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Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Dacia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Hirt, Alfred. "Dalmatians and Dacians—Forms of Belonging and Displacement in the Roman Empire." Humanities 8, no. 1 (December 24, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010001.

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Inspired by the catalyst papers, this essay traces the impact of displacement on existing and emerging identities of groups and individuals which were relocated to ‘frontier’ areas in the aftermath of conflict and conquest by Rome during the reign of emperor Trajan. The Dacian Wars, ending in 106 CE with the conquest of Dacia by Roman armies, not only resulted in the deliberate destruction of settlements and the society of the conquered, but also the removal of young Dacian men by forced recruitment into the Roman army, some serving the emperor in the Eastern Egyptian Desert. In turn, the wealth in gold and silver of the newly established Roman province of Dacia was exploited by mining communities arriving from Dalmatia. As a result of these ‘displacements’ caused by war and the shared experience of mining in the remote mountains of Dacia or guarding roads through the desert east of the Nile, we can trace the emergence of new senses of belonging alongside the retainment of fixed group identities.

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2

Szabó, Csaba. "Sacralised spaces of Mithras in Roman Dacia." Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 72, no. 1 (August 3, 2021): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/072.2021.00004.

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AbstractThe Roman cult of Mithras is one of the most well documented cults in Roman Dacia, having almost 300 archaeological finds (epigraphic and figurative sources) produced in less than 170 years during the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD. Although the rich materiality of the cult attracted European attention already in the 18th century, sacralised spaces of Mithras in Dacia – the mithraea of the province – were rarely analysed. This paper presents a systematic overview of the archaeologically and epigraphically attested sanctuaries. Based on the rich material of the cult it will present a new catalogue of sanctuaries of Mithras in Roman Dacia for the first time contextualising them in a new space taxonomy of Roman religious communication.

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3

Pop, Călin Cornel. "Particularities of the Cultural Tourism in Zalău in the Context of the European Heritage: The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Geographia 64, no. 2 (December 20, 2020): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbgeogr.2019.2.06.

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"Particularities of the Cultural Tourism in Zalău in the Context of the European Heritage: the Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum. Covering an area of 3,850 square kms, the county of Sălaj lies in the north-western part of Romania, as a passage between the Western and Eastern Carpathians. The main settlement of Sălaj is the city of Zalău, lying at the heart of the county, along Zalău valley, near the Northern Meseş Mountains. Evidence of the Dacian culture and civilization can be found all over the county. The stronghold was well known in antiquity as Dacidava, a central place for the gatherings of Dacian tribes living in the region, known today as Sălaj. Here 14 treasures of Dacian silver coins and jewels were found, which may explain the fact that Sălaj was one of the towns that laid on the ancient road of salt whereon salt used to be traded from Transylvania to Central Europe. Another important Dacian settlement would be Moigrad (Porolissum), on the heights of Măgura Moigradului, mentioned by Ptolemeu in his „Geographia”. After the Roman conquest and the colonization of Dacia as a Roman province, Roman experts in military strategy transfomed the Meseş Mountains into the north-eastern border of the Roman Empire. This „limes” separated the territories of the Roman province Dacia from the unoccupied area which belonged to the free Dacians. The military structure of Porolissum, the capital of the province „Dacia Porolissensis”, acquired the rank of „municipium”, by an order of the Emperor Septimius Severus. Ruins of the Porolissum town, together with Roman fortifications near the passage Poarta Meseşului stretch to an area of about 200 hectares. In Porolissum, archaeological discoveries brought to light two large stone-built Roman „castrum”, one amphitheatre, several temples, civilian constructions and Roman roads. Within the study there were both open-response questionnaires, when the subject was free to answer as he saw fit, and closed-response questionnaires, in which the subject had several possible answers from which he could choose the response considered convenient. The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum recovers a part of the shared historical past within a geographical space where the European community now functions. Through impeccable organization and administration, this part made possibile the development of the greatest empire in ancient times. Through The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum, the Zalău City Hall proposes to its inhabitants and tourists a vast event with an educative-cultural dimension. We believe that this sort of manifestation may counteract the promotion tendencies of the underground culture. We wish for The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum to pleasantly provide to the public history moments, traditions, culture and specific costumes. The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum is an event of our identity that reconfirms our values and space in Europe. At the European Union’s construction a few fundamental facts contributed: shared geography and history, the Greek culture, the Christianity and the Roman legacy. The Roman culture and civilization are marks of the European identity, which define the present European citizen’s consciousness. Keywords: The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum, Cultural tourism, Global values, European Heritage."

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4

Soria Molina, David. "Migraciones, deportaciones, colonización y geopolítica durante las guerras dácicas de Trajano (101-106 d.C.)." Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Internacional 6, no. 2 (December 8, 2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.12.1.

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The Trajanic Dacian Wars (101-106 AD) implied multiple expansionist population movements by all contestants, that affected the development and result of the conflict, conditioning many of the implied powers’ decisions. In the same way, the intensity and scale of a conflagration that spreaded throughout Danubian and Pontic Europe, finished with heavy population losses as a direct and indirect consequence of armed clashes. Finally, the consolidation of Roman power in Dacia after its conquest and its particularities supposed the deportation and intentional displacement of native population groups, migrations to zones free from Roman occupation and other sociopolitical and demographical problems solved by the Roman Empire through a planned colonization and the varied diplomatic agreements signed on 119 AD. In this essay we are going to deal, through literary, epigraphic, numismatic, archaeological and iconographical fonts, with this demographical processes, the actualities derived from them and its consequences in the framework of Trajan’s Dacian Wars, processes that conditioned the region’s geopolitics and, therefore, the future composition of Eastern Europe.

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5

Nótári, Tamás. "Private Law in the Province of Dacia." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae Legal Studies 9, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/ausleg.2020.9.2.02.

