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Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Emperor'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2025

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1

Noreña, Carlos F. "The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues." Journal of Roman Studies 91 (November 2001): 146–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184774.

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The Roman emperor served a number of functions within the Roman state. The emperor's public image reflected this diversity. Triumphal processions and imposing state monuments such as Trajan's Column or the Arch of Septimius Severus celebrated the military exploits and martial glory of the emperor. Distributions of grain and coin, public buildings, and spectacle entertainments in the city of Rome all advertised the emperor's patronage of the urban plebs, while imperial rescripts posted in every corner of the Empire stood as so many witnesses to the emperor's conscientious administration of law

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Corke-Webster, James. "Roman history." Greece and Rome 70, no. 2 (2023): 328–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383523000128.

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The figure of the Roman emperor – ubiquitous yet ever-elusive – remains the flame to which Roman historians are ever drawn. And Fergus Millar's The Emperor in the Roman World remains the yardstick against which all subsequent efforts are judged, and with which they are all inevitably in dialogue. That is true too of Caesar Rules, the major new offering from Olivier Hekster, a one-time doctoral student of Millar's, and now one of the leading contenders for his crown. Hekster's core interest is what the emperor was; in particular, how this institution could survive and adapt to changing circumst

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Ramesh, Darshan Srirangachar, Sam Heijnen, Olivier Hekster, Luuk Spreeuwers, and Wit Florens de. "Facial recognition as a tool to identify Roman emperors: towards a new methodology." Humanities and Social Sciences Communications 9, no. 78 (2022): 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-022-01090-y.

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Portraits of Roman emperors are traditionally recognised by their unique coiffure patterns, a method that runs the risk of ignoring portraits that do not cohere to the standardised image of the emperor. This article investigates whether it is possible to recognise and distinguish emperors using the facial features of their portraits. By using a technique called transfer learning, it utilises existing deep-learning facial recognition models, augmented with images of Roman imperial portraits, to provide a new empirical foothold in the debate of Roman emperor recognition. The results of the exper

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Mlađenović, Marijana. "TRI KONSTANTINOVA GRADA." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.033m.

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Nis (Naissus), Nicomedia (Nicomedeia) and Byzantium (Byzantium) or the later Constantinople (Constantinoupolis) are connected not so much by centuries of Roman rule over them, by the fact that they were independent important urban centers in the Empire, but, as we can assume, on the basis of narrative and documentary sources, at the same time, had a special place in the life of one of the most important figures and rulers of the Roman Empire, the emperor who put the new religion, Christianity, on the same level with other religions in the Empire, Emperor Constantine (306-337). At important mom

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Yang, Ziyi. "Exploring the Reasons the Emperor Julian Failed in the War with the Eastern Country." BCP Education & Psychology 6 (August 25, 2022): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v6i.1770.

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The paper does research on the emperor Julian, who is one of the most famous emperors in the late period of the Roman Empire. In the common sense, the late period of the Roman Empire was not as strong as before, which meant the Roman Empire started to collapse. The paper aims to find out what caused the emperor Julian to fail in the war, and this could also be a part of “Why the Roman Empire started to collapse”. This paper selected 18 books and papers to analyze this question, and it found the reasons could be concluded from the political, military and economic factors.

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Deretić, Nataša. "Abuse and privatisation of state powers in later periods of ancient Rome as a cause of the Roman empire's demise." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 56, no. 1 (2022): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns56-34141.

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This paper continues the story about political corruption in the Roman Empire. Towards the end of the Principate, and the beginning of the dominate, the form of rule was changed; at first the principles and then the emperors became absolute or despotic rulers. History offers an array of examples from this period that testify to the conduct of corrupt, cruel rulers whose "lack of restraint finally led to the fall of the Roman Empire". The emperor became the sole and exclusive ruler of the entire state: he was the legislator, chief of executive power, supreme judge, and commander-in-chief. In te

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TUORI, KAIUS. "GREEK TYRANNY AND ROMAN EMPERORS DURING THE SEVERAN PERIOD: A CASE STUDY OF P. COL. 123 AND SEG XVII 759." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 55, no. 2 (2012): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2012.00046.x.

