo é analisar as formas de representação do punk rock de São Paulo e da região do ABC paulista nas imagens das capas de discos long playing (LP). As noções de representação e cultura, a partir de Stuart Hall (2016), e texto cultural e semiosfera, de Iuri Lotman (1996), serão as bases para oentendimento da capa enquanto elemento cultural de mediação. 26 discoscompõem o corpus analisado, sendo três coletâneas seminais do movimento e 23 lançados por sete bandas paulistas importantes na década de 1980 e início de 1990: Cólera, Garotos Podres, Inocentes, Mercenárias, Olho Seco, Ratos de Porão e Restos de Nada. As representações ocorrem em imagens figurativas e abstratas de quatro maneiras básicas: colagem e estética “suja”; figuração do personagem punk; imagens de violência, abjeção e tensão; críticas ao capitalismo e à sociedade de consumo.

Abstract Magmatic activity linked to syn- or post-collisional zones leads to the emplacement of remarkably heterogeneous rocks: calc-alkaline, high-K calc-alkaline or shoshonitic series variably contaminated by continental crust; anatectic granites and ignimbrites derived from the latter; and finally alkali potassic to ultrapotassic basalts [Harris et al., 1990; Pearce et al., 1984, 1990; Arnaud et al., 1992; Benito et al., 1999]. The main sources of these magmas are either the upper mantle (sub-oceanic or subcontinental) frequently metasomatized by hydrous fluid originating from the subducted slab; or the continental crust, which can act as a contaminant [Benito et al., 1999; Miller et al., 1999] or melt directly [Harris et al., 1990; Zingg et al., 1990]. The purpose of the present paper is to document the role of a third source: the subducted oceanic crust, as evidenced by the occurrence of Miocene adakites in Sarawak (NW Borneo). The studied rocks have been sampled from western Sarawak (fig. 1), and their location is shown on the geological map [Tan, 1982] of figure 2. They mostly occur as stocks, dykes and sills which crosscut the Paleozoic to Miocene sedimentary units. Two kinds of intrusions can be distinguished. High-K calc-alkaline to medium-K calc-alkaline diorites and microdiorites occur in the northern part of the studied area, in Salak Island and Santubong Peninsula. Microtonalites and dacites occur near Kuching and in the southern part of Sarawak (Kuap and Bau areas). Whole-rock K-Ar data (table I) demonstrate that these two associations are of different ages: high-K calc-alkaline diorites were emplaced during the Lower Miocene (22.3 to 23.7 Ma), whereas the microtonalites and dacites are younger by ca. 8 Ma or more (Middle to Upper Miocene, 14.6 to 6.4 Ma). Major and trace element data (table II) show that the Lower Miocene diorites display all the usual characteristics of subduction-related magmas. The Middle to Upper Miocene microtonalites and dacites share some of these characteristics, but in addition they display typical adakitic features: SiO 2 -rich (65.5-70%) and sodic (Na 2 O/K 2 O>2) character (table II and figure 3); lack or rare occurrence of pyroxenes, usually replaced by early-crystallized (near-liquidus) amphiboles (table III); very low Y and HREE contents, consistent with the presence of residual garnet in their source, and leading to characteristically high La/Yb and Sr/Y ratios (fig. 4, 5). Their titanomagnetite-hemoilmenite associations reflect equilibrium features [Bacon and Hirschman, 1988] indicating moderate temperatures (<900 degrees C) and highly oxidizing (NNO+1) crystallization conditions [Ghiorso and Sack, 1991]. The Lower Miocene Sarawak diorites are typically subduction-related from a geochemical point of view. They likely derive from the evolution of island-arc basaltic magmas, which themselves originated from the partial melting of upper mantle peridotites previously metasomatized by hydrous fluids expelled from the subducting oceanic slab [Tatsumi et al., 1986; Tatsumi, 1989]. The origin of the Middle-Upper Miocene adakitic microtonalites and dacites is different. According to previous studies, they likely derive from the partial melting of metabasalts (garnet amphibolites or eclogites) from subducted oceanic crust [Defant and Drummond, 1990; Defant et al., 1991, 1992; Drummond et al., 1996; Maury et al., 1996; Martin, 1993, 1999]. Their position in the hybrid tonalite+peridotite system [Caroll and Wyllie, 1989] shows that they crystallized within the garnet stability field and likely interacted with the upper mantle during their ascent (fig. 7). This feature is not consistent with their genesis through melting of metabasalts accreted at the base of the Borneo continental crust. In addition, the less evolved Sarawak adakites display mineralogical and geochemical features remarkably similar to those of the 1991 Mt Pinatubo dacite, the experimental petrology of which has been extensively studied at low [2 kbar; Scaillet and Evans, 1999; Rutherford and Devine, 1996] to medium pressures [4 to 20 kbar; Prouteau et al., 1999]. Such dacitic magmas are not in equilibrium with garnet at pressures lower than or equal to 20 kbar, which rules out their derivation from metabasalts tectonically or magmatically accreted to the base of the North Borneo continental crust. We propose, instead, that they originated from the partial melting of basalts from a fragment of oceanic lithosphere within the upper mantle. Like the adakites of Central Mindanao, Philippines [Sajona et al., 1994, 1997 and 2000; Maury et al., 1996] and those from Aird Hills, Papua-New Guinea [Smith et al., 1979; Defant and Drummond, 1990] the Sarawak adakites represent potential markers of the occurrence at depth of oceanic crust slivers, which could be much more common in collision zones than previously thought.

