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Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Egypt'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2025

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1

Minnen, Peter van. "Poll Tax Rates in Roman Egypt." Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete 68, no. 2 (2022): 302–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apf-2022-0015.

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Abstract Discussion of the various poll tax rates in Roman Egypt, which can be reduced to a simple scheme drawn up by the Romans upon their conquest of Egypt. This scheme suggests that in 30 BC the distribution of the population in Egypt was roughly uniform except for the Fayyum (underpopulated) and the western oases (overpopulated), possibly also Thebes (overpopulated). It also suggests that in 30 BC the distribution of the Greek population was uneven, with virtually no Greeks in Upper Egypt, possibly also the oases, and fewer Greeks in Oxyrhynchus than in other metropoleis in Lower and Middl

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2

Bowman, Alan K., and Dominic Rathbone. "Cities and Administration in Roman Egypt." Journal of Roman Studies 82 (November 1992): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301287.

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These two inscriptions come from the precinct of the temple of Hathor at Denderah (Tentyra), capital of the Tentyrite nome, just north of Thebes in Upper Egypt. The impressive remains of the complex are mostly late Ptolemaic and Roman (re)constructions, but they look Pharaonic and suggest social and cultural continuity across the centuries. The inscriptions, however, illustrate the radical changes in communal organization and administration which the Romans introduced. These changes form the subject of this paper. The first inscription dates to 12 B.C., but is almost entirely in the pre-Roman

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3

Zaki, Sohier. "Invitations in Roman Egypt." Bulletin of the Center Papyrological Studies 7, no. 2 (1990): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bcps.1990.69762.

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4

Lee, A. D. "Religion in Roman Egypt." Classical Review 51, no. 1 (2001): 74–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.1.74.

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5

Chistalev, M. S. "Political motives in the image of the Nile in Roman fine arts and literature of the Antonine era." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 9, no. 2 (34) (2022): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2022.9(2).13-25.

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This article is a continuation of the author's series of studies devoted to the study of the image of the Nile in Roman literature and the comparison of this image with the Nilotic scenes within the framework of an extensive issue of cross-cultural dialogue between Egypt and Rome. Exploring the image of the Nile in Roman literature of the 2nd century AD, the author notes that of all the variety of images of Egypt created in the time of Octavian, the Antonines used only the image of triumph over Egypt as a symbol of unlimited autocracy within the empire. In this regard, the Nile is reinterprete

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6

Mădălina, STRECHIE. "THE PREFECTURE OF EGYPT IN THE EQUESTRIAN HIERARCHY AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF DIVUS IN THE IMPERIAL TITLE." Social Sciences and Education Research Review 10, no. 1 (2023): 82–86. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8151089.

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   After the conquest of Egypt Augustus transformed Egypt into a personal domain, which he managed directly through a delegate from the equestrian order, namely Praefectus Aegypti. The prefecture of Egypt was one of the top functions of the equestrian career, being, in our opinion, the only external prefecture of the equestrian hierarchy. The value of this equestrian function was overwhelmingly important especially for the Roman economy, but also for fiscus Caesaris. Egypt was at the time of the Augustan Age and not only, the granary of the ancient world, therefore the management of

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7

Rahyab, Susan. "The Rise and Development of the Office of Agoranomos in Greco-Roman Egypt." New England Classical Journal 46, no. 1 (2019): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.52284/necj.46.1.article.rahyab.

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This article traces the evolution of the office of agoranomos in Greco-Roman Egypt and compares such developments with those of the official’s counterparts in the rest of the Greek world. I argue that the office’s third century transformation into a liturgical position in Egypt mirrors identical changes in Greece, Asia Minor, and Roman Palestine in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, as seen through the papyrological, epigraphic, and historical record. This comparative approach reveals a wider trend in the Greek East and demonstrates the importance in considering the Egyptian evidence in treatm

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8

Said, Mariam, and Noha Shalaby. "Recreation in Graeco-Roman Egypt." International Academic Journal Faculty of Tourism and Hotel Management 5, no. 1 (2019): 76–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ijaf.2019.95458.

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9

Wilfong, Terry G., Roger S. Bagnall, and Bruce W. Frier. "The Demography of Roman Egypt." Journal of the American Oriental Society 117, no. 1 (1997): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605636.