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Abstract Greek and Hellenistic models were central to the formulation of the position and capabilities in law of the Roman Emperor during the Principate. The purpose of this article is to argue that the ideological response to Greek tyranny by Roman authors and the impact of the narrative tradition on tyrants both influenced what the Emperors could do and what was expected of them. Through the narrative tradition which existed on tyranny in the ancient world, Roman Emperors were presented with modes of behaviour on how the interplay and the relationship between the ruler and the ruled took pla

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Kozłowski, Jakub, and Krzysztof Królczyk. "Aspekty polityczne i militarne „roku czterech cesarzy” (68-69 r. po Chr.). Część 1: do śmierci Galby." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 11 (January 1, 2015): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.11.2.

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The Year of the Four Emperors, as the period of civil wars in Rome after Nero’s death is often called, was the first major shake-up which affected the Roman state since a new system of rule, referred to as the Principate, had been established by Augustus. Following the imperial proclamation of Servius Sulpicius Galba, the governor of Spain (June 8th, 68) and the suicide of Nero (June 9th), the Roman state plunged into a profound political crisis. This was because the new emperor found no support either in the City itself, or among the soldiers of legions stationed on the Empire’s frontiers. On

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Ketchum, Matthew James. "Haunting Empty Tombs: Specters of the Emperor and Jesus in the Gospel of Mark." Biblical Interpretation 26, no. 2 (2018): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-00262p05.

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This paper employs theories of spectrality and haunting to read the Gospel of Mark alongside textual and archaeological materials representing the Roman emperor. I argue that the relationships between the figures of Jesus and the emperor are both more subtle and complex than is typically seen by empire-critical scholarship. I show how both the Roman emperor and the Gospel of Mark’s Jesus are constructed in undecidable negotiations of life and death, absence and presence, and past, present, and future. Scenes like Jesus walking on water, the transfiguration, and the empty tomb display the spect

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Wickman, Eric. "Shaping Church-State Relations After Constantine: The Political Theology of Hilary of Poitiers." Church History 86, no. 2 (2017): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000543.

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Writing in the half-century after the “conversion” of Constantine, Bishop Hilary of Poitiers wrote two works regarding Emperor Constantius II. The first,Ad Constantium, is a polite and formal letter, seeking an audience with the emperor. The second,In Constantium, is a harangue against the emperor. Some scholars have proposed that the difference in tone between these two documents indicates that Hilary had come to advocate for the emperor to be completely uninvolved in the affairs of the Church. Closer analysis reveals that Hilary always endorsed a position in which the emperor should be invol

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Sáez Geoffroy, Andrés. "Cómodo y una decisión estratégica: el fin de la expeditio Germanica en 180." Nova Tellus 38, no. 1 (2020): 141–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2020.38.1.0007.

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Commodus has been considered as a profligate emperor who threw over all the Golden Age achievements during the Antonine dinasty. In this article we will try to analyze one of the first decisions that the young emperor had to make, whether to continue or quit the campaigns commanded by Marcus Aurelius. Throughout this work we shall support the idea that strategic and military decisions of Commodus were rational regarding the Roman military thought of the Second Century, so we will contribute to Historiographical debate with a new vision of Commodus and of how Roman emperors made their decisions

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Łuć, Ireneusz. "Wojskowe monety Nerona. Typy adlocvt coh i decvrsio." Vox Patrum 67 (December 16, 2018): 361–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3404.