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Beginning from the late 18th century and until the mid-19th century, several wax tablets were unearthed in the locality of Roşia Montană in what is today Romania. They record, among other things, various contracts drafted during the time of the Roman Empire. They constitute a priceless database which attests to the application of Roman law in the Province of Dacia. This study is dedicated to briefly presenting the significance of the content of these tablets from the perspective of legal history. The major conclusions which can be drawn from the legal operations documented in them are presented regarding the status of persons and various types of contracts. Based on the content of the wax tablets, it can be concluded that the living application of Roman law in the province of Dacia differed in part from the norms indicated in contemporary sources, in local use some institutions being distorted and ‘adapted’ to local conditions and Hellenistic influence.

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6

Cociş, Horaţiu. "Radu Oltean, Dacia. The Roman Wars.Volume I. Sarmizegetusa." Journal of Ancient History and Archaeology 1, no. 2 (August 1, 2014): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14795/j.v1i2.52.

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7

Rakoczy, Jacek. "Monetary series “PROVINCIA DACIA” in the Roman coinage." Studia Historica Gedanensia 9 (2018): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.18.001.10317.

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8

Rustoiu, Aurel. "Commentaria archaeologica et historica (III). Chronology of the Dacian Silver Hoards." Ephemeris Napocensis 30 (February 10, 2021): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2020.30.11.

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These comments stem from the recent publication of a number of studies regarding the silver artefacts of pre-Roman Dacia, with important implications for the relative and absolute chronology of the late La Tène period in the region in question, and also for some cultural and historical transformations that happened in the same area. Some of the conclusions presented in these studies are insufficiently supported by arguments. Their publication requires a detailed analysis, which is meant to clarify a number of controversial aspects. For example, D. Spânu has recently divided the evolution of the Dacian silver hoards into two phases dated to the La Tène D2a and D2b (the period between ca. 75 – 65 BC and the Augustan age). To support this chronology, he chose to ignore a series of hoards, or only certain artefacts from other hoards, which did not fit into the suggested model. These efforts to push the chronology of the Dacian silver hoards within a particular time frame stem from his aim to use these discoveries as arguments for a series of a priori historical interpretations for which archaeological evidence is scant. This includes the idea that the local silver ornaments were all made exclusively of melted Mediterranean coins which supposedly reached pre-Roman Dacia massively only after the defeating of Mithridates VI Eupator and the fall of the Kingdom of Pontus. However, the analysis of the silver jewellery from pre-Roman Dacia is demonstrating that the artefacts in question were made using both locally-sourced silver and melted Mediterranean coins. Chronologically, these hoards can be divided into three phases: first group dated to the La Tène D1, 150/125 – 75/50 BC; second group belongs to the La Tène D2, 75/50 – 30/25 BC; third group dated to the Augustan – Tiberian period, 30/25 BC – AD 25/30. It can be therefore concluded that the scenario proposed by D. Spânu for the chronology of the end of the Late Iron Age in the lower Danube region and Transylvania, based on an erroneous dating of the silver hoards, is not credible. This kind of analysis requires the incorporation of different categories of archaeological evidence belonging to the last three centuries before the Roman conquest. Their contextual interpretation could provide a more reliable and detailed chronology of the evolution of the communities from each of the two territories in question. Lastly, this evolution was not uniformly equal across wide areas, as suggested by the typo-chronological tables and schemes drawn in the office by some researchers, since each community had its own history and evolution governed by a multitude of different social, economic, demographic or ecological factors.

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9

Szabo, Csaba. "THE MAP OF ROMAN DACIA IN THE RECENT STUDIES." Journal of Ancient History and Arheology 1, no. 1 (April 24, 2014): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14795/j.v1i1.11.

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10

Boda, Imola. "RADA VARGA, THE PEREGRINI OF ROMAN DACIA (106-212)." Journal of Ancient History and Archaeology 1, no. 2 (August 1, 2014): 61–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14795/j.v1i2.45.

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11

Szabó, Csaba. "The Material Evidence of the Roman Cult of Mithras in Dacia." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 58, no. 1-4 (December 2018): 325–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2018.58.1-4.20.

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Summary Since M. J. Vermaseren's visit to Romania and the publication of the second volume of his monumental corpus on Mithraic finds in 1960, the once-called “Mithraic Studies” has had numerous paradigmatic shifts and changed its major focus points. Besides the important changes in the theoretical background of the research, the archaeological material regarding the Mithraic finds of Dacia – one of the richest provinces in this kind of material – has also been enriched. Several new corpora focusing on the Mithraic finds of Dacia were published in the last decade. This article will present the latest currents in the study of the Roman cult of Mithras and will give an updated list of finds and several clarifications to the latest catalogue of Mithraic finds from the province.

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12

Bitay, Enikő, Irén Kacsó, Szilamér Péter Pánczél, and Erzsébet Veress. "Comparative Study of Roman Iron Slags Discovered in the Roman Auxiliary Fort and Settlement of Călugăreni." Acta Materialia Transilvanica 1, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/amt-2018-0022.

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Abstract Iron slag samples unearthed at the eastern border of Roman Dacia, in the auxiliary fort and the military settlement of Călugăreni (Mikháza) are investigated by macroscopic inspection, optical microscopy (OM) and FTIR spectroscopy in order to comparatively characterize their macro- and microstructure as well as their mineralogical composition. During the recent archaeological excavations, a large number of iron artefacts were discovered together with a great quantity of iron slag fragments. The present paper focuses on the data obtained from 17 slag samples.

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13

Oltean, I. A., and W. S. Hanson. "Conquest strategy and political discourse: new evidence for the conquest of Dacia from LiDAR analysis at Sarmizegetusa Regia." Journal of Roman Archaeology 30 (2017): 429–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400074195.

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By the end of the 1st c. A.D., Dacia had been an intermittent thorn in Rome's side for almost two centuries. The ambitions of Burebista and the actions of his various successors continued to threaten Roman hegemony along the lower Danube, culminating in the rise of the powerful kingdom of Decebalus and a substantial Roman defeat in Moesia. Domitian sent troops against the Dacians to restore the dignity of Rome (85-86 and 88-88/89), but with mixed success, finally having to settle for buying peace at a substantial price in order to free himself to deal with threats to security in both Germany and Pannonia. No doubt both the costs involved and the perceived lack of success further contributed to the hostility of Roman authors towards Domitian and left unfinished business on the Danube frontier. It is no great surprise, therefore, that Dacia was the first area to which Trajan — to whom the attitude of contemporary sources (e.g., Pliny's Panegyricus) could not have been in greater contrast — turned his attention within three years of his accession.

