To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Roman Dmowski.
Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Dmowski'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 34 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Roman Dmowski.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Grott, Bogumił, and Olgierd Grott. "Problem kondycji Polaków i Polski w myśli Romana Dmowskiego." Politeja 16, no. 3(60) (March 1, 2020): 323–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.60.21.
Full textAbstract:
Problem of the Condition of Poles and Poland in the Thought of Roman Dmowski
The authors present opinions of Roman Dmowski – the leader of National Democrats – about character traits of his contemporary Poles and about the level of civilizational advancement of Poland during his lifetime. The authors highlight the development of his opinions, starting from the end of the 19th/beginning of the 20th century, when Dmowski criticised the Poles’ unrealistic political stances and the lack of character traits required to resist the occupants. In the next period the National Democrats entered the process of “merging nationalism with Catholicism into a single ideological entity”, which resulted in a shift in Dmowski’s perception of his compatriots. Dmowski started to notice more of their positive traits. He noted their idealism and religiousness, which were to be lacking among many Western societies. At the same time, discussing the political system, Dmowski criticised certain maladjustment of Polish masses to parliamentary democracy, leaning towards a vision of a system of elitist character. This quickly created the need, in Dmowski’s opinion, to identify “leadership”, which he described as “nation in the moral sense” or “national elite” and to entrust the real power to them.
2
Walicki, Andrzej. "The Troubling Legacy of Roman Dmowski." Dialogue and Universalism 21, no. 4 (2011): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du201121445.
Full text
3
Walicki, Andrzej. "The Troubling Legacy of Roman Dmowski." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 14, no. 1 (December 1999): 12–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325400014001002.
Full text
4
Engelgard, Jan. "Kwestia rosyjska w polityce polskiej na konferencji pokojowej w Paryżu." Kultura Słowian Rocznik Komisji Kultury Słowian PAU 16 (2020): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561ksr.20.004.13293.
Full textAbstract:
The Russian Question in the Policy of the Polish Delegation to the Paris Peace Conference The fall of monarchy in Russia and two revolutions – February and October one – forced the National Democratic camp to change its policy on the Russian question. At Paris Peace Conference Roman Dmowski and his collaborators concluded that the Russian Civil War has created an opportunity which might be used in the interest of Poland. There was an opinion, that Russia’s international position will stay weak for several years – thus, the acceptance of fait accompli policy in the East and the endeavor to make Russia agree for the new eastern border, according to the so called line of Dmowski. Remaining neutral in the conflict between Bolsheviks and the White movement was preferred, however – due to the proposals by western countries – contacts with the representatives of White Russia and discreet talks with them were held in Paris. Roman Dmowski was ready to work on an agreement with White Russia on Polish conditions in spite of his disbelief that they will manage to defeat the Bolsheviks. After some time Dmowski accepted the fall of White movement and started to think about finding a modus vivendi with new, Bolshevik Russia. This evolution began in Paris in 1919. One cannot say, that nothing was done then to reach an agreement with falling White Russia. However, all endeavors seemed to be deprived of any beliefs they might be successful. Upadek monarchii w Rosji i dwie rewolucje - lutowa i październikowa - zmusiły obóz narodowo-demokratyczny do zmiany polityki w kwestii rosyjskiej. Na konferencji pokojowej w Paryżu Roman Dmowski i jego współpracownicy doszli do wniosku, że wojna domowa w Rosji stworzyła próżnię, którą można wykorzystać w interesie Polski. Uważano, że pozycja międzynarodowa Rosji pozostanie słaba przez kilka lat. Stąd akceptacja polityki faktów dokonanych na Wschodzie i dążenie do zgody Rosji na nową granicę wschodnią, zgodnie z tzw. Linią Dmowskiego. Preferowano neutralność w konflikcie między bolszewikami a ruchem Białych, jednak - ze względu na postulaty krajów zachodnich - kontakty z przedstawicielami Białych i dyskretne rozmowy z nimi odbywały się w Paryżu. Roman Dmowski był gotowy do pracy nad porozumieniem z Białymi na warunkach polskich, mimo że nie wierzył, że uda im się pokonać bolszewików.
5
Yasui, Michihro. "Ex oriente lux: Roman Dmowski w Japonii." Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2014113.
Full text
6
Wrzesińska, Katarzyna. "O obsesjach, które można uzasadnić, czyli rasizm po polsku." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 37 (February 18, 2022): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.030.