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The main recipients of the ADLOCVT COH and DECVRSIO sesterces were Roman soldiers. As part of the pay and occasional cash prizes, these coins were offered not only to the Praetorians or the soldiers of cohors Germanorum, but also to the legionnaires, the soldiers of the Auxilia and those who served in the fleet. Money played a vital role in the communication between the emperor and milites Romani. It was through the use of certain types of ideas and slogans that the ruler created his own image, e.g. as a trained horseman and a competent commander (vide DECVRSIO). In turn, by publicizing the fa

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Snežana, Filipova. "Notes About the Commemoration of the Powerful Menin the Medieval Art in Macedonia." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p68-73.

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Rulers’ portraits as symbols of the institution of monarchy were used on coins, legal acts and seals, as a guarantee of authenticity and legal effectiveness. They are usually the highest category of propaganda images. Each civilization has the praxis of representing to a certain extent real or “beatified” image or portrait of the emperor. By adding various symbols of power, like crowns, caps, beard, throne, supendium, chariot, and number of the animals driving it, we are directly observing the image of the most powerful representatives of people, nations, states, empires, era, usually blessed

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Snežana, Filipova. "Notes About the Commemoration of the Powerful Menin the Medieval Art in Macedonia." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i1.p68-73.

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Rulers’ portraits as symbols of the institution of monarchy were used on coins, legal acts and seals, as a guarantee of authenticity and legal effectiveness. They are usually the highest category of propaganda images. Each civilization has the praxis of representing to a certain extent real or “beatified” image or portrait of the emperor. By adding various symbols of power, like crowns, caps, beard, throne, supendium, chariot, and number of the animals driving it, we are directly observing the image of the most powerful representatives of people, nations, states, empires, era, usually blessed

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Vukadinović, Snežana, and Ognjen Tošović. "Avidius Cassius in ancient sources." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, no. 2 (2023): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2302009v.

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The rule of the Antonine dynasty is depicted by Romans and some modern historians as the golden age of the Roman Empire. The internal harmony during the reign of the first five emperors of that dynasty was disturbed only by the short-lived rebellion of Avidius Cassius, which occurred during the power of the philosopher-emperor Marcus Aurelius. The sources that describe Cassius' rebellion and that give us the most essential information about his life interpreted the rebellion as a coincidence and a misunderstanding, without trying to fathom the deeper socio-political circumstances that could ha

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Kovács, Péter. "Emperor Avitus in Pannonia?" Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 71, no. 2 (2020): 661–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/072.2020.00019.

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In his paper the author examines the sources of the supposed Western Roman military expedition of Emperor Avitus in Pannonia in 455 that was thought to be the last Roman military action in the territory of the former Roman province. Analizing the sources, he comes to the conclusion that during his short reign, Avitus had no time to visit the province and his route (iter) mentioned by Sidonius Apollinaris must be identified with his journey from Arelate to Rome. The Roman military action in Pannonia can probably be identified with a short demonstrative campaign in the SW region of the dioecesis

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Warmind, Morten. "The Cult of the Roman Emperor before and after Christianity." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 15 (January 1, 1993): 211–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67213.

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This paper is concerned with a complete set of rituals and certain connected ideas, namely the Roman emperor-cult, that had survived the change of religion from Roman religion to Christianity. The rituals endure, even while their mythological basis is perishing. The emperor-cult includes the rituals and symbols which surround the Roman emperor and clearly demonstrate that he is more than an ordinary human.

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Stănese, Radu. "The Pelvic Golden Ratio in the Nude Portraits of Roman Emperors." SAECULUM 57, no. 1 (2024): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/saec-2024-0007.

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Abstract In contrast to the bodily shame that Romans inherited from the Etruscans, the emperors displayed naked in sculptures to enshrine their divine status. What factors determined that, for four centuries, this paradigm prevailed in the life of ancient Rome despite the transgression of morals? The theomorphic nude fulfilled functions of a divine „costume” which the emperor wore before his people to win their trust and loyalty. The supreme nude portrait was clothed in conventional meanings, which belong to a visual language specific to the Greco-Roman world. Anthropometric measurements confi

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Kolbeck, Ben. "Read it in Rome: Miracles, Documents, and an Empire of Knowledge in Justin Martyr’s First Apology ." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 28, no. 1 (2024): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2024-0002.