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14

Opreanu, Coriolan Horațiu, and Vlad-Andrei Lăzărescu. "A New Military Diploma Recently Found at Porolissum (Dacia Porolissensis)." Ephemeris Napocensis 30 (February 10, 2021): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/10.33993/ephnap.2020.30.295.

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The authors are presenting a military diploma recently found in the Roman fort at Porolissum (Dacia Porolissensis). It dates from Hadrian’s time and was issued for a soldier from cohors II Augusta Nerviana Pacensis milliaria Brittonum garrisoned in the fort at Buciumi (Sălaj County) on the frontier of Dacia Porolissensis. The document is a more complete copy of a fragmentary one already known. The diploma mentions one cavalry unit and eight infantry troops from the province’s army. The authors discuss the strange order of troops in the new diploma and highlight the accurate mention of the complete titles of the units.

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15

Nemeth, E., Fl Fodorean, D. Matei, and D. Blaga. "Forts and Landscape on the Southwest Border of Roman Dacia." Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 62, no. 2 (December 2011): 331–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aarch.62.2011.2.3.

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16

Dawson, Michael. "Function and Symbol: The Development of Towns in Roman Dacia." Theoretical Roman Archaeology Journal, no. 1993 (April 16, 1999): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/trac1993_162_190.

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17

Ota, Radu. "Clay statuettes of male and female paredros from Roman Dacia." Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 68, no. 2 (December 2017): 339–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/072.2017.68.2.5.

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18

Satsyuk, Olga. "USE OF LATIN ORIGINAL PREFIXES AND SUFFICES IN ROMANIAN LANGUAGE." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu «Ostrozʹka akademìâ». Serìâ «Fìlologìâ» 1, no. 10(78) (February 27, 2020): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2519-2558-2020-10(78)-215-217.

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The article deals with productive affixes of Latin origin, with the help of which many words of the Romanian language have been formed since the beginning of its formation from the Latin language of the Danube region. Latin suffixes and prefixes that continue to be used in the word formation process of modern Romanian are also analyzed. Some Romanian words were borrowed through other languages (French, German) The ways of penetration of the Latin language into the territory of modern Romania have been established. The process of Romanization began after the wars near the Oresteier Mountains (101-106), as a result of which Dacia was conquered and annexed to the Empire. It is noted that Dacia (modern-day territory of Romania) inherited a rich ancient heritage with the conquest of new provinces by the Empire and, thus, the spread of Roman cultural heritage. However, Latin was the official language in Dacia. Many new cities with introduced Roman civilization were also founded. Latin was spoken in the army and in state institutions. The vocabulary of the Romanian language, which was created with the help of Latin word-forming elements at the beginning of the Romanian language formation, is distinguished, and it is shown that these affixes are used in the modern Romanian language thus distinguishing productive and unproductive affixes.

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Mustață, Mariana. "Social Identities in Roman Children’s Burials. Roman Cemetery at Apulum-Dealul Furcilor." Ephemeris Napocensis 30 (February 10, 2021): 39–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2020.30.39.

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The children’s graves from the cemetery at Apulum-Dealul Furcilor are a category of archaeological contexts that is worth studying because too little is known about the funerary treatments of the children from Roman Dacia. These graves contain the material remains of a number of practices that could indicate the perceived social identities of the child and the mourners. These coded identities can be deciphered by using statistical analyses, the process of understanding the archaeological assemblages being eased in this way. However, a proper interpretation of these contexts requires the incorporation of existing knowledge about the status of the Roman children, their activities, their surrounding material culture and the way in which it was handled, their obligations and rights, the relations with the parents and different relatives, etc. Therefore, the study of this theme could open many doors towards other related subjects.

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20

Mrozewicz, Leszek. "Obcy w Dacji; rec. książki: Lucretiu Mihailescu-Birliba, Ex toto orbe Romano: Immigration into Roman Dacia. With Prosopographical Observations on the Population of Dacia." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 13 (June 15, 2016): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2016.13.20.

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21

Beu-Dachin, Eugenia. "Linguistic Peculiarities in the Latin Inscriptions of Potaissa (Dacia)." Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 56 (September 1, 2020): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22315/acd/2020/3.

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Around 200 inscriptions have been found at Potaissa so far. Some of them disappeared and their texts are known to us exclusively from publications, others are kept in museum collections. The subject of this study is their linguistic examination, by following the peculiarities and the deviations from the classical norms of the language. When possible, this data will be related to details on the donors, on the provenance of the epigraphs, on their type, and on other information that can contribute to shaping the cultural-linguistic profile of the Roman town.

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22

Carbó, Juan Ramón. "Szabó, Csaba: Sanctuaries in Roman Dacia. Materiality and religious experience (Roman Archaeology 49), Oxford: Archaeopress, 2018." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 17 (November 20, 2019): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2019.4995.

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23

Oltean, Ioana A., and João Fonte. "GIS Analysis and Spatial Networking Patterns in Upland Ancient Warfare: The Roman Conquest of Dacia." Geosciences 11, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/geosciences11010017.

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Generally seen as natural peripheries, upland landscapes present particular challenges both in terms of living, and of recording past human activity within. LiDAR (light detection and ranging) technology has now brought considerable improvement in our ability to record and map surviving archaeological features, but not necessarily increased our appreciation of local agency. Though the iconic landscape around the Iron Age Dacian capital of Sarmizegetusa Regia (Romania) and its Roman conquest have long caught the attention of specialists and the wider public, both previous research and more recent results from an airborne LiDAR survey leave considerable gaps in our understanding of networking potential across this challenging landscape. Based on LiDAR and satellite-generated high- and mid-resolution topographic data, our paper employs an innovative combination of GIS (geographic information system) spatial analysis tools to examine the spatial relationships between Roman military bases, Dacian targets, and the wider landscape as an integral part of a wider interdisciplinary archaeological research. This helped us formulate and test spatial and historical hypotheses, according to which all known and potential Roman military bases in the study area functioned as part of a system where each contributed individual advantages in securing their domination across the landscape. Our research highlighted the advantages and challenges for Comărnicelu as one of the key Roman logistical nodes, and for the attackers at Şesului and Muncelu working in tandem to besiege and subdue Sarmizegetusa Regia. Our study raises doubts with respect of the fall and destruction of the hillfort at Vârfu lui Hulpe as a result of a Roman siege, making space for alternative political narratives. Ultimately, our findings help build a better understanding of this iconic world heritage landscape and its Roman conquest.