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10

Foertmeyer, Victoria, Roger S. Bagnall, and Bruce W. Frier. "The Demography of Roman Egypt." Classical World 89, no. 6 (1996): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351888.

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11

Rathbone, Dominic. "Egypt, Augustus and Roman taxation." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 4, no. 1 (1993): 81–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.1993.1372.

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12

Kelly, Benjamin. "Roman Egypt by Livia Capponi." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 11, no. 3 (2011): 412–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.2011.0047.

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13

Bagnall, Roger S. "Missing Females in Roman Egypt." Scripta Classica Israelica 16 (May 23, 2020): 121–38. https://doi.org/10.71043/sci.v16i.4251.

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14

Pettipiece, Timothy. "Eastern Sages in Roman Egypt." Studies in Late Antiquity 7, no. 1 (2023): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2023.7.1.137.

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Scholars have long been curious about the transmission of religious and philosophical ideas across Eurasia in antiquity. It is well known that Mani named a number of important figures from “Eastern” religious traditions—such as Buddha and Zoroaster—among his list of prophetic forerunners in an effort to establish his own authority as a religious teacher. Recently published portions of the Dublin codex of the Manichaean Kephalaia provide an additional attestation of this prophetological paradigm in an even more amplified form, as it includes figures not previously attested. Textual analysis of

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15

Rowlandson, Jane, and Ryosuke Takahashi. "Brother-Sister Marriage and Inheritance Strategies in Greco-Roman Egypt." Journal of Roman Studies 99 (November 2009): 104–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/007543509789744963.

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Responding to recent discussions of brother-sister marriage in Roman Egypt, this article re-examines the Greek and Egyptian evidence for the practice, both papyrological and literary. Exploring possible antecedents in Egypt and Greece and the distinctive development of Egyptian inheritance practice, we argue that the brother-sister marriages involved real siblings, and that by the beginning of Roman rule such marriages were legitimised by a Ptolemaic law and the prevalent belief that they followed ancient Egyptian custom. But new circumstances introduced by Roman rule, particularly the increas

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16

Penningroth, Dylan C. "Law as Redemption: A Historical Comparison of the Ways Marginalized People Use Courts." Law & Social Inquiry 40, no. 03 (2015): 793–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12146.

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This essay reflects on how Bryen's Violence in Roman Egypt (2013), a study of second‐century Roman Egypt, contributes to the study of law and on how legal culture in ancient Egypt relates to law and legal cultures in other times and places. From the perspective of social history, this essay focuses on the connections between the victims of violence who seek redress in local courts in Egypt and more contemporary work on the legacy of slavery in colonial Ghana and the United States. This comparison reveals how law becomes a vehicle for the marginalized to repair and reconstruct their personhood.

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17

Abd el-Maguid El-Kady, Marwa. "A Cock's Cult in Roman Egypt." Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality 8, no. 2 (2011): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jaauth.2011.146963.

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18

Ibrahim, Mohammed Abboudy. "Ancient Egypt Gods in Roman Literature." Bulletin of the Center Papyrological Studies 14, no. 1 (1997): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bcps.1997.82809.

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19

Abdel Motaal, Doaa. "Land-Mistresses in Graeco-Roman Egypt." International Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Management 2, no. 1 (2019): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ijthm.2019.52075.

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20

Mahmoud Abd-alsamea, Naira. "Funeral Houses in Greco-Roman Egypt." مجلة الآداب والعلوم الإنسانیة 89, no. 4 (2019): 758–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/fjhj.2019.181792.

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21

Kachan, Sergey A. "ANTINOUS’ WORSHIPPING PECULIARITIES IN ROMAN EGYPT." Journal of historical philological and cultural studies 3, no. 65 (2019): 131–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18503/1992-0431-2019-3-65-131-149.

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22

Schulman, Alan R., and Naphtali Lewis. "Life in Egypt under Roman Rule." Classical World 78, no. 3 (1985): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349744.

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23

Kelly, David H., and Richard Alston. "Soldier and Society in Roman Egypt." Classical World 92, no. 2 (1998): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352247.