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Abstract Roman ruling ideology stressed imperial control of knowledge, as well as of material and people. A range of evidence from across the empire suggests that these knowledge claims were commonly accepted, and often mobilised, by ruled communities. In his First Apology, written in Rome in the 150s and addressed to the Roman emperor, Justin Martyr leverages these ideals for his own knowledge claims concerning the life of Jesus and his fulfilment of Hebrew Bible prophecies. It has already been recognised that Justin engages with the machinery of empire through packaging his Apology as a peti

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Headley, John M. "“Ehe Türckisch als Bäpstisch”: Lutheran Reflections on the Problem of Empire, 1623–28." Central European History 20, no. 1 (1987): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011547.

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No question today … either among learned men is more discussed or among the highest princes of the Christian world is more controversial than that of monarchy.…” Few persons in early seventeenth-century Europe could have spoken with greater authority on the matter of emperor and empire than that archival miner and assembler of political texts, Melchior Goldast. In his dedicatory letter to the Archbishop of Bremen the political publicist proceeded to accuse the Papacy, more wolf than pastor, of having intruded upon both church and secular authority, arrogating to its own monarchy the supreme Sa

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Walker, Susan. "Emperors and Deities in Rural Britain: A Copper-Alloy Head of Marcus Aurelius from Steane, near Brackley (Northants.)." Britannia 45 (June 20, 2014): 223–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x14000300.

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AbstractA half-life-sized copper-alloy head of a bearded man was published in the Portable Antiquities Scheme's report of finds from Roman Britain in 2009.1 The head was purchased by the Ashmolean Museum in 2011. In this paper evidence for the identification of the subject as a portrait of the emperor Marcus Aurelius is reviewed by comparison with metropolitan and other certainly identified heads of deities and portraits of the emperor. The technique and likely function of the head are compared with those of similarly worked Roman copper-alloy heads of emperors and deities found in South-East

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Veyne, Paul. "What was a Roman Emperor? Emperor, Therefore a God." Diogenes 50, no. 3 (2003): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03921921030503001.

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Vedeshkin, Mikhail. "FROM ‘GREEKLING’ TO ‘THUNDERBOLT’: THE MANY NICKNAMES OF EMPEROR JULIAN." Odysseus. Man in History 29, no. 1 (2021): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/1607-6184-2021-29-1-177-200.

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The article discusses the nicknames of Emperor Julian. An analysis of the onomastic tradition makes it possible not only to assess the perception of certain aspects of the emperor's activities by various layers of late Roman society at different stages of his political career, but also to trace the metamorphoses of the image of the last open pagan on the throne of the Roman Empire in the later tradition.

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May, David M. "Counting Kings (Revelation 17:10): A novel approach from Roman imperial coinage." Review & Expositor 114, no. 2 (2017): 239–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637317701091.

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The identity of the seven kings in Revelation 17:9–10 has been a point of contention and confusion. The issue revolves around where to begin the count of Roman emperors who would correspond with the unnamed kings in Revelation. This article utilizes a special series of Roman imperial coins (called restoration coins) as evidence to identify the seven kings. The evidence suggests that the five kings “who have fallen” are the past emperors Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius, Galba, and Vespasian. The “one who is” represents the current emperor Titus, and the other “who has not yet come” is the anticipa

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Lysenko, Aleksandr V., and Vyacheslav V. Masyakin. "A Roman Figured Weight from the Sanctuary of Eklizi-Burun (Southern Crimea)." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 26, no. 1 (2020): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341359.

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Abstract This article is the publication of a suspended moveable weight for fast scales wrought in the shape of the bust of a Roman emperor which was found within the sanctuary of Eklizi-Burun. The cult place dates from between the Early Roman to the Late Medieval Period. The item is of good quality and well preserved. The depiction of the emperor has a combination of features which permit identification with Tiberius Claudius Nero (AD 14-37). It is an example of the Chiaramonti type distributed in the last decade of Tiberius’ rule and also reproduced after the Emperor’s death. After bringing

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Kreitzer, Larry. "Apotheosis of the Roman Emperor." Biblical Archaeologist 53, no. 4 (1990): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210166.