Full textAbstract:
On Obsessions That Can Be Justified, or Racism the Polish WayReview of: Grzegorz Krzywiec, Szowinizm po polsku: Przypadek Romana Dmowskiego (1886–1905) [Chauvinism the Polish Way: The Case of Roman Dmowski (1886–1905)], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Neriton, Instytut Historii PAN 2009. O obsesjach, które można uzasadnić, czyli rasizm po polskuRecenzja: Grzegorz Krzywiec, Szowinizm po polsku: Przypadek Romana Dmowskiego (1886–1905), Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Neriton, Instytut Historii PAN 2009.
7
Curp, T. David. "‘Roman Dmowski Understood’: Ethnic Cleansing as Permanent Revolution." European History Quarterly 35, no. 3 (July 2005): 405–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691405054217.
Full text
8
Dawidowicz, Aneta. "Sprawy międzynarodowe w myśli politycznej Stronnictwa Narodowego (1928–1939)." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 4, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2018.4.2.65.
Full textAbstract:
<p>Zagadnienia związane z polityką międzynarodową polskiego państwa wzbudzały zainteresowanie czołowych działaczy Stronnictwa Narodowego, a zwłaszcza Romana Dmowskiego, Jędrzeja Giertycha, Stanisława Kozickiego, Joachima Bartoszewicza, Zygmunta Berezowskiego, Jerzego Drobnika, Zygmunta Wojciechowskiego. Szczególnie ważne miejsce w gronie specjalistów z zakresu problematyki międzynarodowej zajmował sam Roman Dmowski uznawany za utalentowanego znawcę zagadnień polityki zagranicznej. W gronie znawców spraw międzynarodowych istotne miejsce należy przypisać S. Kozickiemu, który w swoich rozważaniach wiele uwagi poświęcał zwłaszcza europejskim stosunkom międzynarodowym oraz relacjom polsko-niemieckim. Pod koniec lat 30. XX wieku wielu „starych” SN dążyło do poszukiwania porozumienia z centrowymi ugrupowaniami antysanacyjnymi, co zbliżało ich do Frontu Morges i gen. Władysława Sikorskiego. Liderami tej grupy byli Marian Seyda, mający olbrzymie wpływy w poznańskiej endecji oraz prof. Roman Rybarski. Inną grupę działaczy, zdaniem jej lidera Jędrzeja Giertycha, najmłodszą – charakteryzował radykalizm ideologiczny i niechęć do sojuszy, tak z opozycją demokratyczną, jak i z obozem sanacyjnym. „Starych” i najmłodszych radykałów zdominował w strukturach organizacyjnych nurt trzeci, reprezentowany przez Bieleckiego.</p>
9
Kapica, Wojciech. "O cywilizacyjny awans Polski Roman Dmowski wobec idei modernizacji Polski 1918–1939." Historia i Polityka, no. 10 (July 2, 2014): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2013.011.
Full text
10
Zemskyi, Yurii, and Valerii Diachok. "Ukraine in the Strategic Plans of Polish Politicians at the End of World War I." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-1.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses the content of the strategies used by leading Polish politicians for the revival of Polish statehood. Those strategies were adjusted by leading Polish politicians in accordance with major shifts in international relations on the eve and during World War I. Polish politicians defended their national interests, with regard to the sentiment and demands of the war-time and post-war Polish society. Sometimes they lacked the political will to make unpopular decisions, nevertheless balanced from the standpoint of historical justice. The authors of the article analyse the Polish historiography, namely a certain tradition, ac-cording to which the process of the revival of the Polish national state of the early 20th century is presented in somewhat glowing terms, with elements of exaggeration. The nature and causes of pro-Russian aspirations of the National-Democratic Party headed by Roman Dmowski as well as Germanophilia of Social Democrats headed by Józef Piłsudski are explained. The positions of the mentioned political leaders and their differences are highlighted. J. Piłsudski and R. Dmowski shared a common goal which consisted in the revival of an independent Polish state. However, their strategic calculations for how to achieve it focused on the opposite sides of the conflict in World War I. Since Ukraine became a field of clash of competitive forces at that time, the Ukrainian question was an indispensable component of the plans of Polish politicians. The article shows the place and role of Ukraine in the leading concepts of Polish politicians. The importance of flexibility of tactical actions in the field of international relations is justified as a prerequisite for the maximum realization of strategic national interests. This historical experience is enlightening and encourages us to look more closely at the essence of past events, to analyse them and compare the behaviour of our politicians with the actions of competing national forces. Keywords: World War I, Ukraine, Roman Dmowski, Józef Piłsudski, strategies, Entente, Central Powers.
