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이지은. "Emperor Worship in the Early Roman Empire." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 25 (December 2009): 217–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2009..25.217.
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Antoniou, Alex Andrew. "Cassius Dio (51.20.6-8) and the Worship of the Living Emperor in Italy." Mnemosyne 72, no. 6 (October 31, 2019): 930–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342606.
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AbstractThis article challenges accepted interpretations of Cassius Dio (51.20.6-8) concerning the worship of the living emperor in Rome and the Italian peninsula. I offer a new interpretation of this frequently discussed passage by demonstrating that Dio was keen to emphasise that Augustus, as Dio’s model emperor, was not himself responsible for the temples and cults raised to him in Rome and Roman Italy. I also briefly explore the beneficial consequences of this interpretation in our wider study of emperor worship in the Italian peninsula.
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Nitta. "Yuge, Roman Emperor Worship and the Persecution of Christians." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 24 (1985): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.1985.73.
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Kulikova, Yulia V. "The Cult of Sol and the religious reform of the Emperor Aurelanus." LOCUS people society cultures meaning 11, no. 3 (2020): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-11-3-11-27.
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In 274 AD, Emperor Aurelanus carried out a religious reform, the aim of which was the ideological unity of the Roman Empire. At the head of an official religious worship was put the cult of Sol Invictus that personified the power of the Roman Emperor. The transformation of the ancient cult of Sol into the official cult of the Emperor Aurelanus took place through a long syncretism, starting with the imperial cult, as well as the unification of Sol, which became Sol Invictus, with the cult of Mithra. The reform of Emperor Aurelanus had to consolidate the unity of the restored empire at the religious level, and the idea foresaw the establishment of monotheism and the triumph of Christianity.
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Calomino, Dario. "Caracalla and the divine: emperor worship and representation in the visual language of Roman Asia Minor." Anatolian Studies 70 (2020): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154620000010.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the visual language adopted in the cities of Asia Minor to represent the emperor Caracalla in the years 214–216, which he spent travelling between the Anatolian region, Egypt and the Near East. The focus of this study is the imagery designed to express his relation with the divine through the overlapping representations of the emperor as a devotee and peer of the gods, and as a divine being. The first part of the study compares Rome to Asia Minor to show divergences as well as possible links between provincial and metropolitan media, discussing local and imperial responses to the emperor governing from the Roman East. The second part focuses on the imagery introduced in Asia Minor to represent the worship of the living Roman emperor and his cult-image in particular, providing insights into the creation of extraordinary visual patterns that remained unique to the reign of Caracalla.
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Kulikova, Yulia V. "The cult of Sol in Ancient Rome (from ancient times to the reform of Elagabal)." LOCUS: people, society, cultures, meaning, no. 1, 2020 (2020): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-1-46-63.
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The Solar cult can be found in the religious beliefs of many peoples. In Rome, the worship of the sun has been recorded since ancient times, unfortunately, the ancient authors left us only scattered mentions. The Importance of the cult of Sol grew with the transformation of the system of control, under the influence of Hellenism and penetrating the Roman worldview Oriental cults. In the course of its evolution, the cult of Sol became the part of the imperial cult, allowing to justify the emperor’s increasing power. However, in the reign of the emperor of Elagabal the essence of the Roman Sol was perverted by the oriental rituals of the new official cult.
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White, Ethan. "Archaeology, Historicity, and Homosexuality in the New Cultus of Antinous." International Journal for the Study of New Religions 8, no. 2 (December 6, 2018): 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ijsnr.37618.
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In the second century, the Roman Emperor Hadrian deified his male lover, Antinous, after the latter drowned in the Nile. Antinous’ worship was revived in the late twentieth century, primarily by gay men and other queer-identified individuals, with Antinous himself being recast as “the Gay God.”
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Naylor, Michael. "The Roman Imperial Cult and Revelation." Currents in Biblical Research 8, no. 2 (December 17, 2009): 207–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x09349160.
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The question of the relationship of the Roman Imperial Cult and Revelation has occupied the attention of scholars throughout the past one hundred years. During this time, major shifts have taken place both in the assessment of the Roman Imperial Cult in the context of the Roman Empire and in the interpretation of its role with respect to the book of Revelation. This article surveys and assesses these trends. It begins with a discussion of studies on the Roman Imperial Cult from the standpoint of classical studies. Next, texts within Revelation typically cited as indicating a response to emperor worship are introduced. The third and final section focuses upon studies on Revelation, with particular focus given to interpretive approaches, Christology, and the question of persecution under Domitian.