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24

Broux, Yanne. "Explicit Name Change in Roman Egypt." Chronique d'Egypte 88, no. 176 (2013): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.cde.1.103760.

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25

Lewis, Naphtali. "Revocation of Wills in Roman Egypt." Scripta Classica Israelica 24 (May 2, 2020): 135–38. https://doi.org/10.71043/sci.v24i.3465.

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26

King, Donald. "Roman and Byzantine Dress in Egypt." Costume 30, no. 1 (1996): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/cos.1996.30.1.1.

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27

SCHEIDEL, W. "BROTHER-SISTER MARRIAGE IN ROMAN EGYPT." Journal of Biosocial Science 29, no. 3 (1997): 361–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932097003611.

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According to official census returns from Roman Egypt (first to third centuries CE) preserved on papyrus, 23·5% of all documented marriages in the Arsinoites district in the Fayum (n=102) were between brothers and sisters. In the second century CE, the rates were 37% in the city of Arsinoe and 18·9% in the surrounding villages. Documented pedigrees suggest a minimum mean level of inbreeding equivalent to a coefficient of inbreeding of 0·0975 in second century CE Arsinoe. Undocumented sources of inbreeding and an estimate based on the frequency of close-kin unions (corrected downwards to 30% fo

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28

Parkhouse, Sarah. "Selling the Mysteries in Roman Egypt." Religion in the Roman Empire 7, no. 3 (2021): 315. https://doi.org/10.1628/rre-2021-0022.

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29

Stephens, Susan. "Egypt in Italy: Visions of Egypt in Roman Imperial Culture." Common Knowledge 23, no. 3 (2017): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-3988247.

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30

Jędraszak, Sławomir. "Edukacyjna funkcja koroplastycznych przedstawień terakotowych z Egiptu okresu grecko-rzymskiego, na podstawie wybranych grup zabytków." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 33 (February 11, 2019): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2015.33.7.

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The Educational Function of Terracotta Representations from Egypt in the Graeco-Roman PeriodThe subject of this paper aims to investigate problems associated with selected examples of terracotta drawn from the wide iconographic range of figurines produced in Egypt during the Graeco-Roman period. It attempts to find an answer to the question of whether, in the case of the categories of figurines and terracotta plaques, there are any associations or correlations with upbringing and education. The author maintains that the terracotta figurines, which are the subject of this paper, could include,

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31

Voytenko, Anton. "Egyptians and Byzantium. On the Question of Political Subjectivity in Late Antiquity." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.12.

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Introduction. The article focuses on the reasons for the lack of political subjectivity among the Egyptians in the Byzantine period (4th – first half of the 7th centuries). During this period, the population of Egypt did not demonstrate it at any level: social movements (uprisings) did not offer such agenda; studies on literature and rhetoric show that the Egyptians were under the influence of the Roman statehood (Eastern Roman Empire). The aims of the study are therefore concentrated around the consideration of the causes and terms of the loss of political subjectivity by the Egyptians, and t

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32

Fonder, N., and S. Xanthoulis. "Roman aqueduct and hydraulic engineering: case of Nîmes aqueduct and its Pont du Gard bridge." Water Supply 7, no. 1 (2007): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2007.014.

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Romans are considered as the greatest aqueduct builders of the ancient world, though qanat systems were in use in ancient Persia, India, Egypt, and other Middle Eastern countries thousand of years earlier. Based on history documents and civil engineering studies, this paper summarizes hydrology and hydraulics engineering techniques developed by Roman Engineers. The study case is the Nîmes Aqueduct and its Pont du Gard bridge, the most intact aqueduct bridge remaining today. Despite the existence of superb ruins and conducts' frames, little is known of the hydraulic engineering of these Roman a

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33

Fischer-Bovet, Christelle. "Official Identity and Ethnicity: Comparing Ptolemaic and Early Roman Egypt." Journal of Egyptian History 11, no. 1-2 (2018): 208–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340048.