11
Daszyk, Krzysztof K. "Michał Bobrzyński kontra Roman Dmowski: historiograficzno- -polityczny dwugłos na temat wskrzeszenia państwa polskiego." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 3 (2020): 543–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.030.12484.
Full textAbstract:
Michał Bobrzyński vs. Roman Dmowski: A historiographical-political duet on the resurrection of the Polish state Just as the year 1795 was traumatic – the year of removal of the Polish-Lithuanian Republic from the political map of Europe – and it rekindled a passionate dispute on the reasons of the fall of the previously spacious and powerful monarchy, so was the year 1918 happy for the Poles – the year of regaining independence, which marked the beginning of another great, and no less passionate, dispute upon the merits in the task of the resurrection of the Polish state. That dispute went beyond the frame of historical debates or schoolbooks, evoking unflagging political emotions during the two decades of the Second Republic’s existence. It was a kind of a settlement of accounts with the recent (for the people of the time) national past, while the question on merits in the task of reviving the state was, at the same time, a question on the moral right to rule the state and control its fate. Two voluminous publications issued shortly after Poland regained independence played a particularly important role in the aforementioned dispute: a two-volume “historical essay” Wskrzeszenie państwa polskiego (Resurrection of the Polish state), published anonymously by Michał Bobrzyński in the period 1920–1925, and a piece by Roman Dmowski entitled Polityka polska i odbudowanie państwa (Polish politics and rebuilding of the state), published in 1925 and followed by two more editions within the author’s lifetime: the second edition in 1926 and the third one in 1937. This text analyses both works in the context of the above-mentioned historiographical-political dispute upon merits in the restoration of the Polish state.
12
Zaleska, Ilona. "Jolanta Niklewska, Roman Dmowski droga do Polski, Oficyna Wydawnicza Rytm, Warszawa 2016, ss. 295." Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 40, no. 1 (September 29, 2017): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2017.010.
Full text
13
Kowalczyk, Michał. "FASCYNACJA LUDEM JANA LUDWIKA POPŁAWSKIEGO." Saeculum Christianum 23 (September 22, 2017): 239–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2016.23.19.
Full textAbstract:
Jan Ludwik Popławski (1854-1908) was one of the fathers of the Polish National Democratic ideology in the late 19th and early 20th century. He was particularly fascinated with matters pertaining to the common people, and especially Polish peasantry. He considered them to be the genuine Poles, free of foreign influences. It is worth pointing out that that he also served as an inspiration to Roman Dmowski, the founder of the National Democracy movement and one of the leaders whose efforts secured Polish independence. According to Popławski, the Polish gentry were servile to the powers occupying Poland. He therefore hoped that the common people would play a greater role in the political life of the nation.
14
Nowak, Andrzej. "Reborn Poland or Reconstructed Empire? Questions on the Course and Results of Polish Eastern Policy (1918–1921)." Lithuanian Historical Studies 13, no. 1 (December 28, 2008): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01301010.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents the main geopolitical concepts of Polish foreign politics and military strategy between 1918 and 1921. The author discusses two general programmes of policy towards Poland’s neighbours to the East: the ‘federalist’ option associated with Józef Piłsudski, and the ‘incorporationist’ option of Roman Dmowski. The analysis is concentrated around the efforts to realize the former programme. Starting from a detailed analysis of Piłsudski’s instructions to the Polish delegation to the Paris Peace Conference at the end of 1918, through a special mission of Michał Römer sent to Lithuania in April 1919, and reasons of its failure, the author turns to a history of the ‘Ukrainian card’, played by Piłsudski in 1919 and 1920 in order to achieve a geopolitical counter-balance to any Russian/Soviet imperialism. Finally, the article deals with the meaning of the Piłsudski’s eastern policy as one of the main factors which stopped the westward drive of Soviet Russia for the next 20 years.
15
Zaleska, Ilona. "Zygmunt Miłkowski (Tomasz Teodor Jeż) a Narodowa Demokracja." Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 59, no. 3 (April 21, 2021): 115–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.202.024.