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McIntyre, Gwynaeth. "Imperial Cult." Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 2, no. 1 (January 21, 2019): 1–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340003.
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Abstract As political power in Rome became centered on the emperor and his family, a system of honors and titles developed as one way to negotiate this new power dynamic. Classified under the collective heading ‘imperial cult’, this system of worship comprises religious rituals as well as political, economic, and social aspects. This article surveys the range of ancient literary sources and modern scholarly debates on how individuals became gods in the Roman world. The case studies illustrate how cult practices, temples, and priesthoods were established, highlighting the careful negotiation required between the emperor, imperial family, Senate, and populace in order to make mortals into gods.
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Schmid, Stephan G. "Worshipping the emperor(s): a new temple of the imperial cult at Eretria and the ancient destruction of its statues." Journal of Roman Archaeology 14 (2001): 113–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400019851.
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In Greece, as in the E Mediterranean as a whole, the ruler-cult was well established during the Hellenistic period, but whereas in the Attalid, Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms the same dynasty had ruled for centuries and the cult of the living ruler and the dynastic cult were stable institutions, the ruler-cult in Greece, though at first part of the Macedonian kingdom, was affected by the series of rulers of different dynasties who followed one another in rapid succession. This led to a large number of dedications for and offerings by Hellenistic rulers in Greece. Roman Republican leaders and figures were also subject to specific honours in Greece from an early stage. Compared to the excesses of rulers such as Demetrios Poliorcetes, the well-organized and at first rather modest cult for the Roman emperors must have seemed a distinct improvement. After the behaviour of previous Roman leaders the Greeks were probably relieved at Augustus's attitude towards cultic honours, and it is no surprise that the imperial cult was widely diffused in Greece, as literary sources and inscriptions show. Almost every city must have had one or more places for the worship of the emperors and their families, but archaeological evidence for the cult has remained rather slim and the only two attested Sebasteia or Kaisareia (at Gytheion and Messene) are known only from inscriptions. The Metroon at Olympia is the only specific building in which an imperial cult is attested on good archaeological evidence. Statues of an emperor and perhaps a personification of Roma found at Thessaloniki point to a Sebasteion there. Athens must have had more than one building where the emperor was worshipped. At Beroia a provincial sanctuary for the imperial cult of Macedonia has been posited. Yet even at the Roman colony of Corinth, the location of the temple for the imperial cult is far from clear, all of which underlines the interest of a building at Eretria which we identify with the municipal temple for the imperial cult.
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Meier, Mischa. "Perceptions and Interpretations of Natural Disasters during the Transition from the East Roman to the Byzantine Empire." Medieval History Journal 4, no. 2 (October 2001): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097194580100400202.
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During the sixth century the relevance of natural disasters, well known phenomena in Antiquity, underwent a change. As common chronological systems had calculated the end of the world to come about around 500 AD, the long series of natural disasters which occurred from the beginning of the sixth century onwards was interpreted as a sign of that approaching end. In a context of strong eschatological expectations and together with the fact that the imminent end of the world did not take place, ongoing natural dis asters assumed important implications for the process of transition from the East Roman to the Byzantine Empire. Older, well known and widely disseminated chronological systems came to lose validity and new systems developed. In common perceptions, the powers of famous Holy Men had obviously failed as they were unable to prevent major disasters. Hence the search for new objects of worship: the rapid diffusion of the cults of Christ, the Virgin and of the saints. The worship of these intercessors was practised through images, marking the beginning of the famous Byzantine cult of icons. Gradually the functions of the Holy Men underwent a change: formerly intercessors with God, now they intervened between the emperor and his subjects as the emperor himsclf assumed an amplified religious aura in order to place himself above and beyond the new and severe Kaiserkritik, one more consequence of the natural disasters of the sixth century.
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Botha, Pieter J. J. "Assessing representations of the imperial cult in New Testament studies." Verbum et Ecclesia 25, no. 1 (October 5, 2004): 14–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v25i1.258.
