Relevant bibliographies by topics / Roman Emperor worship

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Academic literature on the topic 'Roman Emperor worship'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Roman Emperor worship"

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이지은. "Emperor Worship in the Early Roman Empire." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 25 (December 2009): 217–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2009..25.217.

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Antoniou, Alex Andrew. "Cassius Dio (51.20.6-8) and the Worship of the Living Emperor in Italy." Mnemosyne 72, no. 6 (October 31, 2019): 930–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342606.

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AbstractThis article challenges accepted interpretations of Cassius Dio (51.20.6-8) concerning the worship of the living emperor in Rome and the Italian peninsula. I offer a new interpretation of this frequently discussed passage by demonstrating that Dio was keen to emphasise that Augustus, as Dio’s model emperor, was not himself responsible for the temples and cults raised to him in Rome and Roman Italy. I also briefly explore the beneficial consequences of this interpretation in our wider study of emperor worship in the Italian peninsula.
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Nitta. "Yuge, Roman Emperor Worship and the Persecution of Christians." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 24 (1985): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.1985.73.

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Kulikova, Yulia V. "The Cult of Sol and the religious reform of the Emperor Aurelanus." LOCUS people society cultures meaning 11, no. 3 (2020): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-11-3-11-27.

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In 274 AD, Emperor Aurelanus carried out a religious reform, the aim of which was the ideological unity of the Roman Empire. At the head of an official religious worship was put the cult of Sol Invictus that personified the power of the Roman Emperor. The transformation of the ancient cult of Sol into the official cult of the Emperor Aurelanus took place through a long syncretism, starting with the imperial cult, as well as the unification of Sol, which became Sol Invictus, with the cult of Mithra. The reform of Emperor Aurelanus had to consolidate the unity of the restored empire at the religious level, and the idea foresaw the establishment of monotheism and the triumph of Christianity.
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Calomino, Dario. "Caracalla and the divine: emperor worship and representation in the visual language of Roman Asia Minor." Anatolian Studies 70 (2020): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154620000010.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the visual language adopted in the cities of Asia Minor to represent the emperor Caracalla in the years 214–216, which he spent travelling between the Anatolian region, Egypt and the Near East. The focus of this study is the imagery designed to express his relation with the divine through the overlapping representations of the emperor as a devotee and peer of the gods, and as a divine being. The first part of the study compares Rome to Asia Minor to show divergences as well as possible links between provincial and metropolitan media, discussing local and imperial responses to the emperor governing from the Roman East. The second part focuses on the imagery introduced in Asia Minor to represent the worship of the living Roman emperor and his cult-image in particular, providing insights into the creation of extraordinary visual patterns that remained unique to the reign of Caracalla.
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Kulikova, Yulia V. "The cult of Sol in Ancient Rome (from ancient times to the reform of Elagabal)." LOCUS: people, society, cultures, meaning, no. 1, 2020 (2020): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-1-46-63.

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The Solar cult can be found in the religious beliefs of many peoples. In Rome, the worship of the sun has been recorded since ancient times, unfortunately, the ancient authors left us only scattered mentions. The Importance of the cult of Sol grew with the transformation of the system of control, under the influence of Hellenism and penetrating the Roman worldview Oriental cults. In the course of its evolution, the cult of Sol became the part of the imperial cult, allowing to justify the emperor’s increasing power. However, in the reign of the emperor of Elagabal the essence of the Roman Sol was perverted by the oriental rituals of the new official cult.
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White, Ethan. "Archaeology, Historicity, and Homosexuality in the New Cultus of Antinous." International Journal for the Study of New Religions 8, no. 2 (December 6, 2018): 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ijsnr.37618.

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In the second century, the Roman Emperor Hadrian deified his male lover, Antinous, after the latter drowned in the Nile. Antinous’ worship was revived in the late twentieth century, primarily by gay men and other queer-identified individuals, with Antinous himself being recast as “the Gay God.”
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Naylor, Michael. "The Roman Imperial Cult and Revelation." Currents in Biblical Research 8, no. 2 (December 17, 2009): 207–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x09349160.

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The question of the relationship of the Roman Imperial Cult and Revelation has occupied the attention of scholars throughout the past one hundred years. During this time, major shifts have taken place both in the assessment of the Roman Imperial Cult in the context of the Roman Empire and in the interpretation of its role with respect to the book of Revelation. This article surveys and assesses these trends. It begins with a discussion of studies on the Roman Imperial Cult from the standpoint of classical studies. Next, texts within Revelation typically cited as indicating a response to emperor worship are introduced. The third and final section focuses upon studies on Revelation, with particular focus given to interpretive approaches, Christology, and the question of persecution under Domitian.
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McIntyre, Gwynaeth. "Imperial Cult." Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 2, no. 1 (January 21, 2019): 1–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340003.