Full textAbstract:
Zygmunt Miłkowski to jedna najważniejszych postaci polskiej emigracji demokratycznej, mogąca się poszczycić imponującym dorobkiem pisarskim oraz doświadczeniem działalności politycznej. Za przełomowy w jego politycznym życiorysie można uznać 1887 rok, w którym ukazała się broszura „Rzecz o obronie czynnej i Skarbie Narodowym”, a także powstała niepodległościowa Liga Polska. Miłkowski był współtwórcą organizacji oraz autorem podstawy programowej. W ramach Ligi Miłkowski nawiązał współpracę z przyszłymi prominentnymi politykami ruchu narodowo-demokratycznego. Współpraca ta była kontynuowana również po rozwiązaniu Ligi Polskiej i powstaniu w jej miejsce Ligi Narodowej, której ton nadawali trzej działacze: Roman Dmowski, Zygmunt Balicki i Jan Ludwik Popławski. Z Ligi Narodowej wyrosła jedna z najważniejszych polskich formacji politycznych - Narodowa Demokracja. Miłkowski od początku wspierał działalność Ligi wierząc, że będzie ona realizowała program niepodległościowy. Reorientacja polityczna Narodowej Demokracji w kierunku polityki rozumnej ugody z Rosją dokonująca się w pierwszym dziesięcioleciu XX w., nigdy nie zyskała jego akceptacji. Zaważyła na dalszych relacjach z endecją i sprawiła, że Miłkowski publicznie potępił dawnych uczniów i politycznych sojuszników.
16
Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "Not Russia, but France and England shall decide about Poland: the diplomatic action of Roman Dmowski in 1916–1917." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 52, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2017.en3.02.
Full text
17
SHUSTROV, MAKSIM. "THE ORIGINS OF POLAND'S CONTEMPORARY EASTERN POLICY." History and Modern Perspectives 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-4-49-57.
Full textAbstract:
At the moment, a small amount of research has been carried out in the Russian literature devoted to the analysis of the ideological foundations and concepts of the development of the Polish eastern policy. The purpose of this article is to study the key ideas of the eastern policy of the Polish state and their further evolution before the emergence of the Eastern Partnership in 2008. As sources, the author used materials in Russian, English and Polish, which made it possible to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the eastern policy of the Polish state. The author of the article concludes that the Polish eastern policy has deep historical roots and is based on a fundamental ideological basis. The article provides an analysis of the «Jagiellonian» and «Piast» concepts of the development of the Polish state. The key features of Poland's foreign policy strategy in the East, which are relevant nowadays, are associated with the ideas of Józef Piłsudski and Roman Dmowski - the idea of messianism and a civilizational mission. Today there is a revival of old concepts, the so-called «Prometheism 2.0». Studying the historical foundations of Polish politics will help in analyzing Poland's current foreign policy strategy.
18
Aleksandrova, Sofia. "The elaboration by Roman Dmowski of the concept of a nation on the pages of the "Przegląd Wszechpolski" magazine in 1895–1897." Slavic World: Commonality and Diversity, no. 2019 (2019): 54–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0869.2019.1.14.
Full text
19
Jurek, Lidia. "The Italian Role in the Construction of the Concept “Pole-Catholic”." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 2 (July 24, 2009): 254–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342108.
Full textAbstract:
In considering the concept of “Pole-Catholic,” it might well be asked not if it had real grounds but in what circumstances it was constructed. Although the Polish national identity in its current shape was “Catholicized” mostly in the twentieth century, the previous age—the nineteenth century—as a time of constant struggle for political independence has been regarded as having the most formative effect on Polish national imagination. This article discusses an important moment in the construction of the concept “Pole-Catholic.” It shows that far before the idea of Roman Dmowski (from the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries), who claimed that only a Catholic was a good Pole, the strong identification of Polish nationalism with Catholicism had been insistently articulated by Polish conservative groups. The discourse of the Catholic Polish nation appeared in (and even dominated) the debate on the Italian Risorgimento. Between 1848 and 1871, discussing the Italian—papal conflict, the conservatives created their religious programme for Poland and took advantage of the popularity of the Italian national movement among Poles to promote it in their writings. Their equation of Polishness with Catholicism appeared to leave a strong trace in the formation of the Polish identity and continues to inform the way in which Poles are perceived nowadays.