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A distinct conceptualisation of the imperial cult is common in NT scholarship, in which worship of the emperor is portrayed as a “foreign” development which served primarily political aims, with little integrity and no serious religious significance. This depiction does not do justice to the evidence and is basically ethnocentric. That the imperial cult provides us with a crucial window on the mentality of the Roman Period comes closer to the truth. A few aspects of early Christian literature and history which might be reinterpreted in the light of a more comprehensive understanding of the imperial cult are briefly noted.
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Corsi Silva, Semíramis. "Heliogábalo vestido divinamente: a indumentária religiosa do imperador sacerdote de Elagabal = Heliogabalus divinely dressed: the religious clothes of Elagabalus’ priest emperor." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 17 (November 20, 2019): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2019.4595.
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Resumo: Heliogábalo foi um jovem imperador romano de origem siríaca e membro da dinastia dos Severos (193-235). Seguindo uma tradição familiar, Heliogábalo foi sacerdote do deus solar Elagabal, da cidade de Emesa, na Síria. Diante de uma análise da documentação textual contemporânea de Heliogábalo, cruzada com análises das moedas emitidas no governo do imperador, apresentarei elementos sobre suas vestimentas sacerdotais de culto a Elagabal, consideradas na documentação textual antiga como cross-dressing, ou seja, transitando entre as fronteiras normativas de gênero da época. Analisarei a representação de sua indumentária religiosa e também relacionarei a essa representação a ideia trazida por Dião Cássio sobre a tentativa de Heliogábalo em fazer uma intervenção cirúrgica em seu corpo, buscando construir uma vagina nele. Também relacionado à sua indumentária religiosa, apresentarei a análise sobre a possibilidade do que seria um símbolo sacerdotal encontrado na imagem da cabeça do imperador em algumas de suas moedas. Abstract: Heliogabalus was a young Roman emperor from a Syriac origin and member of the Severan dynasty (193-235). Following a family tradition, Heliogabalus was the priest of the solar god Elagabal, from the city of Emesa, in Syria. Developing an analysis of the contemporary textual documentation of Heliogabalus, crossed with analyzes of the coins issued in the emperor's government, I will present elements about his priestly clothes of worship to Elagabalus, which were considered in the ancient textual documentation as cross-dressing, in other words, transitioning the normative gender boundaries of that time. I will analyze the representation of his religious dress and relate to this representation the idea brought by Cassius Dio about the attempt of Heliogabalus to make a surgery intervention in his body, seeking to build a vagina. Also related to his religious clothes, I will present the analysis on the possibility of what would be a priestly symbol found in the image of the emperor's head on some of his coins.Palavras-chave:Império Romano, dinastia dos Severos, Heliogábalo, Elagabal, Performances cross-dressing.Key words: Roman Empire, Severan dynasty, Heliogabalus, Elagabalus, Cross-dressing performance.
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Pagels, Elaine. "Christian Apologists and “the Fall of the Angels”: An Attack on Roman Imperial Power?" Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 3-4 (October 1985): 301–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000012414.
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Justin, a philosopher converted to Christianity, addresses these words to the Roman senate as he protests a recent case of arbitrary arrest and execution of Christians. Although outraged by the verdict, he cannot fault the judge, Urbicus, praetorian prefect of Rome, and personal friend of the imperial family. Justin knows that Urbicus only followed orders in pronouncing the mandatory death sentence against those convicted of atheism as evinced by their refusal to worship the gods or to sacrifice to the divine genius of the emperor. Instead Justin invokes the story of Genesis 6—the story of the fall of the angels—to indict the whole system of imperial power, and to attack the divine pantheon that supports it as a false government, a form of demonic tyranny.
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Kemp, Joanna, and Joanna Kemp. "Movement, the Senses and Representations of the Roman World: Experiencing the Sebasteion in Aphrodisias." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 3, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 157–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v3i2.132.
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This article examines the Sebasteion – a complex for emperor-worship built in the first century AD - in Aphrodisias, modern Turkey, and studies its political and ideological messages when the sensory experiences of the spectators are considered. The monument contained geographical representations of the peoples of the Roman world placed above a portico. Previous studies of this monument focus upon close and repeated visual study to gain an idea of a powerful empire, but this is not how the contemporary audience would have experienced it. During a religious procession the spectators were moving past static images situated high above them, with many other stimuli, which could distract from or add to the intended ideological messages of the monument. Therefore this article considers movement and architecture as part of the sensory experience and illustrates that these would have affected the audience’s encounters, which in turn could affect perceptions of the Roman world.