In recent years popular music scholars have paid increasing attention to musical sound. From Robert Walser's landmark work on heavy metal (1993), to Alan Moore's important analysis of rock style periods (1993), to a number of shorter studies (Whiteley 1990; Josephson 1992; Bowman 1995; Ford 1995; Hawkins 1996; Edström 1996), more and more scholars have recognised that all levels of scholarly focus must be pursued if we are to gain purchase on the phenomena of popular music. With no exceptions of which I am aware, all the popular music scholars concerned specifically with musical sound seek to explore the connections between sound and its social contexts. My goal here is to show how attention to musical perception can forward this project and to argue that perception is best understood as a kind of social practice. The act of perception constitutes musical forms and musical meanings in experience. The act of perception is where the rubber of sound meets the road of social life, and by treating perception as a practice we can draw more intimate connections between songs and subjects, sound and society, than would be possible if we were to start from musical structures and then search for linkages to social context. None of this, of course, is to deny the value of studies focused on musical structures, performance events, broad social contexts or large-scale social history, but to argue that the constitution of musical perception by musicians and listeners deserves greater attention and to suggest how this kind of scrutiny might serve the larger aims of popular music studies.

Kennewick Man, an early Holocene (9,000 years old) skeleton found in Washington State in 1996, has been a lightening rod for political discussion. Due to his alleged Caucasoid features, Kennewick Man controversially called into question who first peopled the Americas. A projectile point lodged in his hip also catapulted him to celebrity status. Spared the quick (within ninety days after an inquiry) repatriation typically required under the 1990 federal Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), Kennewick Man was fully examined by a team of scientists chosen by the government who were forbidden to discuss their findings. Although the team concluded that Kennewick Man has cranial features associated with both Caucasoids and modern Native Americans, he is considered mainly to resemble modern Japanese Ainu, Polynesians, and Southeast Asians, as are other early Amerindian finds. Despite the resolution of early controversies, Kennewick Man continues as a symbol of the ideology of repatriation. In this article, I review the evidence for my belief that, taken to an extreme, the demand to bury aboriginal skeletons, not only in America but also around the world, poses a potentially serious impediment to scientific enquiry.

Since the 1960s, developing Asia has been going through a historically unprecedented process of urbanization and industrialization. This process, which began in East Asia with Japan after World War II (Johnson 1982), then spread first to Korea (Amsden 1989; Rock 1992; Westphal 1978), Taiwan Province of China (Wade 1990), Hong Kong, China (Haggard 1990), and Singapore (Huff 1999) and subsequently to Indonesia (Hill 1996), Malaysia (Jomo 2001), Thailand (Pongpaichit 1980; Rock 1994), and China has spawned enormous interest. While most of the debate surrounding the East Asian development experience has centered on the proximate causes of its development trajectory and the economic and political consequences of this trajectory for the East Asian newly industrializing economies (NIEs), because Asia looms so large in the global economy and ecology, interest has belatedly turned to the environmental consequences of East Asia’s development path and to the political economy of governmental responses to deteriorating environmental conditions in the region (Brandon and Ramankutty 1993; Rock 2002a). The focus on the environment came none too soon. Rapid urbanization, industrialization, and globalization in the East Asian NIEs, when combined with ‘grow first, clean up later’ environmental policies, have resulted in average levels of air particulates approximately five times higher than in OECD countries and twice the world average (Asian Development Bank 1997). Not surprisingly, of the 60 developing country cities on which the World Bank (2004: 164–5) reports urban air quality, 62% (10 of 16) are in developing East Asia, all but one of the rest are in South Asia. Measures of water pollution in East Asia, such as biological oxygen demand (BOD) and levels of suspended solids are also substantially above world averages (Lohani 1998). With the prospect for further rapid urban-industrial growth rooted in the attraction of foreign direct investment and the export of manufactures in East Asia, the rest of Asia, and the rest of the developing world as the East Asian ‘model of development’ spreads, local, regional, and global environmental conditions may well get worse before they get better (Rock et al. 2000). At the core of this environmental challenge in East Asia is rapid urban industrial growth.