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Abstract The study of ancient states brings a historical perspective to the creation of official identities. By looking at legal and fiscal documents preserved on papyri from Hellenistic and Early Roman Egypt (323 BCE to c. 70 CE), this study compares how the Ptolemies and then the Romans established official identities, that is, what priorities they gave to occupation, social status, citizenship, and/or ethnicity in order to construct legal and fiscal identities. It explores how these different priorities created overlaps between the categories, for instance, by an occupation permitting some

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34

Quack, Joachim Friedrich. "Drawing Lots of the Gods in Roman Egypt." Drawing Lots of the Gods in Roman Egypt 1, no. 35 (2022): 77–96. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10061001.

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Des recherches récentes ont fait découvrir d'importants fragments en démotique égyptien, en vieux copte et en grec de manuels de divination par tirage au sort. En général, les sorts portent un numéro, et chacun est attribué à une divinité particulière. Cet article présente la documentation connue aujourd'hui, y compris des bandes de feuilles de palmier qui auraient pu servir de sorts réels. Il examine aussi les variations entre les différents manuscrits, ainsi que les éventuels liens spécifiques entre les dieux et les réponses.<i>Recent research has brought to light substantial fragments in Eg

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35

Santana, Jéssica Ladeira, and Ayla Fernanda de Oliveira. "A preservação da memória coletiva egípcia no Principado: A representação de Osíris nos rituais funerários." Revista Historiador 1, no. 15 (2022): 82–96. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10573129.

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Nesse artigo temos por objetivo fazer nossas primeiras considerações sobre a representação do deus Osíris nos rituais funerários egípcios, no período do Principado. Levando em consideração o contexto da dominação romana a partir de 30 a.C, o culto ao deus Osíris e as modificações que o contato com os romanos trouxe aos rituais funerários. Como fonte utilizamos as mortalhas, retratos e máscaras funerárias do catálogo Ancient Faces Mummy Portraits from Roman Egypt.

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36

Gascoigne, Alison L. "The Late Roman and Early Islamic Urban Enceinte." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 14, no. 2 (2004): 276–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774304250168.

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It has been established in the preceding sections that settlement walls were by no means uncommon in ancient Egypt, and it is from this tradition that the late Roman and early Islamic urban configuration developed. With the incorporation of the country into the Roman empire, it was inevitable that changes would be made to its defensive situation, and the continuing Hellenization of the upper classes would alter perceptions of the urban ideal. This section will consider to what extent these forces brought Egypt into line with other eastern Roman provinces, and how the urban enceinte developed a

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37

Urbanik, Jakub. "Nomikoi in (and out of) the Roman courts in Roman Egypt." Journal of Juristic Papyrology, no. 53 (July 15, 2024): 125–91. https://doi.org/10.36389/uw.jjurp.53.2023.pp.125-191.

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In this essay I undertake a thorough study of the occurrences of the nomikoi in the papyri from the Roman times. The term appears in our sources in two, prima facie, distinctive environments. Firstly, they are to be found in the Roman courts in Egypt serving the Roman judges as the source of knowledge of the law – almost exclusively local – and its interpretation. In this function, they are akin to the professional jurists who, back in Rome, assisted her magistrates – only infrequently experienced jurists – in legal matters. Secondly, the nomikoi play part in composition of specialised legal d

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38

Graham, Dr Daryn. "The Food Crisis in Egypt and the Decline and Fall of Germanicus." Journal of Historical Studies 2, no. 1 (2021): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/jhs.606.

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Purpose: The purpose of this article is to provide an evidence-based and fully examined unique and original account of the decline and fall of Germanicus, and the role the food crisis of Egypt in the early years of the principate of Tiberius played in that decline and fall. Methodology: No doubt, that decline and fall may have arguably saved the Roman Empire from civil was between Tiberius and Germanicus in time, but this article finds that Germanicus’ swift intervention in Egypt saved Egypt, and perhaps parts of the empire, from potential acute food shortage and even famine and starvati

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39

Honzl, Jiří. "‘Deo Magno Mercurio Adoravit…’ – The Latin Language and Its Use in Sacred Spaces and Contexts in Roman Egypt." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 42, no. 2 (2021): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/anpm.2021.006.