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Alarcón Hernández, Carmen. "Una revisión historiográfica sobre el culto a la domus imperatoria: siglos XX y XXI = A historiographical review of the cult of domus imperatoria during the 20th and 21st centuries." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 31 (September 23, 2019): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4879.
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Resumen: El trabajo presenta una revisión historiográfica del culto a los emperadores romanos y su domus en las publicaciones más destacadas de los siglos XX y XXI principalmente. Se aborda un análisis que comienza con el examen de las aportaciones más importantes sobre la materia, de la centuria pasada, que pueden enmarcarse en el paradigma positivista, y finaliza con la influencia de las concepciones postmodernas en el estudio de la adoración a los emperadores. Así, se pretende mostrar de qué modo la interpretación del culto imperial está ligada tanto a la adscripción a determinadas escuelas historiográficas, como a las posturas individuales de cada historiador, marcadas por sus propias convicciones religiosas.Palabras clave: culto imperial, domus imperatoria, historiografía, paradigma interpretativo, religión romana.Abstract: This document presents a historiographical review of the most relevant publications in the 20th and 21st centuries in the cult to the Roman emperors and their domus. The study begins with an examination of the most important contributions on the subject matter that can be framed in the positivist paradigm and ends by exploring the influence of postmodern conceptions in the studies on emperor worship. The paper thereby aims to explain how the interpretation of the imperial cult is linked to both the affiliation with certain historiographical schools and to the individual positions of historians, marked by their own religious convictions.Key words: imperial cult, domus imperatoria, historiography, interpretative paradigm, Roman religion.
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Milner, N. P., and C. F. Eilers. "L. Calpurnius Piso, Moles son of Moles, and emperor worship: statue bases from the upper agora at Oinoanda." Anatolian Studies 56 (December 2006): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000752.
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AbstractIn the course of the late Alan Hall's survey of Oinoanda, a Graeco-Roman city of northern Lycia, between 1974 and 1983, further survey work at the site led by Stephen Mitchell in 1994 and excavations in 1997 led by the Director of Fethiye Museum, İbrahim Malkoç, and Martin Ferguson Smith, many architectural, historical and epigraphical questions have been answered or at least clarified. Other questions, however, await further fieldwork, to be carried out by others, at what is a very beautiful and forested, but rubble-strewn, waterless, and relatively inaccessible, site. In the meantime, progress can be made with the unpublished records and notes of previous campaigns. This article presents five inscribed statue bases, or their remnants, in context from the upper agora of Oinoanda.
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Pilipovic, Sanja. "The triad Zeus, Herakles and Dionysos a contribution to the study of ancient cults in upper Moesia." Balcanica, no. 39 (2008): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839059p.
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The triad Zeus, Herakles and Dionysos has been attested in Upper Moesia by the relief from the village of Bukovo near Negotin, eastern Serbia. The Roman supreme god was frequently shown in association with other deities but the presence of Bacchus and Hercules in such associations is Greek rather than Roman in origin. The association of Liber and Hercules was promoted by the emperor Septimius Severus, a native of the city of Leptis Magna whose patron gods were concurrently Liber and Hercules. Septimius even granted the dii patrii a sort of official recognition as patrons of the dynasty he founded. The village of Bukovo where the relief was found had not been known as an archaeological site. There is no specific evidence for the worship of Jupiter in that area, while the worship of Herakles is attested on the sites of Rovine and Tamnic near Negotin. The relief is close to north-Macedonian reliefs in style, and reflects Hellenistic and Thracian influence in associating the cults of Dionysos and Herakles. The depicted deities are compatible and close to Septimius Severus? official religion. The central position of the supreme god indicates his importance as well as the fact that the other two deities are associated to him, as his children patrons of nature and fertility in the underground and aboveground worlds. It is also important to note that the relief confirms Hellenistic religious influences in the area of the Upper Moesian limes.
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Magyar, Zs. "How and to what extent were the imperial cult and emperor worship thought to preserve stability in the Roman world?" Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 60, no. 2 (December 2009): 385–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aarch.60.2009.2.5.