20
Behrends, Jan C. "Nation and Empire: Dilemmas of Legitimacy during Stalinism in Poland (1941–1956)." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (July 2009): 443–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985686.
Full textAbstract:
IntroductionIn 1944 Poland was re-established for the second time in the twentieth century. Between the Lublin manifesto of 22 July 1944 and the Potsdam conference of summer 1945 a communist-dominated regime had formed, which was had little in common with the Second Republic that had been founded between the declaration of independence on 9 November 1918 and the peace of Riga with Bolshevik Russia signed in March 1921. Post-war Poland was significantly smaller, geographically further to the west, and ethnically more homogeneous. The Holocaust had destroyed Europe's most sizeable Jewish population, the loss of the kresy (eastern borderlands) to the USSR had reduced the size of eastern-Slavic minorities and the expulsion of the Germans from East Prussia, Pomerania and Silesia further helped to create an ethnically homogeneous country. For the first time in her history, Poland had the structure of a nation-state. Through the destruction and catastrophe of Nazi occupation and genocide the goal of firebrand Polish nationalists such as Roman Dmowski had been achieved: a Poland inhabited by ethnic Poles. Still, the new Poland was less independent than its predecessor; from 1944 onwards it was part of the emerging post-war Soviet Empire. Polish sovereignty had fallen victim to Stalin's “revolutionary-imperial paradigm.” Expansion of Moscow's power was as much a priority of the Soviet leadership as the export of Bolshevik revolution.
21
Dziedzic, Tadeusz. "David Lloyd George a sprawa polska na konferencji wersalskiej." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 349–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.16.
Full textAbstract:
The Treaty of Versailles was signed after several months of deliberations at a peace conference convened to Paris after the end of World War I on 28 June 1919 in Paris by Germany and the Entente countries. It entered into force on 10 January 1920, i.e., on the day of its ratification. Delegations of 27 winning countries participated in the peace conference in Paris. The treaty completely changed the map of Europe and the prevailing political order. Many small countries found their place on the map, including the Republic of Poland re-emerging on the maps of Europe, although in smaller territorial ownership than before the Partition of Poland. The Polish delegation, including among others: Ignacy Jan Paderewski and Roman Dmowski, tried their best to restore the Poles to their lands. Lands which, as a result of the Partition, came under the rule of three powers, namely: Prussia, Austria, and Russia. However, the peace conference in Paris showed much reluctance on the part of the Big Five, which decided about the fate of post-war Europe towards Poland. Expectations of the Poles that their case would be supported by friendly British, American, or French politicians turned out to be deceptive. Especially the French, who seemed very favourable to Poland, at the peace conference completely obeyed the will of the British, who even intended to prevent the Poles in their quest to restore the pre-partition Polish borders. The British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, who turned out to expose his unfavourable attitude towards the Polish cause, was so uncompromising in his position that no arguments invoked by the Polish delegation appealed to him.
22
Marszał, Maciej. "POLSKA POLITYKA HISTORYCZNA W OCENIE ZYGMUNTA WOJCIECHOWSKIEGO W OKRESIE MIĘDZYWOJENNYM." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 4 (December 19, 2016): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.4.15.
Full textAbstract:
Zygmunt Wojciechowski’s Assessment of the History-Based Policy in the Interwar PeriodSummary This paper will provide an analysis of the History-Based Politics in thoughts of Zygmunt Wojciechowski (1900–1955) – history profesor at the University of Poznań, co-founder of the Baltic Institute (Instytut Bałtycki) in Toruń, publicist of the “Avant-garde” and expert on PolishGerman relations. Wojciechowski in Polish political thought was a representative of the Integral Polish nationalism (polski nacjonalizm integralny), which meant synthesis of national and state’s demands. He opted for the ideological formula in order to reach an agreement between the political heritage of Roman Dmowski and the Józef Piłsudski’s political reforms. For Wojciechowski, a professor of history, an important element of national consciousness was the historical awareness that the Polish state must continuously maintain through History-Based Policy. According to him, this policy should focus on three main issues: First, the expansion on the tradition referring to the beginning of Polish statehood. Second issue would be to make Poles aware of their international situation, especially in the context of their struggle with the Germanic and Prussian element. And the third issue would be to revise and update the values of the Constitution of May 3. It should be noted that the views of Zygmunt Wojciechowski on History-Based Policy in the interwar period were a part of a political discourse. His bold and uncompromising thoughts of the Polish-German relations and the demand to return the “Lands of Piasts” (ziemie Piastów) constituted an important element of the Integral Polish nationalism. It wouldn’t be too far-fetched to say that the desire to carry-on the political will of Jan Ludwik Popławski and bring the Poles back to their “ancestral lands” (ziemie macierzyste) was present in Polish historical consciousness of the interwar period.