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Balbuza, Katarzyna. "Aeternus Augustus in der Titulatur der römischen Kaiser im Späten 3. Und im 4. jh." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 16 (December 15, 2017): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2017.16.7.

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The article is concerned with the title aeternus Augustus and its position in Roman imperial titulature at the end of the third and during the fourth century A.D. Modern authors tend to rate this title among the so-called unofficial imperial titulature, mainly due to the fact that it served to admire the emperor. The paper discusses forms and methods of addressing the emperor who was determined by the appellation aeternus Augustus. The analysis of these enables to appoint, out of the emperors of the discussed period, those few who were officially specified as aeterni.

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Rabello, Alfredo Mordechai. "Civil Jewish Jurisdiction in the Days of Emperor Justinian (527–565): Codex Justinianus 1.9.8." Israel Law Review 33, no. 1 (1999): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700015892.

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The extent to which the Roman government which had conquered the Land of Israel (Palaestina) as well as large areas outside of it (collectively termed the Roman Empire) permitted Jewish courts to rule in matters regarding Jews is a question which has attracted relatively little attention. In his fundamental book Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain the renowned scholar Jean Juster sums up the situation of the Jewish judiciary as such: “After the fall of Jerusalem, the Jews continued to bring their cases not only before Jewish judges (whom it was possible to define as arbiters) but even before actual

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Kozieł, Andrzej. "Hubert Goltzius’s Lebendige Bilder Gar Nach Aller Keysern, Emperor Maximilian II, and Renaissance Cycles of Fresco Portraits of Emperors in Palaces in Silesia." Arts 13, no. 6 (2024): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts13060172.

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At the beginning of the 21st century, there were sensational discoveries in two palaces located in Ciechanowice and Struga in Silesia (Poland). During their renovations, Renaissance fresco cycles of portraits of emperors from the Roman, medieval, and early modern times appeared under the layer of plaster in the representative dining rooms (27 in the palace in Struga and about 50 in the palace in Ciechanowice). They were painted in the 1580s (in Ciechanowice, the date is 1588) by the same unknown artist. This article is the first to attempt to establish the most important facts related to the c

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Kurysheva, Marina. "An Unpublished Minor Byzantine Chronicle “From Caesar to Michael VIII Palaiologos” (From Manuscript Paris. gr. 1788 of the Early 14th Century)." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-1 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028463-8.

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The article gives the description and analysis of an anonymous small Byzantine chronicle from the manuscript Paris. gr. 1788 of the early 14th century. This chronicle covers the period from the reign of the Roman emperor Gaius Julius Caesar to the Roman emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos. It covers the events from 48 B. C. to 11 December 1282 A. D. This time span is conditioned by the idea of the continuous existence of the Roman state from its first emperor up to the iconic figure of the founder of the Palaiologan dynasty and the restorer of the Roman Empire. The chronicle was created shortly a

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Konopatkin, Vladislav A. "The Image of Victory and Representation of the Power of Roman Emperors in the 5th Century." Herald of Omsk University Series Historical Studies 11, no. 4 (44) (2024): 7. https://doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2024.11(4).7-12.

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The Roman emperor was traditionally presented as the victor. In this regard, he was always accompanied by the image of Victoria. However, in the fifth century, the role of the emperors underwent a transformation, acquiring a more secular and ecclesiastical character. Augustus, for instance, no longer resided at the location of the army, with the command being assumed by the magistri militum. Instead, the emperor only appeared in the capital as a pious monarch, devoting his time to prayer. Nevertheless, in popular art produced outside the capital cities, Augustus was depicted as the eternal vic

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Angelova, Diliana. "Constantine’s Radiate Statue and the Founding of Constantinople." Studies in Late Antiquity 5, no. 3 (2021): 292–360. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.3.292.