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Hersch, Karen K. "I. Gradel, Emperor Worship and Roman Religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. xvi + 398, illus. ISBN 0-19-815-275-2. £55.00." Journal of Roman Studies 95 (November 2005): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800002707.
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Hallbäck, Geert. "Johannes’ Åbenbaring kap. 13 Overvejelser over tekstens aktualitet1." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 75, no. 3 (October 10, 2012): 162–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v75i3.105581.
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The apocalyptic beasts in Revelation chap. 13 have been identified with a variety of historical persons. Such interpretive practicereveals a sort of hermeneutical narcissism. Before considering the contemporaryrelevance one has to consider the historical context. Chap.12 introduces the mythological explanation of God’s will to destroythe whole world as revealed in the fi rst part of the book. The Dragon(Satan) is expelled from heaven, but reigns now on earth; therefore theearth has to be destroyed and Satan to be conquered once again. Inchap. 13 two apocalyptic beasts are revealed, one from the sea and onefrom the land. They are fantastic representations of the Roman Empireand of the local supporters that worship the emperor. In this waythe text is bound to its historical context. To ponder the contemporaryrelevance of the text we need to recognize its ‘productive malaise’. I suggestfi nding this malaise in the revelation of an ongoing competitionbetween political power and religious faith, and I point to two low-keyexamples in contemporary Danish society: The decision of the DanishParliament to impose homosexual weddings on the Danish Church,and the discussion of abandoning certain church holidays for economicreasons.
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Elsner, John. "Image and ritual: reflections on the religious appreciation of classical art." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 2 (December 1996): 515–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.2.515.
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It is a cliché that most Greek art (indeed most ancient art) was religious in function. Yet our histories of Classical art, having acknowledged this truism, systematically ignore the religious nuances and associations of images while focusing on diverse arthistorical issues from style and form, or patronage and production, to mimesis and aesthetics. In general, the emphasis on naturalism in classical art and its reception has tended to present it as divorced from what is perceived as the overwhelmingly religious nature of post-Constantinian Christian art. The insulation of Greek and Roman art from theological and ritual concerns has been colluded in by most historians of medieval images. Take for instance Ernst Kitzinger's monographic article entitled ‘The Cult of Images in the Age before Iconoclasm’. Despite its title and despite Kitzinger's willingness to situate Christian emperor worship in an antique context, this classic paper contains nothing on the Classical ancestry of magical images, palladia and miracle-working icons in Christian art. There has been the odd valiant exception (especially in recent years), but in general it is fair to say that the religiousness of antiquity's religious art is skirted by the art historians and left to the experts on religion.
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Świrgoń-Skok, Renata. "Subjective and Territorial Scope of confugium ad ecclesias, and Christian Ideas." Studia Prawnicze KUL, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sp.10614.
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Beginnings of asylum (asylum, ius asyli, confugium) in ancient Rome dates back to Romulus times. In subsequent periods of the development of the Roman state, the right of asylum was further developed and included in the norms of material and legal nature. In the Republic Period there were no comprehensive legal regulations regarding ius asyli, although temple asylum was known. It was only during the empire that legal regulation of asylum was in place and two of its forms were developed, confugium ad statuum (asylum, escape to the monument to the emperor) and confugium ad ecclesias (church asylum). That study focuses on answering the question of whether Christian ideas had an impact on the subjective and territorial scope confugium ad ecclesias. After the Edict of Milan in the year 313, Christianity, being able to worship publicly, began to influence the consciousness of the inhabitants of the empire. The Church was conceived as an institution protecting the weak, persecuted and those in need. The right of asylum was also enriched with some Christian elements, especially mercy (misericordia), in relation to individuals entitled to benefit from asylum protection. The territorial extent is also expanded to include places belonging to temples, such as the bishop’s house, cemetery and monasteries. An important novelty was the validity of confugium ad ecclesias in every Christian temple because it was not the emperor’s decision that was in force of ius asylum and the sanctity of the place. However, imperial constitutions played a more important role in shaping the right of asylum in the 4th and 5th centuries than the synodal legislation.