23
Urgacz, Maria. "„Nie wojna nas zabija i demoralizuje”… Komentarz do powojennych wydarzeń z Polski i zagranicy w Dzienniczku z czasów wojny 1914-1921 Franciszka Dudy." Rocznik Biblioteki Naukowej PAU i PAN 64 (2019): 187–243. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25440500rbn.19.011.14154.
Full textAbstract:
‘It is Not the War that Kills and Demoralises Us’…A Commentary to Postwar Events in Poland and Abroad in a Diary from the War Period of 1914–1921 By Franciszek Duda This source edition is a continuation of a fragment of A Diary from the War Period of 1914–1918 by Franciszek Duda, which was published in the “Annual Volume of the Scientific Library of the PAAS and the PAS in Cracow”, Vol. 58 (2018). In the previous part, the author brought the edition up to the moment of establishment of the Provisional People’s Government of the Republic of Poland led by Prime Minister Jędrzej Moraczewski. In the further part of his memoirs, Franciszek Duda leads the reader through the most important postwar events, including the victorious defence of Lviv in November 1918, Ignacy Paderewski’s return to Poland and his two visits to Cracow, events accompanying the signature of the Treaty of Versailles, the Polish-Czechoslovak war for the territory of Cieszyn Silesia, the Polish-Ukrainian war and the Upper Silesia plebiscite. The author of the memoirs was a representative of the Cracow intelligentsia, an employee of the National Archive of Castle and Land Records in Cracow (currently the National Archive in Cracow), and a declared advocate of the national ideas of Roman Dmowski. In his Diary..., Franciszek Duda does not report any new facts from that period that had been unknown to or rarely commented by historians until then. An interesting aspect of his memoirs is his own remarks and thoughts and a reflection of what others thought of current events and how information was circulated in Cracow at that time – who disseminated the news, what rumours spread around the city and how they were commented. Franciszek Duda gives us a very detailed account of moods and opinions that prevailed in Cracow in those days. It is worth mentioning that these comments are also very subjective and, given the fact that the same author expressed relatively moderate opinions in the previous part, loaded with emotions. We can suppose that even the time that passed from the time of writing the original Diary... till its rewriting in 1936 did not soften the author’s feelings regarding these events.
24
Łukomski, Grzegorz. "Ententa i Niemcy wobec polskiej polityki wschodniej 1918–1919." Przegląd Archiwalno-Historyczny 5 (2018): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2391-890xpah.18.004.14921.
Full textAbstract:
Podjęto problem stosunku państw Ententy do kwestii restytucji państwa polskiego w latach 1918–1919. Przeanalizowano relacje twórców Rzeczypospolitej, szczególnie Romana Dmowskiego, Józefa Piłsudskiego oraz Ignacego Jana Paderewskiego, z Wielką Brytanią, Francją i Stanami Zjednoczonymi, kluczowymi partnerami i graczami politycznymi w okresie paryskiej konferencji pokojowej (1919 r.). Na relacje powyższe długi cień rzucały stosunki Ententy z pokonanymi Niemcami oraz – w równym stopniu – z „białą” i bolszewicką Rosją. Państwa Ententy dbały przede wszystkim o zachowanie i poszerzenie swoich wpływów w E europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Bardzo ważne były też interesy niemieckie i niemiecka Ostpolitik w tym regionie Europy, prowadzona konsekwentnie od schyłku XIX w. Tak więc polityka mocarstw wobec Polski była jedynie funkcją ich stosunku do Rosji i Niemiec. Stawiało to Polskę, u zarania jej nowego bytu politycznego, w niezmiernie trudnych warunkach, zwłaszcza w zakresie walki o granice. W tym szczególnie wschodnie rubieże państwa. Polska jako w pełni samodzielny podmiot polityczny nie mieściła się w ówczesnej konfiguracji europejskiej, a nawet w mentalności polityków, zwłaszcza brytyjskich, myślących kategoriami kolonialnymi. Z ich punktu widzenia była państwem nowym, tworzonym niejako z nadania swoich protektorów. Jedynie Francja i w niepełnym zakresie Stany Zjednoczone traktowały Polskę jako samodzielny oraz suwerenny byt polityczny. Dla Niemiec możliwe było istnienie Polski jedynie jako państwa buforowego, kadłubowego i niesuwerennego, które byłoby łatwym terenem penetracji i eksploatacji. The attitude of the Triple Entente and Germany