This chapter explores films for which individual psychology — seen in terms of how the past influences characters' mental states and thus how they behave in the present — is a clear and predominant force. Character motivation is often taken for granted in many films, especially genre ones; only when it is made problematic in ways that 'rock the genre boat', does the code of psychology become a key and overriding factor in how spectators understand realism and truth. The chapter focuses on the work firstly of Mike Leigh: in Life is Sweet (1990), Naked, Secrets & Lies (1996), Happy-Go-Lucky (2007), and Another Year (2010) then on Steve McQueen's Shame and finally on Lynne Ramsay: in her short Gasman (1998) and her features Ratcatcher (1999) and Morvern Callar (2002) as well as a brief reference to her latest film We Need to Talk about Kevin (2011). Leigh and Ramsay are very different, but nevertheless both make films that seem to work through complex, often inscrutable, psychological characterisations. However, in the case of Ramsay, the chapter argues for a 'subset' of the psychological code: one of existential realism.

In recent years, we have become increasingly aware of the importance of water as a critical good, and questions of water supply, access, and management, both in quantitative and qualitative terms, have become key issues (Gleick 1993; Postel 1992; Stauffer 1998). The proliferating commodification and privatization of water management systems; the combination of Global Environmental Change with increased demands from cities, agriculture, and industry for reasonably clean water; the inadequate access of almost a billion people on the planet to clean water (over half of whom live in large urban centres); the proliferating geopolitical struggle over the control of river basins; the popular resistance against the construction of new megadams; the political struggles around water privatization projects; and many other issues; have brought water politics to the foreground of national and international agendas (Shiklomanov 1990; 1997; Herrington 1996; Roy 2001). In the twentieth century, water scarcity was seen as a problem primarily affecting developing societies (Anton 1993). However, at the turn of the new century, water problems are becoming increasingly globalized. In Europe, the area bordering the Mediterranean, notably Spain, southern Italy, and Greece, is arguably the location in which the water crisis has become most acute, both in quantitative and qualitative terms (Batisse and Gernon 1989; Margat 1992; Swyngedouw 1996a). However, northern European countries, such as the UK, Belgium, and France, have also seen increasing problems with water supply, water management, and water control (Haughton 1996), while transitional societies in eastern Europe are faced with mounting water supply problems (Thomas and Howlett 1993). The Yorkshire drought in England, for example, or the Walloon/Flemish dispute over water rights are illuminating examples of the intensifying conflict that surrounds water issues (Bakker 1999). Cities in the global South and the global North alike are suffering from a deterioration in their water supply infrastructure and in their environmental and social conditions in general (Lorrain 1995; Brockerhoff and Brennan 1998). Up to 50% of urban residents in the developing world’s megacities have no easy access to reasonably clean and affordable water. The myriad socioenvironmental problems associated with deficient water supply conditions threaten urban sustainability, social cohesion, and, most disturbingly, the livelihoods of millions of people (Niemczynowicz 1991).

This chapter deals with computing the velocity fields in heterogeneous media. This is a broad area, and we shall concentrate here on upscaling, on the spatial correlation pattern of the velocity, and on accuracy measures for techniques that compute velocity fields. Numerical simulations of velocity fields in heterogeneous media (Ababou et al., 1988, 1989; Bellin et al., 1992, 1994; Bellin and Rubin, 1996; Dykaar and Kitandis, 1992a,b; Hassan et al., 1998a,b; Salandin and Fiorotto, 1998) indicate that to capture accurately the effects of the spatial variability of the conductivity on the velocity field, the conductivity field should be modeled with high resolution. Techniques for generating highly detailed realizations of rock properties were reviewed earlier. Because of the huge level of detail included in these realizations, large-scale flow simulations can become computationally intensive. However, the need for fine detail varies over the aquifer. For example, a high level of detail is needed where the velocity field may vary rapidly, such as near wells, or over areas traversed by a contaminant plume, or for describing small-scale features which dominate the flow, such as high-conductivity channels. Coarsening the grid over areas where high resolution is unnecessary can reduce the computational effort. To be able to do that, a procedure is needed for assigning properties such as conductivity on a coarser scale which is more appropriate for simulation, while avoiding the loss of important details. Such a procedure is called upscaling (also scale-up). Upscaling assigns properties to blocks based on subgrid-scale heterogeneity. Upscaling leads to block-effective properties. Unlike effective properties, block-effective properties depend on the size of the block. In the limit of block dimensions much larger than the integral scale of the heterogeneity, the block-effective properties become equal to the media's effective properties. Unlike the case of effective conductivities, there is no consensus about the definition of block conductivity. For example, Rubin and Gomez-Hernandez (1990) defined the block conductivity as the coefficient of proportionality between the block-averaged flux and the gradient. Indelman and Dagan (1993a, b) stipulated that the block-effective conductivity should dissipate energy at a rate equal to the dissipation due to the small-scale heterogeneity.