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Ureche, Petrică. "Tactics, Strategies and Fighting specific of the cohortes equitatae in Roman Dacia." Cercetări Arheologice 16, no. 1 (2009): 329–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46535/ca.16.17.

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Fodorean, Florin. "MAPS OF ROMAN DACIA. I. THE MAP OF PETRUS KAERIUS (1571-1646)." Journal of Ancient History and Arheology 1, no. 1 (April 24, 2014): 40–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14795/j.v1i1.14.

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Petrović, Vladimir P. "The Aquae Station on the Roman Danube Limes Road in Upper Moesia." Open Archaeology 4, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 386–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opar-2018-0025.

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Abstract The Roman road from Singidunum to Ratiaria connected the different fortifications and civil settlements along the limes in Upper Moesia. Aquae (Prahovo) had a favorable strategic position near the mouth of the Timok River that flowed into the Danube and a peculiar character in the military and civil context. It was built at the same time as a Danubian port center which had, without doubt, a large military importance in connection with the conquest of Dacia and commercial significance in relation to mining activities.

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Ivancu, Ovidiu. "A Pedagogical Perspective on the Definite and the Indefinite Article in the Romanian Language. Challenges for Foreign Learners." Verbum 10 (December 20, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/verb.6.

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All Romance languages have developed the definite and the indefinite article via the Vulgar Latin (Classical Latin did not use articles), the language of the Roman colonists. According to Joseph H. Greenberg (1978), the definite article predated the indefinite one by approximately two centuries, being developed from demonstratives through a complex process of grammaticalization. Many areas of nowadays` Romania were incorporated into the Roman Empire for about 170 years. After two military campaign, the Roman emperor Trajan conquered Dacia, east of Danube.The Romans imposed their own administration and inforced Latin as lingua franca.The language of the colonists, mixed with the native language and, later on, with various languages spoken by the many migrant populations that followed the Roman retreat resulted in a new language (Romanian), of Latin origins. The Romanian language, attested in the 16th Century, in documents written by foreign travellers, uses four different types of articles. Being a highly inflected language, Romanian changes the form of the articles according to the gender, the number and the case of the noun As compared to the other Romance languages, Romanian uses the definite article enclitically. Thus, the definite article and the noun constitute a single word. The present paper aims at discussing, analysing and providing an overview of the use of definite and indefinite articles. The general norm and its various exceptions are examined from a broader perspective, synchronically and diachronically. The pedagogical perspective is meant to offer a comprehensible synthesis to foreign learners.

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COLCER, Alexandra-Maria, and Ioan-Aurel IRIMUȘ. "The Role of Landforms in the Location of Roman Fortifications in Northern Transylvania (Tihău-Cășeiu Area) and the Production of Place and Regional Identity." Territorial Identity and Development 6, no. 1 (December 10, 2020): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.23740/tid120211.

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By combining the technical and empirical research methods, this article aims at establishing the role of the landforms in the location of Roman settlements and fortifications in Northern Transylvania, Romania, focusing on the Dacia Porolissensis (province of the Roman Empire) border and how (and if) these elements are still present in the local identity. Cartographic methods helped us to achieve the technical part. We used the ArcMap 10.6 software. The result obtained through digital modelling is the morphometric identification of the territorial discontinuities. Considering the qualitative aspects, the used methods were the traditional ones: analysis, synthesis, induction, and deduction. These methods enabled us to better understand how these settlements influenced the regional identity. The results of the study are emphasizing the strategical importance of the landforms in establishing the Roman castrum, and it demonstrates how (or if) the associated settlements remained present in the locals’ mentality and influenced the regional identity.

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Mekhamadiev, Е. А. "The Danube legions of the Late Roman Empire (I Italica and V Macedonica) during the second half and middle of the fourth c. a. d.: on the ways of interaction between the frontier and expeditionary armies." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 608–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-608-619.

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Since 325 A. D., when the Emperor Constantine the Great established a self-sufficient and single expeditionary army of the Roman Empire (previously, before 353, it constantly had stood in Thrace, but then it was split in some smaller military groups), military units of this army have interacted to units of frontier armies during many military campaigns. But epigraphic data from the Lower Danube regions (the provinces of Lower Moesia and Dacia Ripensis (River)) give a chance to trace one another way of interaction, which was an absolutely disregarded before. The author means a food supply of frontier units from the provinces where the expeditionary troops (or imperial bodyguards) had their service. The inscriptions covered by this paper contain evidence about two important Danube frontier legions, that are I Italica (Lower Moesia) and V Macedonica (Dacia Ripensis (River)), which received a food from the Roman Near East provinces (the author means Hellespontus at the North-West of the Asia Minor and Syria Foenice and Syria Palestina just at the Persian frontier), but not from the Danube regions. As the author supposes, the reason of such a way of supply was that some military units (vexillations) detached from the staff of the Danube frontier legions served within the Near East Roman provinces, these vexillations moved at the Near East during the time of the Tetrarchy (293–324) or the sole reign of Constantine the Great (324–337). After their relocation to the Near East, vexillations of the Danube frontier legions have never returned in their home Danube provinces, in contrast, they were parts of the Near East expeditionary armies. But, as a matter of award for diminishing of their staff, the Danube frontier («maternal») legions received a food from the provinces, where their «child» vexillations located and served.

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James, N. "Rome's zenith commemorated." Antiquity 92, no. 362 (April 2018): 528–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2018.27.