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This essay challenges the idea that Constantine’s radiate statue on his Constantinopolitan column assimilated the Christian emperor to the pagan deity Apollo Sol, the Radiant Sun. Iconographic analysis of Roman coinage allows us to understand the imperial crown of rays as an attribute of Divus Augustus, Augustus the God. I argue that from Nero through Constantine, the last Roman emperor to use the corona radiata in his portraiture, the radiate crown signified the theomorphic assimilation of the reigning emperor to Divus Augustus. Every man who wore it claimed to be “the Divine Augustus of the

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White, Roger H. "‘Cofiwn i Facsen Wledig/We remember Macsen the Emperor': Frontiers, Romans, and Welsh Identity." Offa's Dyke Journal 5 (June 27, 2023): 93. https://doi.org/10.23914/odj.v5i0.7731.

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Taking as its starting point the commonly held public perspective that Wales was largely unconquered by the Romans and was indeed a focus of resistance to Roman rule, this article argues from the archaeology to demonstrate that such perceptions are misleading. Archaeological evidence demonstrates Rome certainly conquered and held Wales throughout its occupation of Britain. Furthermore, its hold on Wales was so firmly established by the second century that Rome’s identity was fully stamped upon the territory and was maintained by the peoples of Wales after the end of Roman rule. The degree to w

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Jurewicz, Aldona Rita, and Konrad Tomasz Tadajczyk. "‘EDICTUM CLAUDII DE CIVITATE VOLUBILITANORUM’." Zeszyty Prawnicze 13, no. 2 (2016): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2013.13.2.03.

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‘EDICTUM CLAUDII DE CIVITATE VOLUBILITANORUM’Summary‘Edictum Claudii de civitate Volubilitanorum’ is an inscription placed on the pediment of the statue dedicated to Marcus Valerius Severus, son of Bostar. He was the commander of the auxiliary units during the war against Aedemon. The statue was set up by Valerius’s wife Fabia Bira. The inscription contains enumeration of the privileges having been granted by Claudius to the inhabitants of Volubilis. This bestowal of rights appears to have been the emperor’s acknowledgment of the assistance the inhabitants of Volubilis rendered the Romans agai

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Sáry, Pál. "Az uralkodói hatalom korlátai az ókeresztény szerzők műveiben." DÍKÉ 9, no. 2 (2025): 169–85. https://doi.org/10.15170/dike.2025.09.02.11.

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Christians have never considered the power of the ruler to be unlimited. According to Christian views formulated in antiquity, the emperor was obliged to observe revealed divine laws, the rules of natural law, the positive laws of the state, and the rules of canon law. According to the Christian view, which coincides with the Jewish position, the ruler could not claim to be worshipped as a god by his subjects. Christians also adopted the doctrines of natural law from Greco-Roman philosophy, according to which the ruler was obliged to judge fairly and make just laws. Apologists (especially Tert

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Mekhamadiev, Evgeniy. "A Military Unit of the Celtae (the Celts) and Some Peculiarities of Late Roman Military Titles in the 4th C. AD." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2019): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.14.

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Introduction. The Late Roman administration used to practice many ways of interrelations with the Barbarian tribes, but modern scholarship tended and tends to pay main attention to external perspectives of interrelations, i.e. issues of barbaric invasions and methods of their accomodation within the Roman territory. In contrast, modern scholarship pays little attention to internal perspectives of interrelations, and partly, to one of the point of internal interrelations, which is strictly under consideration in this paper. This point is a meaning of official titles, which Roman administration

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Horváth, Illés. "The Role of Trial by Poison in the Representation of the Power of the Luxembourg Dynasty." Specimina Nova Pars Prima Sectio Medaevalis 9 (May 4, 2022): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/spmnnv.2017.09.07.