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Abstract As political power in Rome became centered on the emperor and his family, a system of honors and titles developed as one way to negotiate this new power dynamic. Classified under the collective heading ‘imperial cult’, this system of worship comprises religious rituals as well as political, economic, and social aspects. This article surveys the range of ancient literary sources and modern scholarly debates on how individuals became gods in the Roman world. The case studies illustrate how cult practices, temples, and priesthoods were established, highlighting the careful negotiation required between the emperor, imperial family, Senate, and populace in order to make mortals into gods.
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Schmid, Stephan G. "Worshipping the emperor(s): a new temple of the imperial cult at Eretria and the ancient destruction of its statues." Journal of Roman Archaeology 14 (2001): 113–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400019851.

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In Greece, as in the E Mediterranean as a whole, the ruler-cult was well established during the Hellenistic period, but whereas in the Attalid, Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms the same dynasty had ruled for centuries and the cult of the living ruler and the dynastic cult were stable institutions, the ruler-cult in Greece, though at first part of the Macedonian kingdom, was affected by the series of rulers of different dynasties who followed one another in rapid succession. This led to a large number of dedications for and offerings by Hellenistic rulers in Greece. Roman Republican leaders and figures were also subject to specific honours in Greece from an early stage. Compared to the excesses of rulers such as Demetrios Poliorcetes, the well-organized and at first rather modest cult for the Roman emperors must have seemed a distinct improvement. After the behaviour of previous Roman leaders the Greeks were probably relieved at Augustus's attitude towards cultic honours, and it is no surprise that the imperial cult was widely diffused in Greece, as literary sources and inscriptions show. Almost every city must have had one or more places for the worship of the emperors and their families, but archaeological evidence for the cult has remained rather slim and the only two attested Sebasteia or Kaisareia (at Gytheion and Messene) are known only from inscriptions. The Metroon at Olympia is the only specific building in which an imperial cult is attested on good archaeological evidence. Statues of an emperor and perhaps a personification of Roma found at Thessaloniki point to a Sebasteion there. Athens must have had more than one building where the emperor was worshipped. At Beroia a provincial sanctuary for the imperial cult of Macedonia has been posited. Yet even at the Roman colony of Corinth, the location of the temple for the imperial cult is far from clear, all of which underlines the interest of a building at Eretria which we identify with the municipal temple for the imperial cult.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Roman Emperor worship"

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Tellbe, B. Mikael. "Christ and Caesar the letter to the Philippians in the setting of the Roman imperial cult /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.

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Gradel, Ittai. "Heavenly honours : emperor worship in Italy from Augustus to the Severans." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307227.

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Coffin, Jeffrey D. "An exegesis of Revelation 4 a polemic against the Roman imperial cult /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004. http://www.tren.com.

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Forman, Mark, and n/a. "The politics of inheritance? : the language of inheritance in Romans within its first-century Greco-Roman Imperial context." University of Otago. Department of Theology and Religious Studies, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080128.161919.

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This thesis is an exploration of the extent to which Paul�s terminology of Inheritance [(...)] in Romans, and its associated imagery, logic and arguments, functioned to evoke socio-political expectations that were alternative to those which prevailed in contemporary Roman imperial discourse. There are two parts to this study. The first is to take seriously the context of Empire and the claims being made by the Roman Empire in the first century. In particular, what were some of the messages conveyed by the Roman Empire with regard to the structure and purpose, the hopes and expectations, of first-century society? The Christians in Rome were daily exposed to the images and message of Caesar and his successors and there is therefore a need to consider how Paul�s language of Inheritance would have sounded within this environment. Second, this study gives attention to the content of Paul�s use of the word "inheritance" as it occurs in Romans. In order to address this question, three interrelated ideas are explored. First, for Paul, what does the inheritance consist of? The traditional understanding is that the concept is an entirely spiritualised or transcendent reality. This study proposes a more this-worldly, geographical nature to the word. Second, there is the closely related question of the political nature of inheritance. If it is the case that the language of inheritance has to do with the renewal of the land, then who inherits this land? These two questions raise a third issue-how will the inheritance transpire? Paul�s inheritance language contributes to notions of lordship, authority and universal sovereignty for the people of God. Conceivably, the path to this dominion could mirror the hegemonic intentions of imperial Rome which envisages the triumph of one group of people (the strong) over another (the weak). Is this the case with Paul�s inheritance language, or does it somehow undermine all claims to power and control? There are five undisputed uses of [...] and its cognates in Romans-Rom 4:13, 14; Rom 8:17 (three times) and there is one textual variant in Rom 11:1 where the word [...] is used in place of [...]. This study finds that, to varying degrees in each of these texts, the inheritance concept is not only a direct confrontation to other claims to rule, it is also simultaneously a reversal of all other paths to lordship and rule. This study then considers the use of the concept in the two other undisputed Pauline letters where it occurs (Galatians and 1 Corinthians) and also in the disputed letter to the Colossians. The overriding impression is that there is nothing in Galatians, 1 Corinthians or Colossians which significantly challenges the this-worldly, political nature of the language of inheritance in Romans. In these epistles and in Romans Paul employs the language and politics of inheritance in order to subvert the message of Empire.
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Hong, Sung Cheol. "The principalities and powers in Pauline literature and the Roman imperial cult." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683218.