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Following four centuries of Roman expansion, the Emperor Trajan led the Empire to its greatest extent by annexing Dacia (Transylvania), north-western Arabia and Sinai and, briefly, all of Armenia and Mesopotamia. He bolstered imperial administration, reformed provincial government, clarified certain principles of justice and encouraged a system of welfare, thealimenta(Bennett 2001). Last year, 2017, was the nineteen-hundredth anniversary of Trajan's death. The occasion was marked in various ways across Europe, and the opportunity to reflect on Trajan's legacy was particularly poignant in view of the continent's present troubles.

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Opreanu, Coriolan Horațiu. "Chronology and cultural identity of the interaction zones over the frontiers of Roman Dacia." Cercetări Arheologice 16, no. 1 (2009): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46535/ca.16.05.

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Matthew McCarty, Mariana Egri, and Aurel Rustoiu. "Connected Communities in Roman Mithraism: Regional Webs from the Apulum Mithraeum III Project (Dacia)." Phoenix 71, no. 3/4 (2017): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.7834/phoenix.71.3-4.0370.

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Strechie, Mădălina. "The Praetorian Guard, Rome’s Intelligence Service." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 27, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2021-0022.

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Abstract Rome was a kingdom, then a republic, and culminated in a militaristic empire. For this, the city of Mars invented, perfected and organized efficient institutions to carry out its plans, which extended it from the Italic Peninsula throughout the world on which Rome had a say. One of the most efficient institutions, the essence of the Roman executive power, was not the Princeps, but the Praetorian Guard, a military and police institution, at the same time political, economic, but especially with the powers of a secret service, being one of the forerunners of European secret services, surpassing all that had existed until its functioning, not being matched to this day in terms of efficiency and impact in the life of a civilization. When founding the Principate, the Praetorian Guard was the one which transformed the imperial dream of Rome into a historical reality. The “wings of the Roman eagle” that spread over the world conquered by the Romans were Praetorian, if we consider that this institution was coordinated by ordo equester, the tagma of Rome’s career officers, its headquarters, but also the government of Rome, the praetorian prefect also fulfilling the function which today we would call prime minister, the second man in the hierarchy of the Roman state, of course after the princeps (the first of the citizens).Although as a military structure, the Praetorian Guard appeared with the professional Roman army, it reached its peak with the Principate, initially having a guard function for the Roman military commander, it became in time the most effective secret service of classical Antiquity. This success was due to the fact that the Romans were inspired by the Spartans (especially the Ephorian magistrates), but also by the Persians (from the administrative organization of the satrapies, the 10,000 immortals, and especially the royal postal service of Persia), the Roman creation being the most complete, therefore the etymology of the word “information” is Latin.From a military perspective, the Praetorian Guard was organized at all levels of a global society, such as Rome, covering informatively, politically, militarily, economically, but also diplomatically all Roman interests in the world controlled by Rome, being a true intelligence service. It was the first informative outpost in non-Roman territories, which had to be transformed into Roman territories, as was the case of Dacia.

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Milin, Milena. "Pitanje ilirske komponente stanovnistva jugoistocnog dela Donje Panonije u savremenim istrazivanjima." Balcanica, no. 32-33 (2002): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0233049m.

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Following the Symposium on distribution of the Illyrians (4th to 2nd centuries B.C., Sarajevo, 1964), the view that the northern border of the Illyrians ran along the line even much southerner than the Sava (nn.2-8) has been firmly established in our archeology; this attitude has been extended to the Illyrian tribes in Roman times (n.7). At the same time, historians of the pre-Roman and Roman periods in the Balkans still hold the view of predominantly Illyrian origins of the tribes from Lower Pannonia, between the Danube and the lower course of the Sava river (n.9), based on contemporary historiographic epigraphic and linguistic evidence. Therefore, the author dwelled on the issue whether the Illyrian name, and in which meaning, may be applied to the inhabitants of Lower Pannonia in the Roman times as well. According to ancient literary sources (Strabo and Apian) it follows that the Pannonian tribes in the ancient times were deemed to be Illyrian (pp. 2-3). Furthermore in mythology, the Pannonios was the descendant of Illyrians (App. Illyr. 2; cf. Papazoglu 1969, 265 n. 233), which points to the common awareness of being part of Lower Pannonia and other Illyrian tribes. Important evidence for this issue is deemed to be anthroponyms as well; Pannonian names in the research to date have shown to be different from Illyrian (p. 7 with note). The author gives the examples of names Dassius and Liccaius, epigraphically confirmed with Breuck and Amantino (6, note 30, and p. 7 with note), which she considers to have originated from Illyrian territory proper; that is proved by a wax tablet from Dacia, where the words Dassius Verzonis, Pirusta ex Kavieretio and Liccaius Epicadi were written (tab. cer. VI; cf. p. 8). As is well known, parts of the Illyrian population from southern Dalmatia were relocated to work in Dacia mines; that this is the case here as well is proved by referring to an Illyrian ethnic, Pirust, as well as the name of the village. On account of the closeness in spiritual and cultural spheres, the awareness of the common mythical forefather, similarities or sameness in anthroponyms, there is no justification, at least regarding the Roman times, for distinguishing the inhabitants of Pannonia from (other) Illyrians, even if the issue of their ethnical connection or identicalness is not considered.

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Oprean, Coriolan Horatiu. "The Garrison of the Roman Fort at Porolissum (Dacia). The Analysis of the Tile-Stamps." Open Archaeology 4, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 365–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opar-2018-0023.