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The paper uncovers the role of trial by poison in the representation of the power of the Luxembourg dynasty. After the death of Emperor Henry VII, the contemporaneous sources reported poisoning a few days after the Emperor had passed away, with a great outrage. In my study, I intend to explore how the death of Henry VII affected the dynastic memory and the representation of the family. Furthermore, I also intend to focus on how Holy Roman Emperors Charles IV and Sigismund of Luxembourg reflected on the attempts on their lives and what was the role of trials by poison in their representation of

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Zázik, Martin, and Miroslava Daňová. "The Food of the Gods in the Empire of Man. Mushrooms and their use in everyday life and medicine in classical antiquity." Dějiny věd a techniky 55, no. 1-2 (2022): 78–98. https://doi.org/10.70391/7e6.1-2.d.

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The Food of the Gods in the Empire of Man. Mushrooms and their use in everyday life and medicine in classical antiquity In antiquity, references to a very specific type of food began to appear for the first time in literary works. This food had already been noticed by the Greeks, who remained very skeptical about its consumption. The Romans, on the contrary, highly valued it. It became very popular, especially with the wealthy class of Roman society. This food changed history at least once – when it became the tool for the murder of Emperor Claudius. And while Emperor Tiberius paid 200,000 ses

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Gudkov, N. A. "Representation of the Legitimacy of Imperial Power in the Roman Empire." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 5(133) (December 9, 2023): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2023)5-07.

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This article is devoted to the analysis of ideas about the legitimacy of imperial power in the Roman Empire. Particular attention is paid to the understanding of legitimacy in the imperial period of Roman history and, in particular, Late Antiquity. The conclusion is made about the "broad" and somewhat "blurred" idea of the legitimacy of the imperial power in the Roman Empire, about the discrepancy between the modern term "legitimacy" and the ancient understanding. The elements and components of legitimacy, its main sources, institutions and ways of giving legitimacy to the new emperor who asce

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BRAAKENBURG-VAN BREUKELEN, A. "Greek Gods and a Roman Emperor." BABESCH - Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 79 (January 1, 2004): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bab.79.0.504739.

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Corcoran, Simon. "Maxentius: a Roman emperor in Rome." Antiquité Tardive 25 (January 2017): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.114850.

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Asante, Molefi Kete, and Shaza Ismail. "Interrogating the African Roman Emperor Caracalla." Journal of Black Studies 47, no. 1 (2015): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934715611376.

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Zaitseva, Еvgeniya S. "Social Status of Roman Senators According to the Theodosian Code: Legislation and Reality." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, no. 3 (2022): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.3.053.

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In 438, at the initiative of Emperor Theodosius II, one of the most significant legislative collections of the late Roman Empire, the Codex Theodosianus (Eng. Theodosian Code), was published, which is a valuable source on the social history of the Roman state in Late Antiquity. Based on the data of the Codex Theodosianus and Novellae of Emperors, the author of the article reconstructs the most important components of the social status of Roman senators of the fourth century BC. It is revealed that in the view of the emperor and the compilers of the Theodosian Code, the senatorial aristocracy w

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Kulikova, Yulia V. "The Cult of Sol and the religious reform of the Emperor Aurelanus." LOCUS people society cultures meaning 11, no. 3 (2020): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-11-3-11-27.

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In 274 AD, Emperor Aurelanus carried out a religious reform, the aim of which was the ideological unity of the Roman Empire. At the head of an official religious worship was put the cult of Sol Invictus that personified the power of the Roman Emperor. The transformation of the ancient cult of Sol into the official cult of the Emperor Aurelanus took place through a long syncretism, starting with the imperial cult, as well as the unification of Sol, which became Sol Invictus, with the cult of Mithra. The reform of Emperor Aurelanus had to consolidate the unity of the restored empire at the relig

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Jurkowski, Marek. "Place names commemorating Hadrian – an attempt to approximate the scale of the phenomenon." Echa Przeszłości, no. XXIV/1 (August 29, 2023): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/ep.9294.