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Wolińska, Teresa, and Katarzyna Gucio. "Constantinopolitan Charioteers and Their Supporters." Studia Ceranea 1 (December 30, 2011): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.01.08.
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Support in sport is certainly one of the oldest human passions. Residents of the eastern Roman imperial capital cheered the chariot drivers The passion for supporting the drivers was common for all groups and social classes. The hippodrome was visited by the representatives of the aristocracy, artisans and the poor of the city alike. The popularity of chariot racing is evidenced by their frequency 66 days were reserved for circenses, that is racing. Organizing the competition along with all the accompanying events has been an essential task of circus factions (demes) In the empire, there were four factions named Blues, Greens, Whites and Reds. These factions were real sports associations, which can be compared to modern clubs. They had significant financial resources at their disposal. Each faction had their own racing team. They paid for and supported a number of drivers, runners, trainers of horses and wild animals, mimes, dancers, acrobats, poets, musicians and singers. They cared for their recruitment and training They also employed caretakers, messengers, artisans of various specialties, grooms, etc Expectations of subjects meant that emperors put great emphasis on the organization of shows and they were actively engaged in them themselves The preparation was personally supervised by the city prefect, and in the relations with the factions the emperor was represented by the praepositus sacri cubiculi. The latter managed the Hippodrome staff. Byzantine supporters, like their modern counterparts, had their idols. The object of their worship, and at the same time the elite among those working on the hippodrome, were charioteers. Outstanding competitors enjoyed immense popularity, just like modern stars of football or volleyball. They had monuments and stelae dedicated to them, as well as poems which praised their achievements. The ceiling in the gallery above the imperial kathisma featured images of famous drivers.
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Babii, Mykhailo. "Religious Tolerance, Freedom of Conscience, Freedom of Religion and Belief in the period of Establishment of Christianity." Religious Freedom, no. 24 (March 31, 2020): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2020.24.1783.
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The author examines the process of establishment of Christian understanding of freedom of conscience and freedom of religion and tolerance. In doing so, he draws on the achievements of the Greek and Greek-Roman traditions of interpreting freedom of conscience. The time of late antiquity accounts for the time of organizational establishment and strengthening of the new religion - Christianity. Describing this period, the author notes the presence of a variety of cults and sects in which foreign gods (in particular, Egyptian and Iranian) were worshiped. In this situation, individuals were free to choose their faith and satisfy their personal need for spiritual connection with God or gods. Against the background of the fall of the authority of ancient religions, the emergence and strengthening of the Emperor cult Christians seek recognition by the authorities, the equation of rights. After all, Christianity becomes a state religion. At this time, a new religious paradigm was emerging that could be a factor in the multi-ethnic, multi-tribal, or multilingual unity of the Roman Empire. The tendency of growing interest in monotheistic, in particular Jewish, religion became noticeable: the idea of one and all-pervading God was opposed to ancient polytheism.
The article reveals the peculiarities of the Christian understanding of freedom, which underlies the inner personal spiritual freedom bestowed by God. Christianity the first formulated the idea of freedom of religious conscience as freedom to choose religion. In addition to the individual dimension of freedom of conscience, Christianity has actualized the community's right to freedom of religion, freedom of outside religion, and worship. At the same time, it theoretically substantiated these rights and practically required its observance by the authorities.
The legitimacy of the affirmation of the principle of freedom of religious conscience is the Milan edict of 313, which opened the union of the Christian church and the state, as well as the constitutionalization of the Christian church as a state church. This provoked persecution on religious grounds and the struggle of different movements, both within Christianity and beyond, for the right to freedom of religion, the free expression of their religious beliefs.
Christianity significantly influenced the evolution of ideas about freedom of conscience, becoming the semantic nucleus of its modern understanding. However, early Christianity proved to be a force that, in the struggle for its claim, was repeatedly harassed, but also resorted to persecution of dissenters, showing intolerance to other worldviews and religions.
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Bralewski, Sławomir. "Boże zwycięstwo (ενθεοσ νικη) – „ideologia tryumfu” w "Historii kościelnej" Euzebiusza z Cezarei." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3567.