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Abstract The author is dealing with the tile-stamps found in the Roman auxiliary fort at Porolissum attempting to establish which of the many units recorded on tile-stamps stayed in garrison at Porolissum. The author of the present article is arguing his own hypothesis on the subject, based on his own excavations at Porolissum and on all the data gathered from the scientific literature. He finally proposes two tables and a graph that correlate all the information on the troops known from the tile-stamps and stone inscriptions, establishing which of them were in garrison at Porolissum and which were only temporarily attached for building activity. At the same time he sets in chronological order the tile-stamps, demonstrating that the three units which built the headquarters building and the gates of the fort (coh III, L VII GF, L III G) were brought to the Porolissum area late in Hadrian‘s reign, to build in stone the fort and other military facilities in the limes area of Porolissum. The permanent garrison of the fort was composed during the 2nd century AD of two infantry auxiliary units, cohors I Brittonum and cohors V Lingonum, while a third one, numerus Palmyrenorum was probably lodged in a smaller fort situated 500 m away, on the Citera Hill. In the third century, cohors V Lingonum was still there, cohors I Brittonum also for Caracalla‘s time (even not recorded by any later inscription, but, at the same time, not attested in another fort), while the smaller Citera Hill fort was out of use and the numerus Palmyrenorum Porolissensium was moved inside the big fort from Pomet Hill. The author is concluding that the garrison of the military site Porolissum was not changed during the Roman rule in Dacia, all the other tile-stamps found belonging to units brought mainly during the 2nd century to built the military facilities of this strengthened sector of the frontier.

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Glomb, Tomáš. "The spread of the cult of Asclepius in the context of the Roman army benefited from the presence of physicians: A spatial proximity analysis." PLOS ONE 16, no. 8 (August 20, 2021): e0256356. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256356.

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The article applies a GIS based approach to the study of the spread of the cult of Asclepius, the Greco-Roman healing god, during the Roman period. It explores the role of soldiers and physicians in the spatial dissemination of the cult along the transportation network of Roman roads in the border provinces of Britannia, Germania Superior and Inferior, Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia Superior and Inferior, Moesia Superior and Inferior, and Dacia. These provinces were selected as a suitable area for quantitative GIS exploration because they were all on the outer border of the Roman Empire, had a significant military presence, and there is a representative amount of inscriptions attested that can be used as proxies for the spatial occurrence of the three measured variables: the cult of Asclepius, Roman soldiers, and Roman physicians. After establishing by means of spatial proximity analysis that the cult of Asclepius occurred frequently in the context of the Roman army, the article proposes and quantitatively evaluates a more specific hypothesis; i.e., that the spatial occurrences of Roman physicians in inscriptions are a relevant predictor for the spatial occurrences of the worship of Asclepius in the environment of the Roman army because of the shared focus between physicians and the cult of Asclepius—health and medicine. The highly significant results of the statistical analysis reveal a positive trend in the spatial relationships between Roman physicians and the worship of Asclepius in the context of the Roman army in the majority of provinces of interest, thus supporting the proposed hypothesis. The results presented in the article demonstrate the potential of the GIS approach in testing assumptions produced by traditional scholarship and in nuancing our understanding of a specific process of cultural spread.

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Fox, Andrew. "TRAJANIC TREES: THE DACIAN FOREST ON TRAJAN'S COLUMN." Papers of the British School at Rome 87 (October 26, 2018): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824621800034x.

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Trajan's Column stands in the centre of Rome as a proud monument to Trajan's triumph over Dacia in the early second century. On its 29 m tall shaft, a helical frieze depicts the events of the two wars which won the province for the Roman Empire. There are 224 trees to be found throughout this relief, 222 of which are native to Dacia. These trees have traditionally been treated as scene dividers and background material to the column's action. This article, which begins by exploring the identification of the trees in previous scholarship, argues that they are in fact crucial to the column's narrative of industry and conquest. The discussion of identification is followed by an examination of the numerous tree-felling scenes on the column as a metaphor for conquest. The article closes with a detailed analysis of contrasting representations of the two leaders on the column, Trajan and Decebalus, one an urban emperor, the other a forest king. By directing attention towards the arboreal population of the column, this article argues that trees cannot be dismissed as mere background detail, but play an active and significant role in the communication of ideas about triumph, imperialism and the conquest of nature.

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Tosic, Gordana, and Dusan Raskovic. "Early-Christian monuments on the eastern slopes of the Kopaonik mountain." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 44 (2007): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0744027t.

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Significant Early-Christian localities referring to the rich mining activities of this region were found on the Kopaonik Mountain or in the Silver Mountain, as it was named by Roman, Venetian, and Turkish sources. From broader point of view, even from the times of Roman provinces settlement on the Balkan, the area of Serbia with very thick settlements? net was used as a logistic and strategic support of the Roman Empire. The territory being the subject of our research is the zone where provinces Moesia Prima Mediterranean Dacia (Dacia Mediterranea) and Dardania meet. The sites that offer new data for the process of settlement and Christianization of these regions are CELESTIAL CHAIRS on the top of Kopaonik at the altitude of 1,800 m, DUB in Mala Vrbnica in the bottom of the Mountain and Gradac in Gornje Levice at 1,089 m altitude. They are in the northern part of Dardania, in the Province where silver with lead were dug as well as golden silver together with exploitation of iron, copper and mercury ores. The zone of these findings gravitates to Roman administrative center Municipium Dardanorum near to Socanica at Kosovo. Thus, it may be assumed that still non-referred northern border of Dardania could have covered eastern slopes of Kopaonik up to the bottom and border with Aleksandrovac Zupa. On the eastern slopes of Kopaonik three early-Christian basilicas were found; one in Celestial Chairs with floor mosaic; another in Gradac site in Gornje Levi}e within the fortress and the third one in the Dub site in a village Mala Vrbnica, with stone decorative plastic. All these buildings date from the period of 5-6th century based on archeological material. Sites in Celestial Chairs and the one in Gornje Levice have, as many castles in broader vicinity, continuity of 4-6th century proved by founding of secular objects like fibula with bent legs, cross-like fibulas, money, ceramic fragments with rake ornaments. Porkpie stated that Dardania had reconditioned 68 fortresses out of 70 original ones, and only 8 were new-built. Celestial Chairs visually dominate the whole area. From this place, one can see as on his palm Early-Byzantine fortresses on Vojetin, Cucaica and in Gornje Levice, as well as the mines in Zaplanina and Belo Brdo. Having in mind natural features of the terrain historical surrounding, and, first of all, archeological finding, we think that Celestial Chairs and Gornje Levice could be the spot to look for spiritual and administrative center of the northern part of Roman province Dardania.