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According to Historia Augusta (Vita Hadriani 20, 4), many cities in the Roman Empire were named Hadrianopolis after the emperor Hadrian. The aim of this article is to approximate the number of places named after Hadrian not only Hadrianopoleis mentioned. Cities were named after Roman emperors to commemorate the rulers’ role as the founders or benefactors of localities. This practice deserves special attention. The extent to which Hadrian had been commemorated in place names has not been researched extensively to date, but the approximate number of cities and towns named or possibly named after

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Jong, Janneke de. "More than words: imperial discourse in Greek papyri." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 25, no. 1 (2014): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2014.1827.

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This paper discusses how Roman imperial discourse is encountered in Greek papyri. The term “ discourse” covers several levels of meaning, ranging from a simple conversation to a set of programmatic or ideological statements. This latter sense is relevant for imperial selfpresentation : through images and words Roman emperors communicated their qualities, which served as an ideological basis for their power position, in order to be accepted as the right man for the job by different groups of subjects. How, then, are Roman emperors present in Greek papyri ? And how can Greek papyri be used for t

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Meyer-Zwiffelhoffer, Eckhard. "Omnia in melius reformantur: Handelten römische Kaiser zukunftsorientiert?" Millennium 17, no. 1 (2020): 55–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0004.

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AbstractThe paper seeks to examine whether Roman emperors legitimized their political actions with a view towards the future achievement of social and political order. The heuristic point of departure is Koselleck’s concept of ‚futures past‘ (vergangene Zukunft) which has been widely discussed in early modern and medieval research while its applicability to prechristian antiquity is still unexplored. The example of the so-called reforms of Augustus and Diocletian reveals that even in response to severe crises in the Roman Empire the emperors did not command any ideas of order in alternative to

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Pigoński, Łukasz. "Polityka zachodnia cesarza Marcjana (450-457). Problem huński i jego wpływ na relacje między Cesarstwem Wschodnim a Zachodnim." Vox Patrum 66 (December 15, 2018): 383–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3466.

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The reign of Emperor Marcian came at the turning point in the history of the Late Roman Empire. The Empire struggled against the Hun and Vandal menace and an internal political crisis. The Western policy of Theodosius II, who attempted to keep a close relationship between both parts of the Empire, turned out to be a failure, and led to numerous defeats against barbarians. After his death, the military faction, opposed to his policies, chose its own candidate, Marcian, a former officer in service of a powerful general Aspar. The Emperor conceived a new line of Western policy, especially oppos

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Shchavelev, Aleksey. "On One Byzantine Rhetorical Gambit to Disavow Diplomatic Precedent (Const. Porph. Dai. 13.145–194 & Liud. Relatio. 55)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (January 2020): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.11.

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Introduction. The article aims to compare two texts concerning byzantine diplomatic practices of the mid 10th century. The first one is described in the 13th chapter of the treatise “De Administrando Imperio”, in which its author Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus gave some pieces of advice to his son Romanus II Porphyrogenitus how to line up rhetorical manipulation during the negotiations with ambassadors of different ‘barbarian’ nations. The second one is the description of conversation, which took place on September 17, 968 between emperor Otto I the Great’s ambassador bishop Liudprand of Crem

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Пашков, Віктор. "ПАТРОН-КЛІЄНТЕЛІЗМ У ЗОВНІШНІЙ ПОЛІТИЦІ СТАРОДАВНЬОГО РИМУ". Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, № 2 (19) (2 вересня 2024): 211–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2024-02-211-225.

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The article analyses the emergence and development of the use of patronage in the foreign policy practice of ancient Rome. It argues that the geopolitical space of the Roman Republic and later the Empire (Pax Romana) was not limited to its borders, but also included ‘friendly kingdoms’ that recognised Rome’s suzerainty and coordinated their foreign policy with it. The client kingdoms, though formally independent and allied to the Romans, were in reality heavily dependent on them politically, militarily and economically, and this dependence gradually increased. The emergence of the ‘friendly ki

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