towards Polish eastern policy in the years 1918–1919 The article discusses the problem of the attitude of the Tripe Entente states towards the restoration of Poland in the years 1918–1919. Relations between the creators of the Republic of Poland (in particular Roman Dmowski, Józef Piłsudski, and Ignacy Jan Paderewski) and Great Britain, France and the USA — the key partners and political players in the period of the Paris Peace Conference (1919) — were analyzed. Those were greatly affected by the relations between those states and the defeated Germany, as well as “White” and Bolshevik Russia. The Triple Entente cared mainly about maintaining and expanding their influence in Central and Eastern Europe. Also, of major significance were the German interests and Ostpolitik in this region of Europe, consistently implemented from the late 19th century. Therefore, the policy of the world powers towards Poland was indirectly affected by their attitudes towards Russia and Germany. In the early days of Poland’s political existence, it put Poland in an extremely difficult situation, especially when fighting for its borders, in particular in the east. Poland, as a fully independent political entity, did not fit in the European model of the time — even in the minds of politicians, especially British, who were still thinking in co82 Grzegorz Łukomski lonial categories. From their point of view, Poland was a new state, created upon the will of its protectors. Only France and, to some extent, the United States treated Poland as an independent and sovereign political entity. For Germany, Poland could exist only as a buffer, rump, non-sovereign state, which would be easy to invade and exploit.
25
Dabrowski, Patrice M. "On Forgetting, Displacement, and Historical Error in Polish History." Polish Review 66, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.66.4.0006.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Singling out Polish-Jewish relations as the major problem has come quite late in the millennium or so of Polish history. The present essay approaches Polish history from a different angle, considering its very nature as well as some important yet inconvenient facts that have been forgotten or displaced. What actually constitutes Polish history is presented as problematic. The historic divide between the nobility (Sarmatians) and the numerous peasantry (Roman Catholic Slavophones, the ancestors of most of today’s Poles) is shown to be a central problem that needed to be papered over, were a modern Polish nation to embrace the entirety of Polish speakers. In the nineteenth century, the two groups’ shared Roman Catholic faith was perceived as a bridge to unity. The subsequent weaponization of anti-Semitism by integral nationalists and Roman Dmowski’s creation of the category of “half-Poles” to label those who opposed him have repercussions to this day.
26
Litwin, Ewa. "Narodziny polskiej myśli narodowej – z perspektywy włoskiej." Fabrica Litterarum Polono-Italica, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 211–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/flpi.2020.02.17.
Full textAbstract:
The article aims to present the work of Daniele Stasi regarding the birth of Polish nationalism. The book was published in 2018 in Italian by FrancoAngeli as Le origini del nazionalismo in Polonia. The author puts forward some theses concerning the process of national building in the period preceding the partitions of Poland, which represents terminus a quo for his analysis of the ideologies related to the national issue and rebirth of Polish state. Terminus ad quem of the author’s analysis is Roman Dmowski’s Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka. Based on rich and interdisciplinary literature, Stasi’s work aims to fill the gap in Italian historiography, related to the birth of Polish nationalism.
27
Adamczyk, Zdzisław Jerzy. "Roman Dmowski pisze do Żeromskich." Pamiętnik Literacki, no. 1 (2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.18318/pl.2014.1.6.
Full text
28
Lykoshina, Larisa. "Roman Dmowski about the National Question." ISTORIYA 7, no. 5 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s0001551-5-1.
Full text
29
"20. Roman Dmowski, Réflexions d'un Polonais moderne (1902)." Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps 41, no. 1 (1996): 25–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mat.1996.402941.