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Kozlenko, Roman, and Olha Puklina. "Roman Terracottas From the Lower City of Olbia from the collection of the National Museum of the History of Ukraine." Archaeology, no. 1 (March 16, 2021): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/archaeologyua2021.01.108.

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The article introduces clay figurines of eagles and terracotta of a Roman soldier, which were found during excavations at the Lower City of Olbia in the 1930—1940-ies, and are kept in the National Museum of the History of Ukraine. The iconography of the eagles is similar to the terracotta statuette of an eagle found in the praetorium building in the Upper City of Olbia. The series of rooms, in which the eagle figurines were found, belong to the Roman garrison structures, which were located in the port area of the city. Terracotta eagle figurines could be used in military sanctuaries, and imitate Roman military standards, or be associated with the worship of Jupiter. Analogies to these products are known from the Roman fortresses on the Danube and in Dacia province. The fragment of terracotta with a shield was a part of a Roman soldier figurine with hanging limbs. The warrior was depicted wearing a Roman military cloak (sagum). This indicates his higher rank, in contrast to the soldiers dressed in tunics. In his left hand he holds a shield (clipeus), which depicts a deity in armor, with rays above his head. The terracotta depicts warriors armed with gladius, and belted with a Roman military belt (cingulum militare). They depict the servicemen of the auxiliary troops of the Roman army — auxilia, or, given the non-standard shape of their shields, the sailors of the Moesian fleet (milites classiarii), whose units were stationed in Olbia, as is known from the epigraphic finds. The places of their finds mark the points of deployment of the Roman troops in the Northern Black Sea region. These terracottas could serve as votives in ritual rites associated with the cult of Mithras, which appears in Olbia as a result of the Roman garrison deployment in the city during the second half of the 2nd — first half of the 3rd c. AD.

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McCarthy, Mike, Mike Bishop, and Thom Richardson. "Roman armour and metalworking at Carlisle, Cumbria, England." Antiquity 75, no. 289 (September 2001): 507–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00088670.

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Recent excavations at the Roman fort in Carlisle, Cumbria, have yielded a large number of pieces of articulated Roman armour and other items. This is the most important such find in Britain since the Corbridge hoard was excavated in 1964 (Allason-Jones & Bishop 1988).On the north side of the via principalis adjacent to the headquarters building (principia), the corner of a timber building was uncovered (FIGURE 2). On the floor was a quantity of articulated and disarticulated fragments of predominantly ferrous Roman armour, including as many as three crushed, but complete, laminated arm defences. Although first used by Hellenistic cavalry and referred to in Xenophon’s Art of horsemanship (XI.13-XII.5), and later used by gladiators, this type of armour was adopted by Roman legionaries. It was once thought that armguards (manicae) were very rare and only employed under special circumstances, such as Trajan’s wars in Dacia where they were used to counter the deadly scythe-like falx (Richmond 1982: 49–50). A number of similar finds have been made, as at Newstead (Curle 1911: plate XXIII) and Richborough, Kent (M. Lyne pers. comm.), but they are often isolated and the pieces crushed, making reconstruction difficult and speculative. A graffito from Dura-Europos (FIGURE 1) shows a mounted soldier with a tall helmet and a mail or scale neck-guard, with similar limb and abdominal defences (Robinson 1975: figure 190). The Carlisle assemblage is important for the retrieval of articulated pieces, with associated copper-alloy rivets and leather.

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Cociș, Horațiu, and Ioan Bejinariu. "Recent Archaeological Investigations in the Meseș Gate pass (Dacia Porolissensis). The Roman Frontier Watchtower from Poguior Hill." Cercetări Arheologice 26, no. 1 (2019): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.46535/ca.26.02.

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Stănilă, Anca-Luiza, Nicolae Cruceru, and Mircea Negru. "The Soils Within the Perimeter of the Archaeological Site no. 1, Caracal-Ring Road (Agricultural Research-Development Station) and the Possible Influence of Roman Dwelling on Them." Journal of Agricultural Studies 9, no. 1 (November 4, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jas.v9i1.17916.

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Soils represent that superficial deposit from the land surface in a continuous evolution, but with a high vulnerability to climate change and anthropogenic interventions. The current soil was born in a long period of time (numbering hundreds of years) through pedogenetic factors and processes, but also anthropogenic influences on the parent material.The purpose of this article is to investigate the soil on the territory of a Roma village (vicus), located on both sides of the Caracal Municipality Ring Road. This is located near the Roman road from Romula (Resca village, Dobrosloveni commune, Olt County), the residence of the Dacia Inferior (Malvensis) Roman province’s governor and Sucidava (Corabia-Celei, Olt County), in a region where there was a fertile land favourable to agriculture.The parental materials (carbonate loess-like deposits loamy-clayey loam) belonging to that period are well represented in the soil horizons starting 25-30 cm from the surface to a variable depth, a fact which will be validated by on-going geophysical studies. The dominant soil is argic chernozem, belonging to the cernisols class specific to the plain area, but with a higher amount of clay. It is important to note that in the 4 soil profiles analysed in detail we find differences in soil texture within the horizons, even if there are traces of the Roman period.

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Gál, Ágnes, Corina Ionescu, Mátyás Bajusz, Vlad A. Codrea, Volker Hoeck, Lucian Barbu-Tudoran, Viorica Simon, Marieta Mureșan-Pop, and Zsolt Csók. "Composition, technology and provenance of Roman pottery fromNapoca(Cluj-Napoca, Romania)." Clay Minerals 53, no. 4 (December 2018): 621–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1180/clm.2018.47.