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Najbjerg, Tina. "Public painted and sculptural programs of the early Roman empire a case-study of the so-called basilica in Herculaneum /." 1997. http://books.google.com/books?id=wLqfAAAAMAAJ.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Princeton University, 1997.
Typescript. Abstract. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 382-385).
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Books on the topic "Roman Emperor worship"

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Emperor worship and Roman religion. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002.

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Kult und Kaiser: Studien zu Kaiserkult und Kaiserverehrung in den germanischen Provinzen und in Gallia Belgica zur römischen Kaiserzeit. Rom: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, 1998.

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Mikocki, Tomasz. Sub specie deae: Les impératrices et princesses romaines assimilées à des déeses : etude iconologique. Roma: G. Bretschneider, 1995.

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editor, Zecchini Giuseppe 1952, ed. L'Augusteum di Narona. Roma: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 2015.

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El culto imperial en la Córdoba romana: Una aproximación arqueológica. [Córdoba, Spain]: Diputación de Córdoba, Delegación de Cultura, 2002.

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Petrović, Radmilo. Apoteoza: Istorija oboženja. Beograd: IP "NNK-Internacional", 2000.

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Imperial cult and imperial representation in Roman Cyprus. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2013.

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Ebner, Martin. Kaiserkult, Wirtschaft und spectacula: Zum politischen und gesellschaftlichen Umfeld der Offenbarung. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011.

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The purpose of Mark's Gospel: An early Christian response to Roman imperial propaganda. Tübingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck, 2008.

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Hitzl, Konrad. Die Kaiserzeitliche Statuenausstattung des Metroon. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Roman Emperor worship"

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Watts, Edward J. "Decline, Renewal, and the Invention of Christian Progress." In The Eternal Decline and Fall of Rome, 67–78. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076719.003.0007.

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The emperor Diocletian stabilized the Roman Empire in the 280s and early 290s by creating the tetrarchy, a system of shared imperial authority in which four emperors each operated in a different region of the empire. Panegyrists celebrated Diocletian, Maximian, and their colleague Constantius I for restoring Roman prosperity and peace. By the early 300s, imperial attention shifted to maintaining the new order. This change prompted a series of strong imperial interventions in Roman life that culminated with the Great Persecution of Christians. It ended just before the emperor Constantine’s conversion to Christianity. Christian authors like Eusebius and Lactantius celebrated this event, but Constantine nevertheless framed his new religious policies not as a break with the past but as a restoration of the worship of the one original God away from which Roman polytheism had drifted.
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Scheid, John. "Epigraphy and Roman Religion." In Epigraphy and the Historical Sciences. British Academy, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265062.003.0003.

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An abundance of Latin votive inscriptions adds much to the knowledge of religious belief in the Roman World. Several major cults of Roman (e.g. emperor worship) and foreign (e.g. Mithras) origin, and the identification of local deities with classical gods, would be little understood were it not for the survival of inscriptions. Similarly, inscriptions alone furnish many details of the ritual and ceremonial of sacrifice, most notably in the case of the archival dossier of the Arval Brethren near Rome, not mentioned in any literary source. The hopes and fears of ordinary folk are revealed in the inscribed prayers and curses addressed to the many oracular shrines in the Greco-Roman world.
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"Arx Aeternae Dominationis: Emperor Worship Rituals In The Construction Of A Roman Religious Frontier." In Frontiers in the Roman World, 149–56. BRILL, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004201194.i-378.42.

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Watts, Edward J. "Rome, the Arabs, and Iconoclasm." In The Eternal Decline and Fall of Rome, 135–49. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076719.003.0012.

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By the early seventh century a combination of Persian invasions and, ultimately, Arab conquests removed the Roman Empire from the Middle East and North Africa. Although the emperor Heraclius sparked a brief but dramatic Roman resurgence in the early 630s, these traumatic losses pushed Romans to reintroduce the rhetoric of decline and renewal. Instead of focusing on the traditional, pagan Roman past as Romans had done in earlier centuries, their seventh- and eighth-century counterparts thought about how the empire’s Christian religious practices had fallen away from the ideals that had once made Rome a powerful Christian empire. One result was the Iconoclastic controversy, an argument between Romans who embraced the role of icons in Christian worship and others who wanted to suppress their use. Both sides claimed that the religious practices for which their opponents advocated had broken with the traditions that had once made the empire strong.
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Finkelstein, Ari. "Julian’s Hellenizing Program and the Jews." In Specter of the Jews, 11–27. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520298729.003.0002.