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“Ideology of victory” occupied a very important place in Ecclesiastical History by Eusebius of Caesarea. The victory which he described had a sacred dimension. It was God’s triumph in a war which mankind declared on God himself. Its turning point was the appearance of the Word of God, Wisdom, Jesus Christ, who taught people how to worship God the Father and who was given the power, the eternal reign of the everlasting kingdom. Together with his advent, according to Eusebius, a new Christian people came into being. Since it adopted the lifestyle and customs based on piety originating from the beginnings of mankind, it was not, in fact, a new nation. Christians fought a war against evil spirits, which were hostile to people and which hated God, my means of pure love. Christ, as God’s commander in chief, the Lord and the King, led this battle. Eusebius stated that He armed his army with piety and defeated the enemies completely. Victories achieved by Christians over the enemies of God, inspired by the evil spirit and dominated by hubris, had several dimensions: sacral-military, martyr’s and doctrinal. The first one corresponded to the Roman tradition and was connected with the choice of the divine patron, to whose power military victories were attributed. Emperor Constantine played a special role in it, as, on the one hand, he chose the Christian God to be his ally and, on the other hand, was himself chosen by God and became a God’s tool. Having defeated God’s enemies, the Emperor put an end to the war between God and mankind and eliminated all the hatred to Him from the world. From the perspective of martyrdom, Christians seemingly suffered a defeat, while their prosecutors saw the triumph of their own gods in the suffering and death of Christians. In fact, martyrs, under the sign of Christ, the great and undefeated athlete, triumphed giving their life for God, which was God’s victory. As a reward for their sacrifice they received the wonderful wreath of immortality. In the third, doctrinal dimension the truth preached by Christians triumphed over false teachings and predominated over them by virtue of their holiness and wisdom and divine and philosophical principles, on which it was based.
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Harland, Philip A. "Honours and worship: Emperors, imperial cults and associations at Ephesus (first to third centuries C.E.)." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 25, no. 3 (September 1996): 319–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842989602500306.
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Scholars have frequently underplayed the significance of the emperors within actual social and religious life in cities of the Roman empire and have portrayed imperial cults as predominantly political, lacking in religious dimensions. However, this view of imperial cults is misguided and acts as an obstacle to understanding the nature and significance of these cults at the local level. A fresh study of associations (local social-religious groups) in Ephesus helps to clarify the significance of emperors with respect to social, political and religious facets of life. There were two main interconnected ways in which emperors played a role in social and religious life within associations: in regard to networks of benefaction and with respect to cultic activities.
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Caseau, Béatrice. "LATE ANTIQUE PAGANISM: ADAPTATION UNDER DURESS." Late Antique Archaeology 7, no. 1 (2011): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000154.
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This paper examines the ways in which worshippers of the old gods adapted to the new world order of the 4th c. Roman empire, where emperors, through various pronouncements, consistently attacked elements of their religious infrastructure and rituals. This included forbidding divination sacrifices, temple funding, and eventually led to the temples’ definitive closure. This led to a privatisation of pagan worship and then to secrecy, a process difficult to detect in the archaeological record.
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Clark, Gillian. "Imperiumand the City of God: Augustine on Church and Empire." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 46–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.4.
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In early fifth-century Roman Africa, Augustine faced pagan opponents who thought that the Roman empire was at risk because Christian emperors banned the worship of its gods, and that Christian ethics were no way to run an empire. He also faced Christian opponents who held that theirs was the true Church, and that the Roman empire was the oppressive power of Babylon. For Augustine, Church and empire consist of people. Everyone belongs either to the heavenly city, the community of all who love God even to disregard of themselves, or to the earthly city, the community of all who love themselves even to disregard of God. The two cities are intermixed until the final judgement shows that some who share Christian sacraments belong to the earthly city, and some officers of empire belong to the heavenly city. Empire manifests the earthly city's desire to dominate, butimperium, the acknowledged right to give orders, is necessary to avoid permanent conflict. Empire, like everything else, is given or permitted by God, for purposes we do not know.
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Mancini, Alessio, and Tommaso Mari. "FIRE AND ITS ASIAN WORSHIPPERS: A NOTE ON FIRMICUS MATERNUS’DE ERRORE PROFANARVM RELIGIONVM5.1." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (October 12, 2017): 662–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000647.