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ABSTRACTSecond-century CE (common era) household pottery sherds found in the city ofNapoca(present day Cluj-Napoca, Romania) in Roman Dacia were investigated by polarized light optical microscopy, X-ray powder diffraction, Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy and cold field emission scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy to obtain information on technology, raw materials and site of production. Compositionally, all samples are similar with comparable fine and semi-fine microstructures and oriented microtextures. Optically, there is a gradual transition from microcrystalline to an amorphous illitic-muscovitic matrix. The small aplastic inclusions are mostly quartz and feldspar. Fine-grained carbonate aggregates are distributed inhomogeneously in the ceramic body. Well-preserved Middle Miocene foraminifera tests are characteristic of the ceramics. The gradual thermal changes of the matrix and the newly formed phases upon firing, such as ‘ceramic melilite’, Fe-gehlenite, clinopyroxene, glass, hematite and some maghemite support inferences regarding the technological constraints in producing the pottery. The firing took place in a mostly oxidizing atmosphere and the temperature extended from at least 850°C to >900°C. The Middle Miocene marly clay from the area surrounding the site shows similar mineralogical and micropalaeontological contents to those of the ceramic specimens and is the best candidate for the raw material used for local production of the Roman pottery.

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Baron, S., C. G. Tămaş, B. Cauuet, and M. Munoz. "Lead isotope analyses of gold–silver ores from Roşia Montană (Romania): a first step of a metal provenance study of Roman mining activity in Alburnus Maior (Roman Dacia)." Journal of Archaeological Science 38, no. 5 (May 2011): 1090–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2010.12.004.

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Bitay, Enikő, Irina Kacsó, Claudiu Tănăselia, Dana Toloman, Gheorghe Borodi, Szilamér-Péter Pánczél, Zsombor Kisfaludi-Bak, and Erzsébet Veress. "Spectroscopic Characterization of Iron Slags from the Archaeological Sites of Brâncoveneşti, Călugăreni and Vătava Located on the Mureş County (Romania) Sector of the Roman Limes." Applied Sciences 10, no. 15 (August 4, 2020): 5373. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app10155373.

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Iron slag samples unearthed from archaeological sites lying on the Eastern limes sector of Roman Dacia (the Brâncoveneşti and Călugăreni auxiliary forts and the Vătava watchtower) were studied in order to assess the probability of local iron working (smelting and smithing) during the 2nd–3rd centuries CE. Structural-mineralogic aspects revealed by PXRD analysis and FTIR spectroscopy indicate different slag types corresponding to different iron production and processing stages allowing the supposition that refining of the bloom and processing of the refined iron took place on the sites. The FTIR absorption bands obtained in the spectral domain 2000–400 cm−1 show that mineralogically the samples are constituted mainly of silicates associated with minor quantities of aluminates and carbonates. The fayalite, haematite, and magnetite phases appearing on both the X-ray diffractograms and the FTIR spectra agree with the redox conditions of the slag formation process which result from the Fe3+/Fe2+ ratio determined using the EPR-method. The bulk macro-elemental PXRF and ICP-MS spectroscopy data support the slag typization proposed on the basis of the probable working conditions; trace-elemental bulk composition suggests that the provenance of the raw materials may be different.

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Morris, Jason. "F. FODOREAN, THE TOPOGRAPHY AND THE LANDSCAPE OF ROMAN DACIA (British Archaeological Reports, International Series 2501). Oxford: Archaeopress, 2013. Pp. vii + 147, illus. isbn9781407311173. £30.00." Journal of Roman Studies 105 (March 13, 2015): 375–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435815000179.

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Moser, Claudia. "Putting the sacred into space - CSABA SZABÓ, SANCTUARIES IN ROMAN DACIA: MATERIALITY AND RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE (Archaeopress Roman Archaeology 49, 2018). Pp. vii + 241, figs. 78 including 54 in colour. ISBN 978-1-78969-081-1. £40." Journal of Roman Archaeology 33 (2020): 817–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759420000549.

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Grumeza, Lavinia. "Corpus of the Roman Finds in the European Barbaricum. Romania 1." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 26, no. 2 (December 18, 2020): 332–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341377.

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Abstract The goal of this paper is to present the Roman products found in Arad County (West Romania), to analyse the Roman-Dacians connections, and the avenues by which the Roman goods made their way into the Dacian world, west of the Carpathians. Excluding the coins, Italian goods are sporadically found in Dacian sites dating from the 1st century BC to the 1st century AD: some fragmentary bronze and glass vessels, terra sigillata, and various ceramic plates. Most of the imports occur in settlements and hoards, but except for the coins, other types of Roman items were not treasured. The preponderance of the Republican denarii (and imitations) over the imperial ones can be easily distinguished – no matter where they were struck. The conspicuously high quantity of coins could indicate special donations received by the Dacians from the Romans, particularly during the reign of Burebista and Decebalus.

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Green, George A., and Duane Smythe. "Tracing Dacian gold in Roman aurei." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 39 (October 2021): 103128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103128.

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Strechie, Mădălina. "The Dacians, The Wolf Warriors." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 23, no. 2 (June 25, 2017): 367–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2017-0144.

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Abstract The Dacians, a very important Indo-European people of the ancient world, were, like all Indo-European peoples, highly trained in the art of war. The legends of the ancient world placed the worship of Ares/Mars, the god of war, in the world of the Thracians, the Dacians being the most important of the Thracians, by the creation of a state and by their remarkable civilization, where war generated rank. The Dacian leaders, military aristocrats, Tarabostes are similar to the Bharathi of the Aryans, therefore the accounts of Herodotus, the father of history, who called the Thracians (including the Dacians, the northern Thracians), “the most important of the Indo-Europeans, after the race of the Indians” (i.e. the Persians and the Aryans, their relatives), also have a military meaning. The totemic symbol of the wolf was much present in Europe, especially with Indo-European peoples, like the Spartans, the aristocrats of war, but mostly with the Romans, the gendarmes of the ancient world. But the Dacians honoured this majestic animal above all, not only as a symbol of the state, but also, apparently, as their eponym. As warriors, the Dacians lay under the sign of the wolf, their battle flag, and acted like real wolves against their enemies, whether they were Celts, during the reign of Burebista, or Romans, during the reign of Decebalus. The Dacians made history in the military art, being perfectly integrated, after the Roman conquest, in the largest and best trained army of the ancient world, the Roman army. Moreover, the wolf warriors, mastering the equestrian art, were a success in the special, though auxiliary troops of the famous equites singulares in the Roman army. If the Romans were the eagles of war, the Dacians were its wolves, these two symbols best illustrating the military art of all times.

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