Full text
30
Stępień, Aneta. "Women’s Organizations and Antisemitism: The First Parliamentary Elections in Independent Poland." Nationalities Papers, October 28, 2020, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.65.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article explores the context of the first parliamentary elections in independent Poland in January 1919, focusing on the National Democratic Party’s (ND) election campaign addressed to Polish women and how anti-Jewish slogans were used to mobilize the participation of the female electorate. Before the First World War, ND, led by Roman Dmowski, was the most fervent opponent of women’s enfranchisement (Gawin 2015); yet, after the introduction of suffrage, and one month before the elections, the party created the National Women’s Organization (NOK), affiliated with ND, tasked with running an election campaign aimed at ethnically Polish women. The article demonstrates that ND instrumentalized female voters and their newly obtained right to win the elections and gain advantage over its largest rival, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS, Polska Partia Socjalistyczna). It argues that members of NOK, who used antisemitic, ultra-nationalistic, and Catholic propaganda in the election campaign, became one of the major advocates of the party’s ethno-nationalist vision of Poland; consequently, they significantly contributed to the worsening of Polish-Jewish relations in the interwar period. The article also looks at the critique of the extreme nationalism and antisemitism within ND and NOK by individual female activists and groups not affiliated with Dmowski’s party.
31
Szablicka-Żak, Jolanta. "Discussion About Education in the Parliament of the Second Polish Republic." Czech-Polish Historical and Pedagogical Journal 6, no. 1 (January 20, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cphpj-2014-0007.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the Second Polish Republic two main concepts of education were defined: national education, represented the National Democracy (Narodowa Demokracja), and state education, proposed by the Sanation camp: the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (Bezpartyjny Blok Współpracy z Rządem – BBWR). These two concepts were confronted in the addresses of the MPs and senators in the parliament of the Second Polish Republic which pertained to the legal bases of the education system. However, developing a consensus regarding the education of the young generation in a society divided along national, religious, and political lines turned out to be difficult. It can be proposed that neither Roman Dmowski earlier, nor Józef Piłsudski later managed to fully implement their concepts of education.
32
Grabowski, Jan. "Józef Górski, At the Turn of History." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, December 1, 2008, 300–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.85.
Full textAbstract:
Presented below is a fragment of Józef Górski’s diaries regarding the situation in Podlasie in the first years of the German occupation. It illustrates the author’s view on “the final solution of the Jewish question”. Górski himself says that he looked at the Holocaust as a Christian, who feels compassion for the victims, and at the same time as a Pole and a faithful follower of Roman Dmowski. From the latter point of view, he clearly welcomed the Holocaust. Józef Górski’s diaries could certainly be classified as an “oddity”, and as one reads them a number of painful questions arise, primarily about the scale of (silent) consent to the murder. In other words, to what extent did Górski’s clear (although frightening) views fit the framework of the “ordinary people” of occupied Podlasie?
33
Andrzejczak, Michał. "Krzysztof Kawalec, Roman Dmowski, wyd. 2 uzupełnione i poszerzone, Wyd. „Zysk i S-ka”, Poznań 2016, ss. 630." Studia z Historii Społeczno-Gospodarczej XIX i XX Wieku 16 (May 30, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2080-8313.16.19.
Full text
34
Masař, Tomáš. "Book Review: Milan Scholz, České a polské hledání identity. Myšlení Tomáše Garrigua Masaryka a Romana Dmowského v komparativní perspektivě." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 10 (December 20, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2664.
Full textAbstract:
Book Review: Milan Scholz, České a polské hledání identity. Myšlení Tomáše Garrigua Masaryka a Romana Dmowského v komparativní perspektivěThe paper is a presentation of the latest book by Milan Scholz. The author focuses on the relationship between the thought of Masaryk and that of Dmowski in the context of their activity and respective Czech and Polish debates on national identity. Recenze knihy: Milan Scholz, České a polské hledání identity. Myšlení Tomáše Garrigua Masaryka a Romana Dmowského v komparativní perspektivěPříspěvek je prezentací nejnovější knihy Milana Scholze. Autor se zaměřuje na vztah mezi myšlením Masaryka a Dmowského v kontextu jejich činnosti, respektive českých a polských debat o národní identitě. Recenzja książki: Milan Scholz, České a polské hledání identity. Myšlení Tomáše Garrigua Masaryka a Romana Dmowského v komparativní perspektivěArtykuł jest prezentacją najnowszej książki Milana Scholza. Autor skupia się na relacji między myślą Tomaša G. Masaryka i Romana Dmowskiego w kontekście ich działalności, przede wszystkim polskiej i czeskiej debaty o tożsamości narodowej.