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Persae et Magi omnes qui Persicae regionis incolunt fines ignem praeferunt et omnibus elementis ignem putant debere praeponi. (Firm. Mat.Err. prof. rel.5.1)The Persians and all the Magi who dwell in the confines of the Persian land give their preference to fire and think it ought to be ranked above all the other elements.Iulius Firmicus Maternus was a Latin writer who lived in the fourth centurya.d. In the 340s, following his conversion to Christianity, he wrote theDe errore profanarum religionum, which has been preserved only in the tenth-century manuscript Vaticanus Palatinus Latinus 165. In this work he argues against the pagan cults, calling for the emperors to suppress them. The first sections are dedicated to the pagan worship of the natural elements: objects of a cult are water among the Egyptians, earth among the Phrygians, air among the Assyrians. The chapter we are dealing with, the fifth, is dedicated to fire, a central element of the Zoroastrian religion. Greek and Roman writers, pagans and Christians alike, were aware of this, and references to some sort of fire-cult among Persians are numerous in literature and are found as early as Herodotus (1.131, 3.16). Just like Firmicus Maternus, some authors also state that the Magi worship fire as a god or divine element and that they conduct fire-related rituals. In Greek and Latin authors there is a view that the Magi, these specialists of the rituals of the Persian religion, were originally a Median tribe. As shown by the passages of Ammianus and Basil, such knowledge was also available to Firmicus Maternus’ contemporaries, and there do not appear to be particular differences in the way in which Greek and Latin authors viewed the Magi in Achaemenid and Sassanid times. Regrettably, one cannot know for certain which of these sources Firmicus Maternus knew.
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"Emperor worship and Roman religion." Choice Reviews Online 40, no. 10 (June 1, 2003): 40–5950. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.40-5950.
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Gradel, Ittai. "Kejserkult i den romerske husstand." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, no. 16 (July 20, 1990). http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i16.5364.
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A recurrent statement in scholarship on the Roman imperial cult has been that the phenomenon was but a political expression of loyalty towards the emperor, involving little “truly religious” sentiment for the worshippers. According to this argument, the cult was almost exclusively a public phenomenon. Private emperor worship has received surprisingly little attention from scholarship, but even in the unequivocally private sphere of the Roman household (in Italy), the cult of the living emperor seems to have been widespread during early imperial times. Although the difficult nature of the source material for private emperor worship calls for caution, this conclusion forms a basis for rejecting the traditional interpretation of the imperial cult as reductionist and Christianizing.
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Gradel, Ittai. "De moribus persecutorum." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, no. 22 (July 14, 1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i22.5317.
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Om baggrunden for de romerske kristenforfølgelserGeneral remarks are presented on the subject of traditional Roman cults, and it is e.g. argued that the term "religion" is christianizing, and therefore usually leads to misunderstanding when applied to these cults, most clearly so in the field of emperor worship. This is symptomatic of the numerous methodological pitfalls involved in studying this phenomenon n particular and pagan Roman mentality in general. The conflict of the Roman state with Christianity is then dealt with and interpreted in the light of such traditionalist values as pietas and religio; it is argued that the all-decisive factors in Roman hostility towards Christians were not only the sect's exclusiveness but simply its novelty, which was in itself an abhorrence to traditionalist Roman mentality. On the basis of this interpretation, the edict of the emperor Decius demanding sacrifices to the gods appears difficult to explain in terms of traditional pagan piety; instead the edict is believed to have been aimed at Christianity from the very beginning.
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du Toit, Sean. "Practising Idolatry in 1 Peter." Journal for the Study of the New Testament, November 27, 2020, 0142064X2097389. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x20973894.
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Did some early Christian groups worship the emperor or other Graeco-Roman gods? In his essay ‘Going All the Way? Honouring the Emperor and Sacrificing Wives and Slaves in 1 Peter 2.13-3.6’, Warren Carter has proposed a provocative reading of 1 Pet. 2.13–3.6, arguing that this author exhorts the audience to participate in cultic sacrifices to the emperor as part of a strategy to overcome the social-prejudice currently faced by the audience. In this article I offer an analysis of Carter’s position, as well as offer a detailed response to his argument. I begin by responding to his suggestions regarding Paul, the Apocalypse of John and the Governor Pliny. This is followed by a detailed look at two specific strands of evidence in 1 Pet. 1.18 and 4.3 and the audience’s experience of suffering, which indicate that Carter’s thesis is mistaken.