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chapter 1 offers a framework for understanding the rest of the book. The emperor Julian’s imperial hellenizing program is explained as his attempt to right the cosmic order overturned by Constantine and his son, Constantius II, in order to save the Roman oikoumenē. As a philosopher partially trained in theurgic Neoplatonism, Julian applies these teachings to his imperial program in an attempt to define the correct hierarchy of ethnic gods who ensured the health and success of the Roman oikoumenē and to articulate the correct worship that would gain their beneficence. Ethnographic thinking is introduced as an important element in Julian’s program, and he applies it to the Hellenes, an “imagined community” defined by the emperor; to Jews, who are portrayed as the Judean ethnos, with theurgic ancestral laws that can be mined to develop and sometimes authorize or model Hellenic orthopraxy; and to Christians, as Galileans, a people without any ethnic legitimacy.
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"Emperor Worship and Greek Leagues: The Organization of Supra-Civic Imperial Cult in the Roman East." In Empire and Religion, 149–76. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004347113_010.

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Niehoff, Maren R. "Philo’s Self-Fashioning in the Historical Writings." In Philo of Alexandria. Yale University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300175233.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses Philo's self-fashioning in the historical writings, which has emerged as highly stylized and complex. Self-consciously playing with different roles, he identifies as an Alexandrian but projects an uprooted image of himself characterized by the distinctly Roman quality of mobility in the Mediterranean. These features of playful estrangement and emphasis on religion make sense in the context of Philo's embassy to Rome. They reflect his current situation under Claudius, which prompts him to inscribe himself into the new imperial ideology. Involved in political negotiations, he directly translates Claudius's new priorities into autobiographical terms, suggesting that the Jewish religion agrees with the Roman emperor. Philo's portrait of Agrippa as a leader concerned with Jewish worship reflects the same political awareness. Meanwhile, by emphasizing religion under Gaius, Philo as a narrator regains some of the power he lost in the political arena.
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ZANKER, PAUL. "Domitian’s Palace on the Palatine and the Imperial Image." In Representations of Empire. British Academy, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197262764.003.0006.

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A Roman emperor was defined not simply by his own actions, but also by the manner in which he presented himself, the way he appeared in public, and the personal style he adopted in his interaction with the Senate and the people. A major element of that style lay in the manner of his domestic life and, closely related to this, how he handled the rituals associated with the imperial residence, such as the salutation and, above all, the invitations to an imperial convivium. Should the power of the emperor be put on display or concealed? In what kinds of settings should he carry out his duties? How could he simultaneously show off his status and power while playing the princeps in the manner of Augustus? It was evident from the very start that here was a fundamental flaw in the artful construction of Augustus. This is most evident in the honorific statues and other monuments associated with the worship of the emperor, in which Augustus and his Julio-Claudian successors, during their lifetimes, were represented both as civic officials in the toga and as nude figures with bodies modelled on gods and heroes. This chapter tries to understand better the new residence that Domitian built on the Palatine, at vast expense, to the plans of the architect Rabirius (according to Martial 7. 56), as a monument of imperial projection.
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"Emperorship in a Period of Crises. Changes in Emperor Worship, Imperial Ideology and Perceptions of Imperial Authority in the Roman Empire in the Third Century A.D." In The Impact of Imperial Rome on Religions, Ritual and Religious Life in the Roman Empire, 268–78. BRILL, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047411345_022.

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Terpstra, Taco. "Economic Trust and Religious Violence." In Trade in the Ancient Mediterranean, 168–210. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691172088.003.0005.

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This chapter explores the changing world of the fourth century CE, a time of social ferment heightened by the Roman emperors' adoption of Christianity as a religion of state. Although this shift followed a turn toward forced religious centralization initiated by the emperors during the crisis of the third century, the choice for Christianity represented a momentous departure from Roman tradition. The intolerance and violence it engendered upset the equilibrium of Mediterranean diaspora trade, producing an institutional shock. Indeed, religion played a prominent role in how diaspora groups operated. Through the worship of their native gods, group members remained distinct from their hosts and connected to their place of origin, both necessary ingredients for successful intercommunity trade. Equally important, acts of religious devotion signaled commitment and loyalty to the group, encouraged collective action against defectors, and fostered economic trust and collaborative behavior. However, this complex system of socioeconomic interaction came under pressure when emperors began legislating against pagan cults.
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