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The use of Latin in the multilingual society of Roman Egypt was never more than marginal. Yet, as a language of the ruling power, the Roman Empire, Latin enjoyed to some extent a privileged status. It was generally more widely applied in the army, as well as on some official occasions, and in the field of law. Less expectably, various Latin inscriptions on stone had religious contents or were found in sacred spaces and contexts. Such texts included honorary and votive inscriptions, visitors’ graffiti, and funerary inscriptions. All three groups are surveyed and evaluated focusing especially on

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40

Olshanetsky, Haggai. "Logistics and Crises: Understanding Roman Military Logistics and Procedures from the Unit Level and Upwards in 2^nd to 4^th Centuries CE Egypt Using the Surviving ‘Paperwork’." Klio 106, no. 1 (2024): 273–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2023-0014.

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Summary The current article wishes to focus on receipts and reports from Roman Egypt in order to reconstruct the bureaucratic procedures in this region or, more precisely, the bureaucratic procedures of the Roman military logistical system, from the unit level and upwards. This examination will aid in understanding the complexity of the Roman system and the Roman mindset, while highlighting how the lack of modern technology was overcome to maintain a highly organised and vast Empire. This will strengthen and support the assumption that an office organising military supply and their records mos

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41

Grey, Cam. "Historicizing the Lived Experience of Violence: Bryen's Violence in Roman Egypt." Law & Social Inquiry 40, no. 03 (2015): 784–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12145.

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Ari Byren's Violence in Roman Egypt: A Study in Legal Interpretation (2013) effectively inserts itself into two complementary fields of inquiry and discussion within the field of classical studies. First, it offers a detailed treatment of the social history of small communities in Roman Egypt, providing an important contribution to the study of violence in antiquity—a topic that has gained interest in recent years. Second, it is an extended meditation on the place of violence within a society and law's role in defining and eliminating it.

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42

Dolganov, Anna. "Imperialism and Social Engineering: Augustan Social Legislation in the Gnomon of the Idios Logos ." Klio 104, no. 2 (2022): 656–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2021-0057.

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Summary This article examines the aims and impact of Augustan social legislation from the perspective of documentary evidence from Roman Egypt. The extensive presence of the laws in an epitome of an Augustan rulebook for a fiscal procurator in Egypt (the so-called Gnomon of the Idios Logos, BGU V 1210, P. Oxy. XLII 3014), where their application extends to citizens of Greek cities, speaks for the Augustan marriage and manumission laws being part of a broader vision of social order in the Roman empire.

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43

Gasparini, Valentino, and Richard L. Gordon. "Egyptianism." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 58, no. 1-4 (2018): 571–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2018.58.1-4.33.

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Summary When dealing with Isis, Serapis and the other members of the so-called ‘gens isiaca’, scholars have hesitated whether to emphasize their (indisputable) historico-geographic origin in the Nile valley or their (no less indisputable) character as Graeco-Roman cults. We thus find these deities referred to as ‘Egyptian’, ‘Graeco-Egyptian’, ‘Graeco-Roman’, ‘Greek’, ‘Roman’ and, again, ‘Oriental’, ‘Orientalized Roman’, and so on. Each of these definitions is evidently partial, which is one reason for the growing preference for the less specific terms ‘Isiac gods’ and ‘Isiac cults’. Yet even t

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44

Coles, Revel, and C. A. Nelson. "Financial and Administrative Documents from Roman Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73 (1987): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821552.

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45

Parlasca, Klaus, and Aly Abdalla. "Graeco-Roman Funerary Stelae from Upper Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 82 (1996): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3822145.

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46

Robins, Gay, and Dominic Montserrat. "Sex and Society in Graeco-Roman Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 84 (1998): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3822234.

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47

Bianchi, Robert Steven, and David Frankfurter. "Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation and Resistance." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 39 (2002): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40001163.

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48

Zaki, Farag. "The Water-Carrier in Graeco-Roman Egypt." Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality 17, no. 1 (2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jaauth.2019.76460.

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49

Johnston, Sarah Iles, and David Frankfurter. "Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation and Resistance." Journal of Biblical Literature 120, no. 2 (2001): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268312.

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Montserrat, Dominic, Susan Walker, Morris Bierbrier, Paul Roberts, and John Taylor. "Ancient Faces: Mummy Portraits from Roman Egypt." American Journal of Archaeology 102, no. 1 (1998): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506164.

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